Amicus Curiae Brief — Joseph R. Biden, President of the United States, et al., Petitioners v. Nebraska, et al.
Supreme Court briefNov 23, 2022
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No. 22A444
______________________________________________________________________________
In the Supreme Court of the United States
JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
ET AL.,
Applicants,
v.
STATE OF NEBRASKA ET AL.,
Respondents.
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE AMERICANS FOR PROSPERITY
FOUNDATION IN OPPOSITION TO APPLICATION TO VACATE THE
INJUNCTION ENTERED BY THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT
Michael Pepson
Counsel of Record
Casey Mattox
Cynthia Fleming Crawford
AMERICANS FOR PROSPERITY FOUNDATION
1310 N. Courthouse Road, Ste. 700
Arlington, VA 22201
571.329.4529
mpepson@afphq.org
November 23, 2022
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................ i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .......................................................................................... ii
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE .............................................................................. 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ....................................................................................... 2
ARGUMENT................................................................................................................... 3
I.
The Department Must Respect the Separation of Powers .............................. 3
II. The Department Has Usurped Congress’s Exclusive Legislative Power ...... 6
A. The Major Questions Threshold Inquiry ........................................................ 6
B. The Department’s Mass Student Debt Cancellation Triggers the Major
Questions Doctrine ........................................................................................... 7
1. The Department Attempted to Decide Matters of Great Political
Importance ........................................................................................................ 7
2. The Mass Student Debt Cancellation Has Vast Economic Significance ..... 11
C. The Department’s Blanket Loan Forgiveness Scheme Fails the Major
Questions Doctrine’s Clear Statement Requirement .................................... 12
1. The HEROES Act’s Place in the Overall Statutory Scheme ........................ 13
2. Age and Focus of the Act in Relation to Mass Debt Cancellation ................ 16
3. The Department’s Past Interpretations of the HEROES Act....................... 17
4. Mismatch Between the Mass Student Debt Cancellation and the
Department of Education’s Congressionally Assigned Mission ................... 19
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 20
i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Cases
Ala. Ass’n of Realtors v. HHS,
141 S. Ct. 2485 (2021) ................................................................................... 10, 11, 19
Brown v. United States Dep’t of Educ.,
No. 4:22-cv-0908-P, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 205875 (N.D. Tex. 2022) .......... 6, 7, 13
Cmty. Fin. Servs. Ass’n of Am. V. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau,
51 F.4th 616 (5th Cir. 2022) ......................................................................................19
Doe v. Mills,
142 S. Ct. 17 (2021) ....................................................................................................18
Food & Drug Admin. V. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp.,
529 U.S. 120 (2000) ......................................................................................... 4, 13, 16
FTC v. Bunte Brothers, Inc.,
312 U.S. 349 (1941) ....................................................................................................18
Gonzales v. Oregon,
546 U.S. 243 (2006) ......................................................................................................6
King v. Burwell,
576 U.S. 473 (2015) ....................................................................................................20
La. Pub. Serv. Com v. Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n,
476 U.S. 355 (1986) ..................................................................................................3, 4
MCI Tele. Corp. v. American Telephone & Telegraph Co.,
512 U.S. 218 (1994) ............................................................................................. 13, 15
Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus. V. DOL, OSHA,
142 S. Ct. 661 (2022) ................................................................................... 5, 6, 10, 20
Ry. Labor Executives’ Assn’s v. Nat’l Mediation Bd.,
29 F.3d 655 (D.C. Cir. 1994) ........................................................................................4
Spector v. Norwegian Cruise Line Ltd.,
545 U.S. 119 (2005) ....................................................................................................15
Terry v. United States,
141 S. Ct. 1858 (2021) ................................................................................................15
Tiger Lily, LLC v. HUD,
5 F.4th 666 (6th Cir. 2021) ..........................................................................................7
ii
United States v. Zubaydah,
142 S. Ct. 959 (2022) ................................................................................................2, 3
United States Telecom Assn. v. FCC,
855 F. 3d 381 (D.C. Cir. 2017) .......................................................................... 4, 7, 10
Util. Air Regulatory Grp. V. EPA,
573 U.S. 302 (2014) ................................................................................... 5, 12, 13, 14
West Virginia v. EPA,
142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022) ...................................... 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18
Whitman v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns., Inc.,
531 U.S. 457 (2001) ....................................................................................................16
Constitution
U.S. Const. Art. I, § 1 .................................................................................................. 2, 18
U.S. Const. Art. I, § 9, cl. 7 ....................................................................................... 18, 19
Statutes
11 U.S.C. § 523(a)(8) ........................................................................................................14
20 U.S.C. § 1087 ...............................................................................................................14
20 U.S.C. § 1087e(f)..........................................................................................................14
20 U.S.C. § 1087e(h).........................................................................................................14
20 U.S.C. § 1087e(m)(2) ...................................................................................................14
20 U.S.C. § 1098aa(b) ......................................................................................................17
20 U.S.C. § 1098aa(b)(5) ..................................................................................................17
20 U.S.C. § 1098aa(b)(6) ..................................................................................................17
