Amicus Curiae Brief — Loper Bright Enterprises, et al., Petitioners v. Gina Raimondo, Secretary of Commerce, et al.
Supreme Court briefSep 21, 2023
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No. 22-451
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
____________________
LOPER BRIGHT ENTERPRISES, ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
GINA RAIMONDO, SECRETARY OF COMMERCE, ET AL.,
Respondents.
____________________
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia
Circuit
____________________
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE U.S. SENATORS
SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, MAZIE HIRONO,
DIANNE FEINSTEIN, AND ELIZABETH
WARREN IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
____________________
ERWIN CHEMERINSKY
Counsel of Record
UNIVERSITY
OF
CALIFORNIA,
BERKELEY
SCHOOL OF LAW
LAW BUILDING 215
BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 94720
(510) 642-3483
echemerinsky@law.berkeley.edu
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...................................... ii
STATEMENT OF INTEREST .................................. 1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT .......................... 1
ARGUMENT .............................................................. 3
I. CHEVRON, WHICH IS VITAL TO CONGRESS’S
ABILITY TO PROTECT AMERICANS THROUGH
EFFICIENT
AND
EXPERTISE-BASED
REGULATION, IS UNDER ATTACK IN THIS CASE
BY PRO-CORPORATE SPECIAL INTERESTS .............. 3
A. Regulation Is A Public Good That Protects
People’s Health, Safety, And Well-Being ........ 3
B. Chevron Deference Encourages Efficient
And Effective Regulation ................................. 6
C. Petitioners’ Amici Are Collaborators In A
Decades-Long, Industry-Funded Attempt
To Undermine Government Regulation ........ 12
II. THE COURT SHOULD REJECT EFFORTS TO
ENLIST IT IN AN INDUSTRY-DRIVEN
DEREGULATORY AGENDA ..................................... 18
A. The Attack On Chevron In This Case Is
Part Of A Larger, Industry-Driven
Campaign To Undermine Regulatory
Agencies And Expand Corporate Profits ....... 19
B. The Court Caused Upheaval Around
Agency Power In Recent Cases, Which
Should Be Allowed To Settle Before
Further Disturbing Settled Law.................... 28
CONCLUSION ........................................................ 31
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Cases
Aposhian v. Wilkinson, 989 F.3d 890 (10th
Cir. 2021) (en banc) .............................................. 26
Biden v. Nebraska, 143 S. Ct. 2355 (2023) ....... 28, 29
Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and
Kentucky, Inc., 139 S. Ct. 1780 (2019) (per
curiam) ................................................................. 30
Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. NRDC, Inc., 467
U.S. 837 (1984) ................................................... 6, 7
Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116
(2019) ...................................................................... 8
Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361
(1989) ...................................................................... 8
Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial
Protection Bureau, 140 S. Ct. 2183 (2020) ............ 6
Terminiello v. Chicago, 337 U.S. 1 (1949) .............. 10
United States v. Midwest Oil Co., 236 U.S.
459 (1915) ............................................................. 11
West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587
(2022) ................................................................ 3, 29
Statutes
21 U.S.C. §§ 608, 624 ................................................. 7
49 U.S.C. §§ 40103, 44701 ......................................... 7
Administrative Procedure Act, 5 U.S.C. §§
704, 706 .................................................................. 6
iii
Congressional Review Act, 5 U.S.C. §§ 801808 .......................................................................... 6
Other Authorities
Alan Zibel, Big Oil's Capitol Hill Allies,
Pub. Citizen (Feb. 10, 2021),
https://www.citizen.org/article/big-oilscapitol-hill-allies................................................... 22
Alex Guillén, Impact of Supreme Court’s
climate ruling spreads, Politico (July 20,
2022),
https://www.politico.com/news/2022/07/20
/chill-from-scotus-climate-ruling-hitswide-range-of-biden-actions-00045920 ............... 29
Alexander Hertel-Fernandez, Caroline
Tervo, & Theda Skocpol, How the Koch
brothers built the most powerful
rightwing group you’ve never heard of,
The Guardian (Sept. 26, 2018),
https://www.theguardian.com/usnews/2018/sep/26/koch-brothersamericans-for-prosperity-rightwingpolitical-group ...................................................... 19
AMANDA HOLLIS-BRUSKY, IDEAS WITH
CONSEQUENCES: THE FEDERALIST SOCIETY
AND THE CONSERVATIVE
COUNTERREVOLUTION (2014)................................ 20
Amicus Curiae Brief for the National Right
to Work Legal Defense Foundation, Inc.
in Support of Petitioners, American
Hospital Ass’n v. Becerra, 141 S. Ct. 2883
(2022) .................................................................... 13
iv
Amicus Curiae Brief of Mountain States
Legal Foundation in Support of
Petitioners, King v. Burwell, 576 U.S. 473
(2015) .................................................................... 14
Amicus Curiae Brief of Mountain States
Legal Foundation in Support of
Petitioners, Utility Air Regulatory Group
v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302 (2014)................................. 14
Amicus Curiae Brief of the New Civil
Liberties Alliance in Support of
Petitioners, West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S.