20 U.S.C. § 1098bb(a)(1) ..................................................................................................15
20 U.S.C. § 1098bb(a)(2)(A) .............................................................................................15
20 U.S.C. § 1098cc ............................................................................................................14
20 U.S.C. § 1098ee(2)(D)..................................................................................................15
20 U.S.C. § 1098ee(4) .......................................................................................................18
Higher Education Act, 20 U.S.C. 1001 et seq. .................................................................3
iii
Higher Education Relief Opportunities for Students Act of 2003,
Pub. L. No. 108-76, 117 Stat. 904 (2003)
(codified at 20 U.S.C. §§ 1098aa–1098ee) ................................................................14
Federal Register
68 Fed. Reg. 69,312 (Dec. 12, 2003) ................................................................................18
77 Fed. Reg. 59,311 (Sept. 27, 2012) ..............................................................................18
82 Fed. Reg. 45,465 (Sept. 29, 2017) ..............................................................................18
87 Fed. Reg. 61,512 (Oct. 12, 2022) ................................................................................15
Other Authorities
Annie Nova, Biden Will Call on Congress to Forgive $10,000 in Student Debt
for All Borrowers, CNBC (Jan. 8, 2021),
https://www.cnbc.com/2021/01/08/student-loan-forgiveness-could-be-morelikely-but-challenges-remain-.html ..........................................................................10
Christopher H. Schroeder, Asst. Attorney General, U.S. Dept. of Justice,
Office of Legal Counsel, Use of the HEROES Act of 2003 to Cancel the
Principal Amounts of Student Loans, Mem. Op. for the General Counsel,
Dept. of Education, 46 Op. O.L.C. ___, Slip Op. (Aug. 23, 2022) .................... 11, 17
Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, Debt Cancellation is Too Costly,
CBO Confirms (Sept. 26, 2022), https://www.crfb.org/press-releases/debtcancellation-too-costly-cbo-confirms .........................................................................12
Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, New Student Debt Changes
Will Cost Half a Trillion Dollars (Aug. 24, 2022),
https://www.crfb.org/blogs/new-student-debt-changes-will-cost-halftrillion-dollars .............................................................................................................12
Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, Student Debt Cancellation is
Not Financially Justified (Oct. 11, 2022),
https://www.crfb.org/blogs/student-debt-cancellation-not-financiallyjustified ........................................................................................................................15
Congressional Research Service, Federal Student Loan Forgiveness and Loan
Repayment Programs (Nov. 20, 2018).......................................................................14
Congressional Research Service, Statutory Basis for Biden Administration
Student Loan Forgiveness (Sept. 13, 2022) ........................................... 16, 17, 18, 19
iv
David Lerman, Cardona Defends Student Loan Plan as One-Time Covid-19
Remedy: Education Secretary’s Appearance is Part of Push to Sell
Democratic Policies Ahead of Midterms, Roll Call (Sept. 7, 2022),
https://rollcall.com/2022/09/07/cardona-defends-student-loan-plan-as-onetime-covid-19-remedy/ ..................................................................................................8
Debt Cancellation Accountability Act of 2022, S. 4483 (117th Cong.) ..........................9
E. Gellhorn & P. Verkuil,
Controlling Chevron-Based Delegations,
20 Cardozo L. Rev. 989 (1999) .....................................................................................3
Fact Sheet: President Biden Announces Student Loan Relief for Borrowers
Who Need It Most (Aug. 24, 2022) ............................................................................10
FACT SHEET: The Biden-Harris Administration’s Plan for Student Debt
Relief Could Benefit Tens of Millions of Borrowers in All Fifty States,
White House (Sept. 20, 2022) ....................................................................................11
Fairness for Responsible Borrowers Act, H.R. 8496 (117th Cong.)...............................9
Federalist No. 47 (Madison) .............................................................................................3
Federalist No. 48 (Madison) ............................................................................................19
Frontline Healthcare Worker Student Loan Assistance Act of 2020, H.R.8393
(116th Cong.) .................................................................................................................9
Income-Driven Student Loan Forgiveness Act, H.R. 2034 (117th Cong.) ....................9
Joint Consolidation Loan Separation Act, S. 1098 (117th Cong.) .................................9
Letter from Phillip Swagel, Director, Congressional Budget Office, to
Congress (Sept. 26, 2022), https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/202209/58494-Student-Loans.pdf .............................................................................. 11, 12
Michael Stratford and Eugene Daniels, How Biden Finally Got to ‘Yes’ on
Canceling Student Debt (Aug. 25, 2022),
https://www.politico.com/news/2022/08/25/biden-canceling-student-debt00053826 ................................................................................................................ 7, 10
National Taxpayers Union Foundation, Cost of Student Debt Cancelation
Could Average $2,000 Per Taxpayer (Aug. 23, 2022),
https://www.ntu.org/foundation/detail/cost-of-student-debt-cancelationcould-average-2000-per-taxpayer..............................................................................12
Press Release, Transcript of Pelosi Weekly Press Conference Today (July 28,
2021), https://www.speaker.gov/newsroom/72821-2..................................................9
v
Second Chance at Public Service Loan Forgiveness Act,
S. 4581 (117th Cong.) ...................................................................................................9
Sen. Chuck Grassley & Sen. Rob Portman, Biden’s Student Loan Debt
Transfer Is An Abuse of Executive Power, Washington Examiner (Sept. 8,
2022), https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/restoring-america/fairnessjustice/bidens-student-loan-debt-transfer-is-an-abuse-of-executive-power ............8
Strengthening and Improving Public Service Loan Forgiveness Act of 2022,
H.R. 8330 (117th Cong.)...............................................................................................9
Student Loan Debt Relief Act of 2019, H.R. S. 2235 (116th Cong.) ..............................8
Student Loan Debt Relief Act of 2019, H.R. 3887 (116th Cong.)...................................9
Student Loan Accountability Act, H.R. 8102 (117th Cong.) ..........................................9
Student Loan Accountability Act, S. 4253 (117th Cong.) ...............................................9
Student Loan Relief Act, H.R. 8514 (116th Cong.) .....................................................8, 9
The White House, Bills Signed: H.R. 91, H.R. 92, H.R. 2142, H.R. 3508, H.R.