Ct. 2587 (2022) ..................................................... 13
Amy Coney Barrett, Stare Decisis and Due
Process, 74 U. Colo. L. Rev. 1072......................... 30
Andy Kroll, Exposed: The Dark-Money ATM
of the Conservative Movement, Mother
Jones (Feb. 5, 2013),
https://www.motherjones.com/politics/201
3/02/donors-trust-donor-capital-funddark-money-koch-bradley-devos .............. 15, 19, 28
Br. Amicus Curiae of Chamber of
Commerce of the United States of
America in Supp. of Pet’rs ................................... 20
Br. for Pet’rs Loper Bright Enterprises, et
al. .................................................................... 20, 21
Br. of America First Legal Foundation as
Amicus Curiae in Supp. of Pet’rs ........................ 20
Br. of Cato Institute and Committee for
Justice as Amici Curiae in Supp. of Pet’rs .......... 27
v
Br. of Law Professors Kent Barnett and
Christopher J. Walker as Amici Curiae in
Supp. of Neither Party ......................................... 30
Br. of Pacific Legal Foundation as Amicus
Curiae in Supp. of Pet’rs ................................ 20, 26
Brief Amicus Curiae of Pacific Legal
Foundation et al. in Support of
Petitioners, Utility Air Regulatory Group
v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302 (2014)................................. 14
Brief Amicus Curiae of Pacific Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioners,
American Hospital Ass’n v. Becerra, 141
S. Ct. 2883 (2022) ................................................. 13
Brief Amicus Curiae of Pacific Legal
Foundation in Support of the
Environmental Protection Agency,
Massachusetts v. EPA, 549 U.S. 497
(2007) .................................................................... 14
Brief for Amicus Curiae the Chamber of
Commerce of the United States of
America in Support of Neither Party,
American Hospital Ass’n v. Becerra, 141
S. Ct. 2883 (2022) ................................................. 13
Brief of Amici Curiae Cato Institute and
Prof. Josh Blackman in Support of
Petitioners, King v. Burwell, 576 U.S. 473
(2015) .................................................................... 14
Brief of Amici Curiae Cato Institute et al. in
Support of Petitioners, Arlington v. FCC,
569 U.S. 290 (2013) .............................................. 14
vi
Brief of Amicus Curiae Landmark Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioners,
King v. Burwell, 576 U.S. 473 (2015) .................. 14
Brief of Amicus Curiae Landmark Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioners,
West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587
(2022). ................................................................... 13
Brief of Amicus Curiae New England Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioners,
West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587
(2022) .................................................................... 13
Brief of Amicus Curiae Pacific Legal
Foundation in Support of Affirmance,
FDA v. Brown & Williamson, 529 U.S.
120 (2000) ............................................................. 15
Brief of Amicus Curiae Pacific Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioner,
Seila Law LLC v. CFPB, 140 S. Ct. 2183............ 13
Brief of Amicus Curiae the Buckeye
Institute in Support of Petitioners, West
Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022) .............. 13
Brief of Amicus Curiae the Competitive
Enterprise Institute in Support of
Petitioners, West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S.
Ct. 2587 (2022). .................................................... 13
Brief of the Cato Institute and Mountain
States Legal Foundation as Amici Curiae
in Support of Petitioners, West Virginia v.
EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022) ................................ 13
Brief of the Cato Institute et al. as Amici
Curiae in Support of Respondents,
vii
Massachusetts v. EPA, 549 U.S. 497
(2007) .................................................................... 14
Brief of the New Civil Liberties Alliance as
Amicus Curiae in Support of Petitioners,
American Hospital Ass’n v. Becerra, 141
S. Ct. 2883 (2022) ................................................. 13
Brief of U.S. Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse, et
al. in Support of Respondents, West
Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022) .............. 23
CATO INST., CATO HANDBOOK FOR CONGRESS
(2003) .................................................................... 16
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Craig Green, Deconstructing the
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viii
and the Transformation of Constitutional
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on-mcgahn-regulatory-cpac/index.html .............. 24
ix
Erin Webb, Analysis: EPA Under Major
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Bloomberg Law (May 5, 2023),
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/bloomber
g-law-analysis/analysis-epa-under-majorquestions-microscope-so-far-in-2023 ................... 30
Erin Webb, Analysis: Major Questions
Doctrine Filings Are Up in a Major Way,
Bloomberg Law (Feb. 1, 2022),
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/bloomber
g-law-analysis/analysis-major-questionsdoctrine-filings-are-up-in-a-major-way ............... 29
Evan Vorpahl, Leonard Leo’s Court Capture
Web Raised Nearly $600 Million Before
Biden Won; Now It’s Spending Untold
Millions from Secret Sources to Attack
Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson, True
North Rsch. (Mar. 22, 2022),
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nard-leos-court-capture-web-raisednearly-600-million-before-biden-won-nowits-spending-untold-millions-from-secretsources-to-attack-judge-ketanji-brownjackson .................................................................. 24
Face the Facts USA, Food without fear (Oct.
28, 2013),
https://facethefactsusa.org/facts/foodwithout-fear ............................................................ 5
Federal Aviation Administration, Our
Business,
https://www.faa.gov/jobs/who_we_are/our
_business ................................................................ 8
x
GianCarlo Canaparo & Jack Fitzhenry,
Chevron Deference, Long Abused by
Federal Agencies, on Supreme Court’s
Chopping Block?, Heritage Found. (May
5, 2023),
https://www.heritage.org/governmentregulation/commentary/chevrondeference-long-abused-federal-agenciessupreme-courts ..................................................... 27
Graham Kendall, Apollo 11 anniversary:
Could an iPhone fly me to the moon?,
Independent (July 9, 2019),
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/scie
nce/apollo-11-moon-landing-mobilephones-smartphone-iphonea8988351.html........................................................ 5
Ian Parry, Still Not Getting Energy Pries
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Fossil Fuel Subsidies at 26, IMF working
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https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/I
ssues/2021/09/23/Still-Not-GettingEnergy-Prices-Right-A-Global-andCountry-Update-of-Fossil-Fuel-Subsidies466004 .................................................................. 26
IRA KATZNELSON, FEAR ITSELF: THE NEW
DEAL AND THE ORIGINS OF OUR TIME
(2013) ...................................................................... 4
Jason Zengerle, How the Trump
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N.Y. Times (Aug. 22, 2018),
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xi
azine/trump-remaking-courtsjudiciary.html ....................................................... 25
Jeff Brady, Exxon climate predictions were
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https://www.npr.org/2023/01/12/11483760
84/exxon-climate-predictions-wereaccurate-decades-ago-still-it-sowed-doubt ............ 2
Jennifer Hijazi, Biden Tailpipe Emission
Rules Face ‘Major Questions’ Legal Wave,
Bloomberg Law (Apr. 14, 2023),
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/environm
ent-and-energy/biden-tailpipe-emissionrules-face-major-questions-legal-wave ................ 29
Jeremy W. Peters, Stephen Bannon
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Trump, N.Y. Times (Feb. 23, 2017),
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/23/us/p
olitics/cpac-stephen-bannon-reincepriebus.html ......................................................... 24
Jeremy W. Peters, Trump’s New Judicial
Litmus Test: Shrinking ‘the
Administrative State’, N.Y. Times (Mar.
26, 2018),
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/26/us/p
olitics/trump-judges-courtsadministrative-state.html.............................. 27, 28
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Cato Inst. (Sept. 12, 1996),
https://www.cato.org/testimony/rolecongress-monitoring-administrativerulemaking ..................................................... 16, 21
xii
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Heritage Foundation Makes Plans to Staff
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(Apr. 20, 2023),
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/20/us/p
olitics/republican-president-2024heritage-foundation.html ..................................... 22
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Association et al. to Honorable Joseph R.
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(July 11, 2023), available at
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the Administrative State, Just Security
(Feb. 7, 2018),
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ent-trumps-four-pronged-waradministrative-state ............................................ 24
MAEVE P. CAREY, CONG. RESEARCH. SERV.,
R43056, COUNTING REGULATIONS: AN
OVERVIEW OF RULEMAKING, TYPES OF
FEDERAL REGULATIONS, AND PAGES IN THE
FEDERAL REGISTER (2019)...................................... 9
Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar, Foreword,
Administrative War, 82 Geo. Wash. L.
Rev. 1343 (2014) ..................................................... 4
Mark Fenster, The Birth of a “Logical
System”: Thurman Arnold and the
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84 Or. L. Rev. 69 (2005) ......................................... 4
xiii
Mark Joseph Stern, What the Koch
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2018), https://slate.com/news-andpolitics/2018/05/we-now-know-how-thekoch-brothers-and-leonard-leo-buyspecial-favors.html ............................................... 19
Matt Egan, Exxon denies Trump called
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(Oct. 21, 2020),
https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/20/business
/trump-exxon-oil-biden-campaigndonations/index.html ........................................... 25
Matthew H. Goldberg et al., Oil and Gas
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5111 (2020) ........................................................... 22
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Work 11 (2012) ....................................................... 9
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s/documents/newer-cars-safer-cars_factsheet_010320-tag.pdf ............................................. 5
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xiv
mate-energy/top-us-utility-group-opposesemissions-plan-existing-gas-plantssource-2023-08-01 ................................................ 23
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(2014) .................................................................... 14
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xv
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/2011/03/industry-clean-energyfactsheet.pdf ........................................................... 2
Public Laws
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xvi
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xvii
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xviii
Guardian (Mar. 3, 2016),
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xix
What’s Wrong with the Supreme Court: The
Big-Money Assault on Our Judiciary:
Hearing Before the S. Comm. on the
Judiciary, 117th Cong. (2021) ............................. 22
1
STATEMENT OF INTEREST 1
Amici curiae are U.S. Senators Sheldon
Whitehouse of Rhode Island, Mazie Hirono of Hawaii,
Dianne Feinstein of California, and Elizabeth
Warren of Massachusetts. Amici share with this
Court a strong interest in preserving separation of
powers and preventing corrupting influences from
undermining our democracy.
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
This case is the product of a decades-long effort
by pro-corporate interests to eviscerate the federal
government’s regulatory apparatus, to the detriment
of the American people. Over the last 100 years, our
society has seen wondrous innovation, and
administrative regulation has been crucial to
developing these wonders while safeguarding the
public welfare. As industries grew more complex,
Congress delegated some regulatory authority to
administrative agencies. Chevron deference has
been an important element in this endeavor, allowing
Congress to rely on agency capacity and subjectmatter expertise to help carry out Congress’s broad
policy objectives. Administrative regulations reined
in dangerous industry activities, and our society
became safer and more prosperous.
Though the benefits of these regulations were
evident, industry special interests have long sought
to limit regulation and avoid restraint. Industries
will oppose regulation with 10 to 1 benefit-cost
1 Pursuant to Rule 37.6, no counsel for any party authored this
brief in any part, and no person or entity other than amicus or
amicus’s counsel made a monetary contribution to fund its
preparation or submission.
2
ratios, 2 proving that they are not trustworthy
stewards of the public welfare. This corporate
indifference to public welfare should come as no
surprise given documented industry quests to cover
up the dangers of climate change and cigarettes. 3
Special interests strategically file lawsuits
challenging administrative rules and regulations,
with coordinated mass filings of amicus curiae briefs,
to convince courts to chip away at administrative
agencies’ regulatory authority. Corporate interests
funnel billions of dollars into think tanks, advocacy
organizations, political elections, and judicial
confirmations. They generate false information,
ingratiate themselves with elected officials, and steer
jurisprudence toward their deregulation goals.
The call here to overturn Chevron and dismantle
agency powers is a special interest solution in search
of a problem; the purported “problem” is actually a
value for the general public. Regulations facilitated
2 Pew Environment Group,
Government Regulation,
Industry Opposition to
https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/assets/2011/03/industryclean-energy-factsheet.pdf (noting that the utility industry
opposed regulations to combat acid rain despite generating
benefits valued between $118 billion and $177 billion annually
while costing only $18 billion to $21 billion to implement).
3
See Jeff Brady, Exxon climate predictions were accurate
decades ago. Still it sowed doubt, NPR (Jan. 12, 2023),
https://www.npr.org/2023/01/12/1148376084/exxon-climatepredictions-were-accurate-decades-ago-still-it-sowed-doubt;
Ryan Jalsow, Big tobacco kept cancer risk in cigarettes secret:
Study,
CBS
News
(Sept.
30,
2011),
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/big-tobacco-kept-cancer-riskin-cigarettes-secret-study.
3
by Chevron deference have improved the health,
safety, and welfare of the American people.
Unfortunately, this industry-funded operation
has been effective. In West Virginia v. EPA, 4 this
Court significantly limited administrative agency
authority by adopting a so-called “major questions”
doctrine. This new addition in the law led to an
onslaught of challenges to administrative regulatory
authority, many still in litigation. Amidst this
upheaval, it would be rash to further upend
precedent when the effects and understanding of the
newly created “major questions” doctrine are still
developing.
ARGUMENT
I.