3539, H.R. 5809, H.R. 7698, S. 1098 (Oct. 11, 2022),
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/legislation/2022/10/11/billssigned-h-r-91-h-r-92-h-r-2142-h-r-3508-h-r-3539-h-r-5809-h-r-7698-s-1098/ ........ 9
University of Pennsylvania Wharton School of Business, Forgiving Student
Loans: Budgetary Costs and Distributional Impact (August 23, 2022),
https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/23/forgivingstudent-loans...............................................................................................................12
University of Pennsylvania Wharton School of Business,
The Biden Student Loan Forgiveness Plan: Budgetary Costs and
Distributional Impact (Aug. 26, 2022),
https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/26/biden-studentloan-forgiveness ..........................................................................................................12
U.S. Dept. of Ed., About ED, https://www2.ed.gov/about/landing.jhtml ....................19
William Galston, Do Americans Support President Biden’s Student Loan
Plan?, Brookings (Sept. 6, 2022),
https://www.brookings.edu/blog/fixgov/2022/09/06/do-americans-supportpresident-bidens-student-loan-plan/...........................................................................8
vi
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE 1
Amicus curiae Americans for Prosperity Foundation (“AFPF”) is a 501(c)(3)
nonprofit organization committed to educating and training Americans to be
courageous advocates for the ideas, principles, and policies of a free and open society.
Some of those key ideas include the separation of powers and constitutionally limited
government. As part of this mission, AFPF appears as amicus curiae before state and
federal courts.
AFPF has a particular interest in this case because of the critical separation of
powers issues that underlie it, which present a familiar question: which branch of
government is responsible for making law and how? It is not this Court’s role to set
public policy. Nor is it the job of unelected federal bureaucrats or the Executive acting
alone. Instead, the Constitution tasks the democratically elected, politically
accountable branches—Congress and the President—with resolving important policy
questions through the deliberately arduous processes of bicameralism and
presentment.
More broadly, AFPF recognizes that the encroachment of the Executive on
Congress’s Article I powers here will, if allowed to stand, have implications far beyond
the facts of this case. The current Administration and future Administrations of
either party might be encouraged to sidestep the People’s elected representatives in
Congress. And the same Executive power claimed here might be used to suspend or
1 This brief
is accompanied by a motion for leave to file. No counsel for a party
authored this brief in whole or in part and no person other than amicus made any
monetary contributions intended to fund the preparation or submission of this brief.
1
modify tax enforcement, alter other loan obligations, or otherwise arrogate to the
President Congress’s power of the purse. AFPF writes here to urge this Court to
protect our constitutional Republic and system of representative self-government
against this danger by enforcing the Constitution’s separation of powers and rejecting
the Applicants’ unconstitutional overreach.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The wisdom and fairness of granting blanket student loan cancellation to tens
of millions of borrowers at a cost of hundreds of billions of dollars is not before the
Court. Instead, this case is about whom the Constitution empowers to make that
decision—one of vast political and economic importance—and by what process. At the
federal level, the answer is Congress, through duly enacted legislation, subject to
constitutional constraints on federal power.
Our system of government relies on the consent of the governed, memorialized
in the Constitution. Our Constitution exclusively tasks the People’s elected
representatives with answering major policy questions through legislation that
survives bicameralism and presentment, a deliberately difficult process designed to
ensure such laws reflect broad political consensus.
Toward this end, the Constitution flatly prohibits Congress from delegating
legislative power to other entities: “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be
vested in a Congress of the United States[.]” U.S. Const. Art. I, § 1 (emphasis added).
“The Constitution did not create a President in the King’s image but envisioned an
executive regularly checked and balanced by other authorities.” United States v.
2
Zubaydah, 142 S. Ct. 959, 992 (2022) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting). And a fortiori
unelected people are not allowed to make law in this country through administrative
edict, as the Department sought to do here. For “the Constitution does not authorize
agencies to use pen-and-phone regulations as substitutes for laws passed by the
people’s representatives.” West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587, 2626 (2022)
(Gorsuch, J., concurring); see Federalist No. 47 (Madison).
The Department’s sweeping assertion of power to unilaterally rewrite the
Higher Education Act (“HEA”), 20 U.S.C. 1001 et seq.—based on the President’s
dubious claim of a “national emergency”—flies in the face of these basic principles. It
is not only unconstitutional but profoundly antidemocratic.
For these reasons, this Court should reject Applicants’ efforts to revive the
unconstitutional mass debt cancellation.
ARGUMENT
I.
The Department Must Respect the Separation of Power.
The Department is a creature of statute, which possesses only those powers
Congress chooses to confer upon it. See La. Pub. Serv. Com v. Fed. Commc’ns Comm’n,
476 U.S. 355, 374 (1986). After all, “[a]gencies have only those powers given to them
by Congress, and ‘enabling legislation’ is generally not an ‘open book to which the
agency [may] add pages and change the plot line.’” West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct.
at 2609 (quoting E. Gellhorn & P. Verkuil, Controlling Chevron-Based Delegations,
20 Cardozo L. Rev. 989, 1011 (1999)). Accordingly, the Department bears the
affirmative burden to establish statutory authorization for its actions. West Virginia
v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2609 (“We presume that ‘Congress intends to make major policy
3
decisions itself, not leave those decisions to agencies.’” (quoting United States Telecom
Assn. v. FCC, 855 F. 3d 381, 419 (D.C. Cir. 2017) (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting from
denial of rehearing en banc)); La. Pub. Serv. Com, 476 U.S. at 374. And “[r]egardless
of how serious the problem an administrative agency seeks to address, . . . it may not
exercise its authority in a manner that is inconsistent with the administrative
structure that Congress enacted into law.” Food & Drug Admin. V. Brown &
Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U.S. 120, 125 (2000) (cleaned up). Congress need not
expressly negate an agency’s claimed powers; “[w]ere courts to presume a delegation
of power absent an express withholding of such power, agencies would enjoy virtually
limitless hegemony, a result plainly out of keeping with . . . the Constitution[.]” Ry.
Labor Executives’ Assn’s v. Nat’l Mediation Bd., 29 F.3d 655, 671 (D.C. Cir. 1994) (en
banc).
As the Supreme Court reaffirmed earlier this year, under the major questions
doctrine, “cases in which the ‘history and the breadth of the authority that [the
agency] has asserted,’ and the ‘economic and political significance’ of that assertion,
provide a ‘reason to hesitate before concluding that Congress’ meant to confer such
authority.” West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2608 (quoting Brown & Williamson,
529 U.S. at 159–60). In those cases, “both separation of powers principles and a
practical understanding of legislative intent make [courts] ‘reluctant to read into
ambiguous statutory text’ the delegation claimed to be lurking there. . . . [S]omething
more than a merely plausible textual basis for the agency action is necessary. The
agency instead must point to ‘clear congressional authorization’ for the power it
4
claims.” Id. at 2609 (quoting Util. Air Regulatory Grp. V. EPA, 573 U.S. 302, 324
(2014)).
The major questions doctrine “refers to an identifiable body of law that has
developed over a series of significant cases all addressing a particular and recurring
problem: agencies asserting highly consequential power beyond what Congress could
reasonably be understood to have granted.” West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2609.
“If administrative agencies seek to regulate the daily lives and liberties of millions of
Americans, the doctrine says, they must at least be able to trace that power to a clear
grant of authority from Congress.” Nat’l Fed’n of Indep. Bus. V. DOL, OSHA, 142 S.
Ct. 661, 668 (2022) (Gorsuch, J., concurring). “Like many parallel clear-statement
rules in our law, this one operates to protect foundational constitutional guarantees.”
West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2616 (Gorsuch, J., concurring). Specifically, it
“protect[s] the Constitution’s separation of powers.” Id. (Gorsuch, J., concurring). It
does this by “guarding against unintentional, oblique, or otherwise unlikely
delegations of the legislative power.” NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S. Ct. at 669 (2022)
(Gorsuch, J., concurring). This doctrine “is vital because the framers believed that a
republic—a thing of the people—would be more likely to enact just laws than a regime
administered by a ruling class of largely unaccountable ‘ministers.’” West Virginia v.
EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2617 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (citation omitted).
Application of these principles to the Department’s mass student loan
cancellation confirms that it is plainly ultra vires; indeed, “a complete usurpation of
congressional authorization implicating the separation of powers required by the
5
Constitution.” Brown v. United States Dep’t of Educ., No. 4:22-cv-0908-P, 2022 U.S.
Dist. LEXIS 205875, at *36 (N.D. Tex. Nov. 10, 2022).
II.
The Department Has Usurped Congress’s Exclusive Legislative
Power.
A. The Major Questions Threshold Inquiry.
Whether an agency action implicates the major questions doctrine is a
threshold inquiry. See, e.g., West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2607–10; see id. at
2620 n.8 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (“[O]ur precedents have usually applied the
doctrine as a clear-statement rule, and the Court today confirms that is the proper
way to apply it.”); see also id. at 2691 n.9 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (noting “antecedent
question whether the agency’s challenged action implicates a major question.”).
As Justice Gorsuch observed, Supreme Court “cases supply a good deal of
guidance about when an agency action involves a major question for which clear
congressional authority is required.” Id. at 2620 (Gorsuch, J., concurring). As
particularly relevant here, the “Court has indicated that the doctrine applies when
an agency claims the power to resolve a matter of great ‘political significance’ or end
an ‘earnest and profound debate across the country.’” Id. (Gorsuch, J., concurring)
(quoting NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S. Ct. at 665 (internal quotation marks omitted);
Gonzales v. Oregon, 546 U.S. 243, 267 (2006)). It “has [also] said that an agency must
point to clear congressional authorization when it seeks to regulate a significant
portion of the American economy or require billions of dollars in spending by private
persons or entities.” Id. at 2621 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (cleaned up).
6
B. The Department’s Mass Student Debt Cancellation Triggers the
Major Questions Doctrine.
Here, everything about the Department’s mass student debt forgiveness
program implicates the major questions doctrine, as demonstrated by “the amount of
money involved for regulated and affected parties, the overall impact on the economy,
the number of people affected, and the degree of congressional and public attention
to the issue.” 2 See United States Telecomms. Ass’n, 855 F.3d at 422–23 (Kavanaugh,
J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc) (listing generally relevant factors to
major question inquiry); see also Brown, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 205875, at *30-31
(“[B]ecause the . . . [mass debt cancellation] is an agency action of vast economic and
political significance, the major-questions doctrine applies.”).
1. The Department Attempted to Decide Matters of Great Political
Importance.
To begin with, student loan debt—and what, if anything, to do about it—is an
issue of great political significance and the subject of a robust national debate. 3 See,
e.g., Michael Stratford and Eugene Daniels, How Biden Finally Got to ‘Yes’ on
Canceling Student Debt, Politico (Aug. 25, 2022) (reporting “[s]tudent loans were
regularly in the top five issues in the correspondence that the White House received
2 Federal Defendants agree that “this is a case of economic and political significance.”
Dist. Ct. Dkt. No. 27 at 31. Cf. Brown, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 205875, at *30 (“Oddly
enough, Defendants do ‘not deny that this is a case of economic and political
significance.’” (citation omitted)).