CHEVRON, WHICH IS VITAL TO CONGRESS’S
ABILITY TO PROTECT AMERICANS THROUGH
EFFICIENT AND EXPERTISE-BASED REGULATION,
IS UNDER ATTACK IN THIS CASE BY PROCORPORATE SPECIAL INTERESTS
A. Regulation Is A Public Good That
Protects People’s Health, Safety, And
Well-Being
Over the last century, our society has advanced
remarkably. As industries and corporations grew,
their motive to maximize profits caused social harms
and threatened consumer safety.
Regulation
responded.
Heavy equipment and dangerous
chemicals came to mines, factories, and construction
sites; regulators implemented workplace safety
standards. Meatpacking and mass production of
4 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022).
4
consumer goods ballooned; regulators implemented
sanitation requirements in production facilities.
Americans widely adopted automobiles; regulators
required seat belts and air bags.
The
modern
economy
necessitated
a
modernization of the U.S. regulatory framework.
Congress responded to the complexities of the
modern world by ensuring that administrative
agencies have the capacity, flexibility, and expertise
to respond to new developments. 5 Part of that project
was delegating clear and broad authority to executive
agencies and allowing those agencies to adopt and
adapt regulations to respond to new hazards.
As a result, daily life in the United States is
safer. Workplace illnesses, injuries, and deaths
declined. 6 Children on average have lower levels of
lead in their blood. 7 Foodborne illnesses that used to
kill thousands of people per year have been
5 See generally IRA KATZNELSON, FEAR ITSELF: THE NEW DEAL
AND THE ORIGINS OF OUR TIME (2013); Robert L. Rabin, Federal
Regulation in Historical Perspective, 38 Stan. L. Rev. 1189
(1986); Mark Fenster, The Birth of a “Logical System”: Thurman
Arnold and the Making of Modern Administrative Law, 84 Or.
L. Rev. 69 (2005); Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar, Foreword,
Administrative War, 82 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1343 (2014);
Stephen M. Johnson, Indeconstructible: The Triumph of the
Environmental “Administrative State”, 86 U. Cin. L. Rev. 653
(2018).
6 Occupational Safety and Health Administration, Commonly
Used Statistics, https://www.osha.gov/data/commonstats.
7 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Childhood Lead
Poisoning Prevention Program (CLPPP) 30th Anniversary (Feb.
3,
2022),
https://www.cdc.gov/nceh/lead/about/30thanniversary.html.
5
practically wiped out. 8 Highways are no longer
“carnage,” 9 and air travel is even safer than highway
travel. 10 In our current age—when the smartphones
in our pockets are more powerful than the computers
used to put man on the moon, and humans are
consuming more natural resources than at any other
time in history—robust federal regulation is needed
more than ever. 11
Congress’s deliberate delegation of policymaking
authority has produced a highly reticulated body of
administrative law. This body of law is designed to
match the flexibility, efficiency, and expertise of
executive branch agencies with robust accountability
to the president, Congress, and the judiciary.
Agency experts report to politically appointed
agency heads nominated by the President and
confirmed by the Senate. These agency heads serve
at the pleasure of the president, who is accountable
Face the Facts USA, Food without fear (Oct. 28, 2013),
https://facethefactsusa.org/facts/food-without-fear.
9 See generally RALPH NADER, UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE
DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE (1965),
http://www.autolife.umd.umich.edu/Design/Gartman/Books/BK
_Unsafe_Any_Speed.htm.
10 National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Learn the
Facts
About
New
Cars,
https://www.nhtsa.gov/sites/nhtsa.gov/files/documents/newercars-safer-cars_fact-sheet_010320-tag.pdf.
11 See Graham Kendall, Apollo 11 anniversary: Could an iPhone
fly me to the moon?, Independent (July 9, 2019),
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/science/apollo-11-moonlanding-mobile-phones-smartphone-iphone-a8988351.html;
United Nations Environment Programme, We’re gobbling up the
Earth’s resources at an unsustainable rate (Apr. 3, 2019),
https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/were-gobblingearths-resources-unsustainable-rate.
8
6
to the people. 12 If the public is unhappy with how
agencies are implementing Congress’s policies, voters
can make that known at the ballot box.
Congress oversees agency actions through
legislative committees dedicated to agency oversight,
and regularly conducts oversight hearings where
heads of agencies are called to account. Congress
retains the power to enact legislation to limit or
reverse agency rulemakings if it disagrees with the
agency’s actions, in some cases on an expedited
calendar. 13 Furthermore, Congress holds the power
of the purse; every appropriations bill presents an
opportunity to expand, correct, or contract agency
authorities. If the public is unhappy with how
Congress is holding agencies accountable, voters can
make that known at the ballot box.
Finally, agencies are accountable to the
judiciary, which has the authority to review an
agency’s statutory interpretations and actions to
ensure the agency’s decisions are reasonable and
follow appropriate processes and procedures. 14
The notion of unaccountable administrative
agencies is a self-serving mythology.
B. Chevron
Deference
Encourages
Efficient And Effective Regulation
In Chevron U.S.A. v. Natural Resources Defense
Council, 15 this Court announced the Chevron
12 Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 140
S. Ct. 2183, 2197, 2203 (2020).
13 Congressional Review Act, 5 U.S.C. §§ 801-808.
14 5 U.S.C. §§ 704, 706; Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. NRDC, Inc., 467
U.S. 837, 844 (1984).
15 467 U.S. 837 (1984).
7
deference framework, which requires courts to defer
to an executive agency’s reasonable interpretation of
an ambiguous statute that Congress charged the
agency with administering. 16
For nearly four
decades, Chevron has been a successful piece of the
modern regulatory safeguards described above.
Congress has long legislated against the backdrop of
Chevron deference, which allows expert agencies—
themselves created by Congress—to implement
statutes passed by Congress. Overruling Chevron
would shift regulatory authority away from Congress
and executive agencies to the courts, undermining
decades of congressional action, upsetting settled
reliance by industries and lawmakers, and
hampering the functioning of the federal
government.
Chevron ensures that unelected courts respect
career experts who report to politically accountable
agency heads as agencies implement and refine
Congress’s broad policy objectives. For example, to
maintain safe air travel, Congress delegated
authority for regulating the manufacturing and
maintenance of aircraft and the use of navigable U.S.
airspace to the Federal Aviation Administration
(FAA). 17 To ensure the safe consumption of meat
products, Congress delegated authority for
regulating processing facility sanitation and meat
storage and handling requirements to the U.S.