3 Cf. Tiger Lily, LLC v. HUD, 5 F.4th 666, 675 (6th Cir. 2021) (Thapar, J., concurring)
(“As is often true, there are two sides to today’s story. . . . While landlords and tenants
likely disagree on much, there is one thing both deserve: for their problems to be
resolved by their elected representatives.”).
7
from Americans each week”) 4; see also David Lerman, Cardona Defends Student Loan
Plan as One-Time Covid-19 Remedy: Education Secretary’s Appearance is Part of
Push to Sell Democratic Policies Ahead of Midterms, Roll Call (Sept. 7, 2022).5 Indeed,
according to Brookings as of early September, “[t]wo thirds [of voters] say that
student loan debt is a serious problem[.] . . . The two [then-]most recent polls . . . put
support” for the President’s mass debt cancellation “among registered voters at 51
percent and 52 percent[.]” William Galston, Do Americans Support President Biden’s
Student Loan Plan?, Brookings (Sept. 6, 2022).6
Student loan debt is plainly of great interest to Congress. See Letter from 94
Members of Congress to Speaker Pelosi, 1 (Aug. 26, 2022) (explaining the President’s
“student loan giveaway is unconstitutional and illegal”)7; Sen. Chuck Grassley & Sen.
Rob Portman, Biden’s Student Loan Debt Transfer Is An Abuse of Executive Power,
Washington Examiner (Sept. 8, 2022).8 Tellingly, “Congress has considered and
rejected bills authorizing something akin to the agency’s proposed course of action.”
West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2621 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (cleaned up); see,
e.g., Student Loan Debt Relief Act of 2019, S. 2235 (116th Cong); Student Loan Relief
4 https://www.politico.com/news/2022/08/25/biden-canceling-student-debt-00053826
https://rollcall.com/2022/09/07/cardona-defends-student-loan-plan-as-one-timecovid-19-remedy/
5
6 https://www.brookings.edu/blog/fixgov/2022/09/06/do-americans-support-president-
bidens-student-loan-plan/
7 https://www.politico.com/f/?id=00000183-19c4-de9f-a9eb-f9f772e10000
https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/restoring-america/fairness-justice/bidensstudent-loan-debt-transfer-is-an-abuse-of-executive-power
8
8
Act, H.R. 8514 (116th Cong.); Frontline Healthcare Worker Student Loan Assistance
Act, H.R. 8393 (116th Cong.); Student Loan Debt Relief Act of 2019, H.R. 3887 (116th
Cong.). Indeed, Congress is currently considering legislation relating to student loan
forgiveness.9 See, e.g., Income-Driven Student Loan Forgiveness Act, H.R. 2034
(117th Cong.); Second Chance at Public Service Loan Forgiveness Act, S. 4581 (117th
Cong.); Strengthening and Improving Public Service Loan Forgiveness Act of 2022,
H.R. 8330 (117th Cong.); Debt Cancellation Accountability Act of 2022, S. 4483 (117th
Cong.); Student Loan Accountability Act, H.R. 8102 (117th Cong.); Student Loan
Accountability Act, S. 4253 (117th Cong.); Fairness for Responsible Borrowers Act,
H.R. 8496 (117th Cong.).
This is unsurprising given that no statute authorizes the Executive to cancel
student debt en masse. Until recently, this fact was uncontroversial. Even the
Speaker of the House, who supports student loan cancelation, acknowledged as much:
“People think that the President of the United States has the power for debt
forgiveness. He does not. . . . [H]e does not have that power. That has to be an act of
Congress.” Press Release, Transcript of Pelosi Weekly Press Conference Today (July
28, 2021), https://www.speaker.gov/newsroom/72821-2. The President also “entered
the presidency deeply skeptical of the idea of writing off large chunks of student loan
For that matter, on October 11, 2022, the President signed into law the Joint
Consolidation Loan Separation Act, S. 1098 (117th Cong.). See The White House, Bills
Signed: H.R. 91, H.R. 92, H.R. 2142, H.R. 3508, H.R. 3539, H.R. 5809, H.R. 7698, S.
1098
(Oct.
11,
2022),
https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefingroom/legislation/2022/10/11/bills-signed-h-r-91-h-r-92-h-r-2142-h-r-3508-h-r-3539-hr-5809-h-r-7698-s-1098/
9
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debt. He questioned publicly whether he had the authority to do it[.]” 10 Accordingly,
the President asked Congress to pass legislation forgiving $10,000 in student debt for
all borrowers.11
It was only after Congress declined to pass the legislation he wanted that the
President changed his tune, specifically directing the Department to unilaterally
pursue mass student loan cancellation. See Fact Sheet: President Biden Announces
Student Loan Relief for Borrowers Who Need It Most (Aug. 24, 2022). “The
President’s intervention only underscores the enormous significance of” these issues.
United States Telecomms. Ass’n, 855 F.3d at 424 (Kavanaugh, J., dissenting from
denial of rehearing en banc); see West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2622 (Gorsuch,
J., concurring). This holds particularly true given the curious timing of the
President’s actions: the cusp of the midterm elections, an occasion for candidates to
seek public support for their preferred policy solutions in advance of the next
Congress. This further shows that the President is (again) “attempting to work
[a]round the legislative process to resolve for [himself] . . . a question of great political
significance,” another telltale sign of a major question. West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S.
Ct. at 2621 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (cleaned up); see, e.g., NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S. Ct.
661 (per curiam) (rejecting unlawful OSHA vaccine mandate); Ala. Ass’n of Realtors
10 Michael Stratford and Eugene Daniels, How Biden Finally Got to ‘Yes’ on Canceling
Student
Debt,
Politico
(Aug.