Department of Agriculture (USDA). 18 Congress
entrusts these agencies to fulfill these roles because
it is not equipped to perform agency functions or
16 Id. at 843.
17 49 U.S.C. §§ 40103, 44701.
18 21 U.S.C. §§ 608, 624.
8
legislate with the kind of specificity or expertise
required in today’s modern, complex industries. 19
For air traffic alone, the FAA has more than 35,000
employees, including air traffic controllers,
technicians, engineers, and support personnel to
assist with directing flights in U.S. airspace. 20 The
USDA employs approximately 9,000 employees in its
Food Safety and Inspection Service to ensure the safe
production of meat, poultry, and egg products. 21 By
contrast, the U.S. House of Representatives employs
approximately 10,000 staffers 22 who must split their
time across a legion of substantive, policy, and
political obligations. Congress simply does not have
the time, staff, or expertise to perform the
responsibilities of every regulatory agency.
Congress is, by design, a slow-moving institution.
Our bicameral legislature is composed of two
deliberative bodies that must engage with each other
as well as the president to pass legislation into law. 23
Public protection can demand flexible and highly
technical responses to conditions that change
Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361, 372–73 (1989)
(acknowledging that “in our increasingly complex society,
replete with ever changing and more technical problems,
Congress simply cannot do its job absent an ability to delegate
power under broad general directives”).
20
Federal
Aviation
Administration, Our
Business,
https://www.faa.gov/jobs/who_we_are/our_business.
21 U.S. Dep’t of
Agric., Have a Question? AskUSDA,
https://ask.usda.gov/s/article/How-many-food-inspectors-areemployed-by-FSIS.
22 U.S. House of Representatives, Positions with Members and
Committees,
https://www.house.gov/employment/positionswith-members-and-committees.
23 See Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116, 2134 (2019)
(Gorsuch, J., dissenting).
19
9
rapidly. For instance, scientific understanding of the
harmfulness of fine particulate matter, the poisonous
potential of lead paint and pipes, and the dangers of
fossil fuel emissions-driven planetary warming has
changed significantly with time. 24 Moreover, the
technology to reduce and eliminate pollutants is
constantly evolving. The public’s well-being requires
that the federal government respond quickly and
flexibly, particularly to emerging environmental
dangers and evolving remedial processes.
But
Congress is not equipped to do so. So far in 2023,
Congress has passed thirty bills, only thirteen of
which have been signed into law. 25 Even if agencies
completed 99% of the work required to develop and
draft new rules, requiring Congress to enact the
thousands of regulations that are published by
agencies each year would still vastly exceed the hours
on the legislative calendar. 26
24 See, e.g., Independent Particulate Matter Review Panel, The
Need for a Tighter Particulate Air-Quality Standard, 383 N.
Eng. J. Med. 680, 680-83 (2020); Michele Augusto Riva et al.,
Lead Poisoning: Historical Aspects of a Paradigmatic
“Occupational and Environmental Disease”, 3 Safe Health Work
11, 11-14 (2012); United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change, Global Warming of 1.5 °C (2018).
25
Congress.gov,
https://www.congress.gov/quicksearch/legislation?wordsPhrases=&wordVariants=on&congres
sGroups%5B%5D=0&congresses%5B%5D=118&legislationNu
mbers=&legislativeAction=110&sponsor=on&representative=
&senator; Public Laws https://www.congress.gov/publiclaws/118th-congress.
26 See MAEVE P. CAREY, CONG. RESEARCH SERV., R43056,
COUNTING REGULATIONS: AN OVERVIEW OF RULEMAKING, TYPES
OF FEDERAL REGULATIONS, AND PAGES IN THE FEDERAL
REGISTER 1 (2019) (showing between 3,000-4,000 final rule
documents published in the Federal Register each year between
2005-2018).
10
Opponents of Chevron deference argue that it
violates separation of powers by moving Congress’s
policymaking authority to regulatory agencies. On
the contrary, Chevron deference furthers the
separation of powers by encouraging effective
policymaking according to Congress’s wishes:
Congress empowers an agency through statute,
giving deliberate deference to agency experts to hash
out the technical and policy details, while
maintaining a highly lively array of means to correct
the agency when required. Chevron helps Congress
responsibly oversee institutions “to confront new
public needs.” 27
In the same way that the Constitution is not a
“suicide pact,” 28 it is equally not a mandate to inflict
mass harm or casualty on the American people. The
fact that Congress, over the last forty years, has
deliberately treated Chevron deference as a
background presumption when assigning statutory
authority to agencies shows that this system works
for Congress and the American people. If Congress
believed Chevron deference were an impediment to
effective policymaking or encroached on its
authorities, then Congress long ago would have
amended the Administrative Procedure Act to
eliminate it. Instead, Congress, voting with its feet,
See Craig Green, Deconstructing the Administrative State:
Chevron Debates and the Transformation of Constitutional
Politics, 101 B.U. L. Rev. 619, 702 (2021).
28 Terminiello v. Chicago, 337 U.S. 1, 37 (1949) (Burton, J.,
dissenting).
27
11
stands firmly behind agency discretion in carrying
out Congress’s broad policy objectives. 29
Eliminating Chevron deference would not just
conflict
with
Congress’s
well-established
policymaking desires; it would erode the separation
of powers by shifting policymaking power from
Congress and the executive to the unaccountable
judiciary. 30 Even if it were true that there is not
adequate accountability in administrative agencies,
the answer to that is hardly to remove that authority
to even-less-accountable courts, or to a Congress that
would be so practically overwhelmed as to render
accountability meaningless.
It should be noted that it is in administrative
agencies that industries encounter expert oversight.
Congressional committees have limited expertise in
technical questions; courts usually have none. It is
very much in industries’ interest to move decisionmaking away from experts and into forums where the
industry’s information advantage and political and
financial clout can sway outcomes to the benefit of
industry. An entire literature exists about regulatory
agency “capture”; a similar goal is achieved by
regulatory agency impotence.