25,
2022),
https://www.politico.com/news/2022/08/25/biden-canceling-student-debt-00053826
11 See Annie Nova, Biden Will Call on Congress to Forgive $10,000 in Student Debt
for All Borrowers, CNBC (Jan. 8, 2021), https://www.cnbc.com/2021/01/08/studentloan-forgiveness-could-be-more-likely-but-challenges-remain-.html
10
v. HHS, 141 S. Ct. 2485 (2021) (per curiam) (rejecting unlawful CDC eviction
moratorium).
2. The Mass Student
Significance.
Debt
Cancellation
Has
Vast
Economic
In addition, mass student debt cancellation is plainly of vast economic
significance. See also App. 2a (“Whatever the eventual outcome of this case, it will
affect the finances of millions of Americans with student loan debt as well as those
Americans who pay taxes to finance the government and indeed everyone who is
affected by such far reaching fiscal decisions.”). To put this in perspective, OLC itself
found that “[a]s of the end of the second quarter of 2022, about 43.0 million borrowers
had loans under the three federal student loan programs, and their debts collectively
amounted to approximately $1.62 trillion.” Christopher H. Schroeder, Asst. Attorney
General, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Legal Counsel, Use of the HEROES Act of
2003 to Cancel the Principal Amounts of Student Loans, Mem. Op. for the General
Counsel, Dept. of Education, 46 Op. O.L.C. ___, Slip Op. at 2 (Aug. 23, 2022) (“OLC
Memo”) (citation omitted); accord Letter from Phillip Swagel, Director, Congressional
Budget
Office,
to
Congress,
3
(Sept.
26,
2022)
(“CBO
Letter”),
https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2022-09/58494-Student-Loans.pdf; see also FACT
SHEET: The Biden-Harris Administration’s Plan for Student Debt Relief Could
Benefit Tens of Millions of Borrowers in All Fifty States, White House (Sept. 20, 2022)
(“The Biden-Harris Administration expects that over 40 million borrowers are eligible
for its student debt relief plan, and nearly 20 million borrowers could see their entire
remaining balance discharged.”).
11
In terms of cost, “CBO estimates that the cost of student loans will increase by
about an additional $400 billion in present value as a result of the action[.]” CBO
Letter at 1.12 According to the National Taxpayers Union Foundation, this could cost,
on average, $2,000 per taxpayer.13 The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget
previously estimated that all of the Department’s debt changes “will cost between
$440 billion and $600 billion over the next ten years[.]”14 And a Wharton analysis
found that “depending on future details of the actual IDR program and concomitant
behavioral changes, the IDR program could add another $450 billion or more, thereby
raising total plan costs to over $1 trillion.”15
C. The Department’s Blanket Loan Forgiveness Scheme Fails the Major
Questions Doctrine’s Clear Statement Requirement.
Against this backdrop, the Executive’s “claim to extravagant statutory power
over the national economy” should be greeted skeptically. Util. Air Regulatory Grp.,
12 The University of Pennsylvania Wharton School of Business “estimate[d] that a
one-time maximum debt forgiveness of $10,000 per borrower will cost around $300
billion for borrowers with incomes less than $125,000.” Forgiving Student Loans:
Budgetary
Costs
and
Distributional
Impact
(August
23,
2022),
https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/23/forgiving-student-loans.
13 NTUF, Cost of Student Debt Cancelation Could Average $2,000 Per Taxpayer (Aug.
23, 2022), https://www.ntu.org/foundation/detail/cost-of-student-debt-cancelationcould-average-2000-per-taxpayer
14 CRFB, New Student Debt Changes Will Cost Half a Trillion Dollars (Aug. 24, 2022),
https://www.crfb.org/blogs/new-student-debt-changes-will-cost-half-trillion-dollars;
see also CRFB, Debt Cancellation is Too Costly, CBO Confirms (Sept. 24, 2022),
https://www.crfb.org/blogs/new-student-debt-changes-will-cost-half-trillion-dollars.
15 The Biden Student Loan Forgiveness Plan: Budgetary Costs and Distributional
Impact
(Aug.
26,
2022),
https://budgetmodel.wharton.upenn.edu/issues/2022/8/26/biden-student-loanforgiveness
12
573 U.S. at 324. And where, as here, the major questions doctrine applies, “a colorable
textual basis” is not enough to justify the agency’s assertion of power. See West
Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2609. Instead, “[a]t this point, the question becomes
what qualifies as a clear congressional statement authorizing an agency’s action.” Id.
at 2622 (Gorsuch, J., concurring). “First, courts must look to the legislative provisions
on which the agency seeks to rely ‘with a view to their place in the overall statutory
scheme.’” Id. (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (quoting Brown & Williamson, 529 U.S. at
133). “Second, courts may examine the age and focus of the statute the agency invokes
in relation to the problem the agency seeks to address.” Id. at 2623 (Gorsuch, J.,
concurring). “Third, courts may examine the agency’s past interpretations of the
relevant statute.” Id. (Gorsuch, J., concurring). “Fourth, skepticism may be merited
when there is a mismatch between an agency’s challenged action and its
congressionally assigned mission and expertise.” Id. (Gorsuch, J., concurring). The
Department’s mass student loan cancellation independently fails all four of these
tests. See also Brown, 2022 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 205875, at *31-34 (concluding “the
Department lacks ‘clear congressional authorization’ for the Program under the
HEROES Act”).
1. The HEROES Act’s Place in the Overall Statutory Scheme.
Congress does not “typically use oblique or elliptical language to empower an
agency to make a ‘radical or fundamental change’ to a statutory scheme.” West
Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2609 (quoting MCI Tele. Corp. v. American Telephone
& Telegraph Co., 512 U.S. 218, 229 (1994)). If Congress wanted to grant the
13
Department unfettered (and unconstitutional) legislative power to mass cancel
student debt, it would have clearly said so. See Util. Air Regulatory Grp., 134 S. Ct.
at 2444. It did not, instead saying the opposite.
The student loan statutory structure Congress has enacted makes clear that
Congress generally expects borrowers to pay back their federally funded loans. For
example, as a general matter, student loans are not dischargeable in bankruptcy. See
11 U.S.C. § 523(a)(8). And when Congress has wanted to authorize student loan relief,
it has done so explicitly through targeted statutes narrowly authorizing relief to
discreet subsets of borrowers under limited circumstances. See, e.g., 20 U.S.C. §§ 1087
(repayment by the Secretary of loans of bankrupt, deceased, or disabled borrowers;
treatment of borrowers attending schools that fail to provide a refund, attending
closed schools, or falsely certified as eligible to borrow), 1087e(f) (deferment), 1087e(h)
(borrower defenses), 1087e(m)(2) (loan cancellation amount), 1098cc (tuition refunds
or credits for members of Armed Forces). See generally Congressional Research
Service, Federal Student Loan Forgiveness and Loan Repayment Programs (Nov. 20,
2018) (discussing statutorily authorized programs). None of those provisions apply
here.
Recognizing this, the Department bases its newly-claimed power to cancel
broad swaths of student loans on an obscure, “rarely invoked statutory provision,” cf.
West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2624 (Gorsuch, J., concurring), of the Higher
Education Relief Opportunities for Students Act of 2003, Pub. L. No. 108-76, 117 Stat.
904 (2003) (codified at 20 U.S.C. §§ 1098aa–1098ee) (“HEROES Act of 2003” or
14
“HEROES Act”). See 87 Fed. Reg. 61,512, 61,514 (Oct. 12, 2022) (relying on 20 U.S.C.
§ 1098bb(a)(1) to justify mass debt cancellation). The provision authorizes the
Secretary to “waive or modify any statutory or regulatory provision applicable to the
student financial assistance programs under Title IV of the Act as the Secretary
deems necessary in connection with a war or other military operation or national
emergency to provide the waivers or modifications authorized by paragraph (2).”16 20
U.S.C. § 1098bb(a)(1) (emphasis added). As relevant here, the Secretary is authorized
to do this “as may be necessary to ensure that—recipients of student financial
assistance under title IV of the Act who are affected individuals are not placed in a
worse position financially in relation to that financial assistance because of their
status as affected individuals[.]”17 20 U.S.C. § 1098bb(a)(2)(A) (emphasis added).
Nothing in that provision purports to authorize, let alone clearly authorize, the
Department to unilaterally reimagine student loan law to cancel hundreds of billions
of dollars of debt, even if the President declares an “emergency.” See Spector v.
Norwegian Cruise Line Ltd., 545 U.S. 119, 139 (2005) (plurality) (suggesting “broad
or general language” insufficient to find clear statement); see also West Virginia v.
EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2609 (“Extraordinary grants of regulatory authority are rarely
16 “To ‘modify’ means ‘to change moderately.’” Terry v. United States, 141 S. Ct. 1858,
1863 (2021) (quoting MCI Telecomms. Corp., 512 U.S. at 225).
17 As relevant here, “[t]he term ‘affected individual’ means an individual who . . .
suffered direct economic hardship as a direct result of a war or other military
operation or national emergency, as determined by the Secretary.” 20 U.S.C. §
1098ee(2)(D) (emphasis added); see also CRFB, Student Debt Cancellation is Not
Financially Justified (Oct. 11, 2022), https://www.crfb.org/blogs/student-debtcancellation-not-financially-justified
15
accomplished through ‘modest words,’ ‘vague terms,” or “subtle device[s].’” (quoting
Whitman v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns., Inc., 531 U.S. 457, 468 (2001)). As the
Congressional Research Service has explained: “The HEROES Act lacks express
reference to ‘cancellation,’ ‘discharge,’ ‘forgiveness,’ or similar terms that Congress
has used in portions of statutes, such as the Public Service Loan Forgiveness
program, that allow or require ED to ‘cancel’ student loan balances.” Congressional
Research Service, Statutory Basis for Biden Administration Student Loan
Forgiveness, 4 (Sept. 13, 2022).
Indeed, simple “common sense as to the manner in which Congress is likely to
delegate a policy decision of such economic and political magnitude,” Brown &
Williamson, 529 U.S. at 133, as blanket student loan forgiveness suggests Congress
did not do so here. Congress could not have intended to grant unfettered power to
erase hundreds of billions of dollars in student debt for millions of borrowers, a topic
of intense debate with immense economic consequences, to the Department “in so
cryptic a fashion.” Id. at 160.
2. Age and Focus of the Act in Relation to Mass Debt Cancellation.
“Of course, sometimes old statutes may be written in ways that apply to new
and previously unanticipated situations. But an agency’s attempt to deploy an old
statute focused on one problem to solve a new and different problem may also be a
warning sign that it is acting without clear congressional authority.” West Virginia v.
EPA, 142 S. Ct. at 2623 (Gorsuch, J., concurring) (citation omitted). So too here.
The HEROES Act of 2003 was passed in the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks
for the benefit of servicemembers in circumstances involving military mobilizations.
16
The Act’s findings make plain its focus: protecting servicemembers.18 See 20 U.S.C. §
1098aa(b). As the Act recognized: “The men and women of the United States military
put their lives on hold, leave their families, jobs, and postsecondary education in order
to serve their country and do so with distinction.” Id. § 1098aa(b)(5); see also id. §
1098aa(b)(6) (“There is no more important cause for this Congress than to support
the members of the United States military and provide assistance with their
transition into and out of active duty and active service.”).