29 See Green, supra note 27, at 702, 666-68 (2021) (“Efforts to
destroy administrative deference have failed in Congress for
almost fifty years.”); cf. United States v. Midwest Oil Co., 236
U.S. 459, 472-73 (1915) (“Both officers, lawmakers, and citizens
naturally adjust themselves to any long-continued action of the
Executive Department, on the presumption that unauthorized
acts would not have been allowed to be so often repeated as to
crystallize into a regular practice.”).
30 Id. at 679.
12
Congress has chosen (and for decades reaffirmed
its choice) to maintain this balanced and proven
process. To overrule the choices of Congress and
arrogate significant swaths of government
policymaking to courts would be a defiance, not a
defense, of the separation of powers.
C. Petitioners’ Amici Are Collaborators
In A Decades-Long, Industry-Funded
Attempt To Undermine Government
Regulation
The modern U.S. regulatory apparatus is rich
with oversight—executive, legislative, and judicial—
and the notions of an unaccountable regulatory state
described above are a canard propagated by special
interests. The special interests in this case, arguing
from behind a flotilla of front group amici supporting
petitioners, deploy this canard to create an
accountability gap—a gap where regulation fails
because Congress has not the time or expertise to
regulate and agencies have not the authority to do so.
The flotilla of amici supporting petitioners
includes several repeat players that pushed for
deregulation in cases before this Court over the last
twenty-three years. Two terms ago, seven amici,
including The Buckeye Institute, Cato Institute,
Competitive Enterprise Institute, Landmark Legal
Foundation, New Civil Liberties Alliance, New
England Legal Foundation, and Mountain States
Legal Foundation, filed briefs in West Virginia v. EPA
urging the Court to limit executive regulatory
13
authority. 31 Amici U.S. Chamber of Commerce,
National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation,
New Civil Liberties Union, and Pacific Legal
Foundation filed briefs in American Hospital
Association v. Becerra, arguing that the Court should
limit Chevron deference. 32
These repeat players seek to undermine the
federal government’s regulatory authority, to benefit
corporate interests. Pacific Legal Foundation in
Seila Law v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau
asked this Court to throw out the entirety of the
Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. 33
Cato
Institute, Landmark Legal Foundation, and
Mountain States Legal Foundation filed amicus
briefs in King v. Burwell, arguing that the executive
branch’s implementation of the Affordable Care Act,
including resolving inconsistencies in the statutory
31 See Brief of Amicus Curiae the Buckeye Institute in Support
of Petitioners, West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022);
Brief of the Cato Institute and Mountain States Legal
Foundation as Amici Curiae in Support of Petitioners, id.; Brief
of Amicus Curiae the Competitive Enterprise Institute in
Support of Petitioners, id.; Brief of Amicus Curiae Landmark
Legal Foundation in Support of Petitioners, id.; Amicus Curiae
Brief of the New Civil Liberties Alliance in Support of
Petitioners, id.; and Brief of Amicus Curiae New England Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioners, id.
32 See Brief for Amicus Curiae the Chamber of Commerce of the
United States of America in Support of Neither Party, American
Hospital Ass’n v. Becerra, 141 S. Ct. 2883 (2022); Amicus Curiae
Brief for the National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation,
Inc. in Support of Petitioners, id.; Brief of the New Civil
Liberties Alliance as Amicus Curiae in Support of Petitioners,
id.; and Brief Amicus Curiae of Pacific Legal Foundation in
Support of Petitioners, id.
33 Brief of Amicus Curiae Pacific Legal Foundation in Support
of Petitioner, Seila Law LLC v. CFPB, 140 S. Ct. 2183.
14
U.S. Chamber of
text, was unconstitutional. 34
Commerce as a petitioner in Utility Air Regulatory
Group v. EPA, and Mountain States Legal
Foundation and Pacific Legal Foundation as amici
argued that EPA’s regulation of greenhouse gas
emissions from new motor vehicles was unlawful. 35
Cato Institute filed an amicus brief in Arlington v.
FCC arguing that this Court should not defer to the
FCC on the interpretation of its own jurisdictional
statute. 36
Cato Institute and Pacific Legal
Foundation filed amicus briefs in Massachusetts v.
EPA, arguing that EPA lacked the authority to
regulate greenhouse gases altogether. 37 And Pacific
Legal Foundation also filed an amicus brief in FDA
v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., arguing that
the FDA did not have authority to regulate tobacco
products and that tobacco regulation should rest
See Brief of Amici Curiae Cato Institute and Prof. Josh
Blackman in Support of Petitioners, King v. Burwell, 576 U.S.
473 (2015); Brief of Amicus Curiae Landmark Legal Foundation
in Support of Petitioners, id., and Amicus Curiae Brief of
Mountain States Legal Foundation in Support of Petitioners, id.
35 See Opening Brief of Petitioners Chamber of Commerce of the
United States of America, State of Alaska, and American Farm
Bureau Federation, Utility Air Regulatory Group v. EPA, 573
U.S. 302 (2014); Amicus Curiae Brief of Mountain States Legal
Foundation in Support of Petitioners, id.; and Brief Amicus
Curiae of Pacific Legal Foundation et al. in Support of
Petitioners, id.
36 See Brief of Amici Curiae Cato Institute et al. in Support of
Petitioners, Arlington v. FCC, 569 U.S. 290 (2013).
37 See Brief of the Cato Institute et al. as Amici Curiae in
Support of Respondents, Massachusetts v. EPA, 549 U.S. 497
(2007), and Brief Amicus Curiae of Pacific Legal Foundation in
Support of the Environmental Protection Agency, id.
34
15
solely with Congress given its significant economic
and public health impacts. 38
The common thread through these antiregulatory positions is massive funding from procorporate special interests. The fossil fuel industry
particularly has long sought to undermine executive
regulatory authority.
For example, amici The
Buckeye Institute, Cato Institute, Competitive
Enterprise Institute, Landmark Legal Foundation,
Mountain States Legal Foundation, National Right
to Work Legal Defense Foundation, New Civil
Liberties Alliance, and Pacific Legal Foundation
have all received hundreds of thousands, and
sometimes millions, of dollars from Donors Trust and
Donors Capital Fund—two donor-advised funds that
allow ultra-wealthy interests to direct funding
anonymously. 39 Donors Trust—described as the
“dark-money ATM of the right” 40—and Donors
Capital Fund have for instance contributed over a
third of a trillion dollars to fund the climate denial
operation. 41
See Brief of Amicus Curiae Pacific Legal Foundation in
Support of Affirmance, FDA v. Brown & Williamson, 529 U.S.
120 (2000).
39 SourceWatch, DonorsTrust and Donors Capital Fund Grant
Recipients,
https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/DonorsTrust_and_Don
ors_Capital_Fund_Grant_Recipients.
40 Andy Kroll, Exposed: The Dark-Money ATM of the
Conservative Movement, Mother Jones (Feb. 5, 2013),
https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2013/02/donors-trustdonor-capital-fund-dark-money-koch-bradley-devos.
41 Robert J. Brulle et al., Obstructing action: foundation funding
and US climate change counter-movement organizations,
https://cssn.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Brulle2021_
Article_ObstructingActionFoundationFun.pdf.
38
16
The Buckeye Institute, Cato Institute,
Competitive Enterprise Institute, New Civil
Liberties Alliance, and Pacific Legal Foundation
have also received substantial funding from the Koch
family foundations—another top ten funder for the
climate change counter-movement. 42 Cato Institute,
which the Koch family founded, has been
instrumental in developing and promoting the
industry “intellectual capital” that undergirds these
challenges to executive authority—from new rightwing legal theories to anti-regulation handbooks for
members of Congress to whitepapers arguing that
“Federal Agency Guidelines Threaten Your
Liberty.” 43 The Bradley Foundation, yet another topten grantor for climate change denial, has funded The
Buckeye Institute, Cato Institute, Competitive
SourceWatch,
Koch
Family
Foundations,
https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Koch_Family_Fo
undations; Brulle et al., supra note 41, at 3.
43
Jerry Taylor, The Role of Congress in Monitoring
Administrative Rulemaking, Cato Inst. (Sept. 12, 1996),
https://www.cato.org/testimony/role-congress-monitoringadministrative-rulemaking
(stating
that
delegation
“undermin[es] democracy”); CATO INST., CATO HANDBOOK FOR
CONGRESS 79 (2003) (describing delegation as “The Corrosive
Agency of Democracy”); Robert A. Anthony, Unlegislated
Compulsion: How Federal Agency Guidelines Threaten Your
Liberty, Cato Inst. (Aug. 11, 1998), https://www.cato.org/policyanalysis/unlegislated-compulsion-how-federal-agencyguidelines-threaten-liberty. In 2014, Taylor realized he, Cato,
and the rest of the right-wing anti-climate groups were
misleading the public about climate change. In a noisy exit, he
left Cato and began supporting policies to reduce greenhouse
gas emissions.
See David Roberts, The arguments that
convinced a libertarian to support aggressive action on climate,
Vox
(May
12,
2015),
https://www.vox.com/2015/5/12/8588273/the-arguments-thatconvinced-this-libertarian-to-support-a-carbon-tax.
42
17
Enterprise Institute, Landmark Legal Foundation,
New Civil Liberties Alliance, and Pacific Legal
Additionally, many of
Foundation as well. 44
petitioners’ amici have received funding directly from
fossil fuel corporations. For example, ExxonMobil
has donated significant sums to Cato Institute,
Competitive Enterprise Institute, Landmark Legal
Foundation, Mountain States Legal Foundation,
Pacific Legal Foundation, and the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce. 45
Funding of petitioners’ amici also comes from
sources attempting to influence outcomes in these
regulatory cases from other directions. Advancing
American Freedom received $1.5 million from
Leonard Leo’s Concord Fund between 2020 and
2021. 46 The Concord Fund, also known under a
“fictitious name,” 47 Judicial Crisis Network, has
expended millions of dollars to recommend and
confirm far-right, anti-regulation judges to the
federal bench, and to fund Republican campaigns for
state attorneys general 48 who then challenge federal
regulations before those sympathetic judges.
SourceWatch, Contributions of the Bradley Foundation,
https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Contributions_of
_the_Bradley_Foundation; Brulle et al., supra note 41.
45 DeSmog, ExxonMobil’s Funding of Climate Science Denial,
https://www.desmog.com/exxonmobil-funding-climate-sciencedenial.
46
SourceWatch,
Advancing
American
Freedom,
https://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Advancing_American_
Freedom.
47 State Corporation Commission, Fictitious Names,
https://scc.virginia.gov/pages/Fictitious-Names.
48 Coral Davenport, Republican Drive to Tilt Courts Against
Climate Action Reaches a Crucial Moment, N.Y. Times (June 19,
44
18
Many of the other twenty-three amici supporting
petitioners also likely have ties to special interest
groups. However, because so many industry front
groups do not disclose their donors, the parties, the
Court, and the public are denied a more complete
understanding of the linkages. 49 We do know that
amici’s industry-funded and industry-promoted
arguments would empower and enrich corporations
at the expense of the public health, safety, and
welfare.
Proper disclosure may well show that these
groups are essentially one coordinated machine. The
Court should be wary of these groups’ industrydriven narratives.
II.
THE COURT SHOULD REJECT EFFORTS TO
ENLIST
IT
IN
AN
INDUSTRY-DRIVEN
DEREGULATORY AGENDA
The assault in this case on the regulatory system
is not an isolated effort. For years, regulated
interests have funded a full-scale campaign to
delegitimize and dismantle federal regulations. The
Court should proceed cautiously before contributing
to their sought-for degradation of our American
regulatory system.
2022), https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/19/climate/supremecourt-climate-epa.html.
49 Furthermore, the Court’s failure to meaningfully enforce its
amicus disclosure under Rule 37.6 prevents the public from
knowing who is truly behind amici advocating before the Court.
19
A. The Attack On Chevron In This Case Is
Part Of A Larger, Industry-Driven
Campaign To Undermine Regulatory
Agencies And Expand Corporate
Profits
The attack on Chevron in this case by industryfunded groups is not surprising. The American
regulatory system is a massive value to the American
people. However, certain regulated industries resent
the constraints these regulations place upon them.