Unsurprisingly, given this context, only a single member of the House voted
against it, and it passed the Senate without amendment by unanimous consent. See
Statutory Basis for Biden Administration Student Loan Forgiveness, supra, 4. There
was no suggestion this bill would authorize the President and Secretary to reimagine
this country’s student loan system and mass-cancel student loan debt for all
borrowers making less than an arbitrary threshold amount of money.
3. The Department’s Past Interpretations of the HEROES Act.
The Department’s prior interpretations of the HEROES Act further underscore
the extent of its overreach. As the Supreme Court explained in West Virginia v. EPA,
“as Justice Frankfurter has noted, ‘just as established practice may shed light on the
extent of power conveyed by general statutory language, so the want of assertion of
18 As OLC has explained: “The precursor of the HEROES Act of 2003 was the Higher
Education Relief Opportunities for Students Act of 2001. Enacted a few months after
the terrorist attacks of September 11, that statute was intended to ‘provide the
Secretary of Education with specific waiver authority to respond to conditions in the
national emergency declared by the President on September 14, 2001.’” OLC Memo,
Slip Op. 3 (quoting Pub. L. No. 107-122, 115 Stat. 2386, 2386 (2002)).
17
power by those who presumably would be alert to exercise it, is equally significant in
determining whether such power was actually conferred.’” 142 S. Ct. at 2610 (quoting
FTC v. Bunte Brothers, Inc., 312 U.S. 349, 352 (1941)). That resonates here.
Until now, the Department has never suggested the HEROES Act grants the
Secretary plenary power to reimagine student loan law whenever the President
deigns to declare an emergency,19 arrogating to itself not only Congress’s exclusive
legislative power, see U.S. Const. Art. I, § 1, but also Congress’s power of the purse,20
U.S. Const. Art. I, § 9, cl. 7. Instead, the Department more modestly used its HEROES
Act waiver-and-modification authority to tweak the margins of loan cancellation
programs authorized by other statutes.21 “[T]here is no original, longstanding, and
consistent interpretation meriting judicial respect.” West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct.
at 2624 (Gorsuch, J., concurring). Nor did the Department claim blanket loan
cancellation powers during the COVID-19 pandemic, even as it found in the HEROES
Act the power to pause payments. As the Congressional Research Service recently
explained: “Categorical cancellation appears poised to substantially reshape ED’s
19 It bears reminding that “[i]f human nature and history teach anything, it is that
civil liberties face grave risks when governments proclaim indefinite states
of emergency.” Doe v. Mills, 142 S. Ct. 17, 21 (2021) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting from
denial of application for injunctive relief).
20 The Act unhelpfully defines “‘national emergency’ [to] mean[] a national emergency
declared by the President of the United States.” 20 U.S.C. § 1098ee(4).
21 See, e.g., 68 Fed. Reg. 69,312, 69,316–17 (Dec. 12, 2003) (“For borrowers who are
affected individuals in this category, the Secretary is waiving the requirements that
apply to the various loan cancellations that such periods of service be uninterrupted
and/or consecutive, if the reason for the interruption is related to the borrower’s
status as an affected individual.”); 77 Fed. Reg. 59,311, 59,316 (Sept. 27, 2012)
(similar); 82 Fed. Reg. 45,465, 45,470 (Sept. 29, 2017) (similar).
18
federal student loan portfolio. The action reflects a use of ED’s HEROES Act
authority that is unlike past invocations. For the first time, ED plans to use this
authority to directly and permanently discharge a portion of borrowers’ student loan
debt.” Statutory Basis for Biden Administration Student Loan Forgiveness, supra, 1.
4. Mismatch Between the Mass Student Debt Cancellation and the
Department of Education’s Congressionally Assigned Mission.
Bolstering the conclusion that the Department is seeking to arrogate to itself
Congress’s legislative power is the mismatch between the Department’s actual
mission and the apparent goals of the mass student debt cancellation. The
Department has no expertise in fiscal policy. Nor does the Department have authority
to handle appropriations—a task the Constitution exclusively reserves to Congress.
U.S. Const. Art. I, § 9, cl. 7; see also Cmty. Fin. Servs. Ass’n of Am. v. Consumer Fin.
Prot. Bureau, 51 F.4th 616, 636 (5th Cir. 2022) (“The Framers . . . believed that
vesting Congress with control over fiscal matters was the best means of ensuring
transparency and accountability to the people.” (citing Federalist No. 48 (Madison)).
Instead, its “mission is to promote student achievement and preparation for global
competitiveness by fostering educational excellence and ensuring equal access.” 22 The
Department’s mass student loan cancellation has nothing to do with that.
Just as the CDC lacked the power to reimagine landlord-tenant law, see Ala.
Ass’n of Realtors, 141 S. Ct. at 2489; OSHA lacked the power to mandate vaccinations,
see NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S. Ct. at 665 (“The Act empowers the Secretary to set
22 U.S. Dept. of Ed., About ED, https://www2.ed.gov/about/landing.jhtml
19
workplace safety standards, not broad public health measures.”); and the IRS lacked
power to make national health policy, see King v. Burwell, 576 U.S. 473, 486 (2015),
the Department lacks the power to reach into policymaking outside the scope of its
mission.
CONCLUSION
For these reasons, this Court should deny the Application to vacate the
injunction.
Respectfully submitted,
/s/ Michael Pepson
Michael Pepson
Counsel of Record
Casey Mattox
Cynthia Fleming Crawford
AMERICANS FOR PROSPERITY FOUNDATION
1310 N. Courthouse Road, Ste. 700
Arlington, VA 22201
571.329.4529
mpepson@afphq.org
Dated: November 23, 2022
20
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.