These industries have spent billions to undo these
constraints, through massive public-relations
operations, the purchasing of political capital
through campaign-finance spending, and cases such
as this one—seeded through years of industry
spending and buoyed by flotillas of industry amici. 50
The foundation for such cases often begins with
“intellectual capital” conjured by industry-funded
50 See, e.g., Mark Joseph Stern, What the Koch Brothers’ Money
Buys, Slate (May 2, 2018), https://slate.com/news-andpolitics/2018/05/we-now-know-how-the-koch-brothers-andleonard-leo-buy-special-favors.html (discussing the Koch
Brothers’ funding of deregulatory academic institutions); Kroll,
supra note 40; Alexander Hertel-Fernandez, Caroline Tervo,
and Theda Skocpol, How the Koch brothers built the most
powerful rightwing group you’ve never heard of, The Guardian
(Sept.
26,
2018),
https://www.theguardian.com/usnews/2018/sep/26/koch-brothers-americans-for-prosperityrightwing-political-group; SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, CAPTURED
147-58 (2017) (discussing dark-money industry funding of
plaintiffs, counsels, and amici curiae in pro-industry litigation);
Nicholas Confessore, Koch Brothers’ Budget of $889 Million for
2016 Is on Par With Both Parties’ Spending, N.Y. Times (Jan.
26,
2015),
https://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/27/us/politics/kochs-plan-tospend-900-million-on-2016-campaign.html.
20
This “intellectual
front groups and scholars. 51
capital” helps “frame, filter, or shape the outcome of
. . . decision-making process[es]” to benefit the
deregulatory agenda. 52 These ideas are then spread
and amplified through pseudo-grassroots organizing,
legislative
lobbying,
and
industry-financed
conferences, before being deployed as legal
arguments in courtrooms.
For example, petitioners and their amici argue
that Chevron’s promotion of “agency policymaking
succeeds only in confirming that Chevron ‘is nothing
more than a judicially orchestrated shift of power
from Congress to the Executive Branch.’” 53 They
argue that “Chevron should be overruled, and the
decision below should be reversed so that the liberty
of the small businesses that pursued this matter all
the way to this Court is secured.” 54 Regulated
industries have long sought to convince policymakers
and the Court that giving agency experts the
AMANDA HOLLIS-BRUSKY, IDEAS WITH CONSEQUENCES: THE
FEDERALIST
SOCIETY
AND
THE
CONSERVATIVE
COUNTERREVOLUTION 7, 12 (2014).
52 Id.
51
Br. for Pet’rs at 27 (quoting Brett M. Kavanaugh, Fixing
Statutory Interpretation, 129 Harv. L. Rev. 2118, 2150). See also
Br. of Pacific Legal Foundation as Amicus Curiae in Supp. of
Pet’rs at 10-11; Br. of America First Legal Foundation as
Amicus Curiae in Supp. of Pet’rs at 2; Br. Amicus Curiae of
Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America in Supp.
of Pet’rs at 2-3.
54 Br. for Pet’rs at 52. See also Br. Amicus Curiae of Chamber
of Commerce of the United States of America in Supp. of Petr’s
at 4.
53
21
flexibility to address complex and difficult issues
threatens “individual liberty.” 55
This “freedom” narrative that big, regulated
industries have tried to push on the Court is false.
The regulations bemoaned by these industries in fact
provide the American people with freedom—freedom
from injury, death, and “the tyranny of others’ stupid
decisions.” 56 The constraints on corporate actions
imposed by these regulations are no different than
numerous “limitations on our individual freedoms”
that each of us regularly accept “to gain greater
freedom,” through “regulations that reduce smog,
acid rain, ozone destruction, the use of DDT,
backyard burning of garbage, driving while
intoxicated, noise pollution, lead in paint and
gasoline, certain carcinogens, water pollution—and
more recently, exposure to secondhand smoke,
injuries caused by not wearing seat belts, and texting
while driving.” 57 The freedom to cut corners, pollute,
and escape accountability is not a real freedom; it is
theft of the freedom of others to be spared the
polluters’ harms.
No industry has devoted more resources to
dismantling government regulations than the fossil
fuel industry. That industry spends vast sums on
campaign
contributions,
on
supposedly
“independent” spending groups and “issue ads,” and
on an extensive apparatus for the dissemination of
fake science and industry propaganda, all to block
55 Br. for Pet’rs at 32.
See also Taylor, supra note 43.
56 SHAWN OTTO, THE WAR ON SCIENCE (2016).
57 Id.
22
Congress from combatting climate change. 58 It
spends similar resources securing the placement of
industry allies atop key executive agencies. 59 And it
funds litigation to challenge laws or regulations that
might hinder its freedom-to-pollute business model. 60
58 See e.g., Matthew H. Goldberg et al., Oil and Gas Companies
Invest in Legislators that Vote Against the Environment, 117
Proceedings of the Nat’l Acad. of Sciences 5111 (2020) (“The
more a given member of Congress votes against environmental
policies, the more contributions they receive from oil and gas
companies supporting their reelection.”); Alan Zibel, Big Oil’s
Capitol Hill Allies, Pub. Citizen (Feb. 10, 2021),
https://www.citizen.org/article/big-oils-capitol-hill-allies
(documenting $13.4 million in donations from oil and gas
interests to twenty-nine lawmakers who signed a letter
denouncing the Biden administration’s pause on new oil and gas
leases); Suzanne Goldenberg & Helena Bengtsson, Oil and gas
industry has pumped millions into Republican campaigns, The
Guardian (Mar. 3, 2016), https://www.theguardian.com/usnews/2016/mar/03/oil-and-gas-industry-has-pumped-millionsinto-republican-campaigns (documenting approximately $107
million donated through fossil fuel superPACs to Republican
presidential candidates in 2015).
59 Danielle Ivory & Robert Faturechi, The Deep Industry Ties
of Trump’s Deregulation Teams, N.Y. Times (July 11, 2017),
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/11/business/the-deepindustry-ties-of-trumps-deregulation-teams.html; Jonathan
Swan & Maggie Haberman, Heritage Foundation Makes Plans
to Staff Next G.O.P. Administration, N.Y. Times (Apr. 20,
2023),
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/20/us/politics/republicanpresident-2024-heritage-foundation.html.
60 See What’s Wrong with the Supreme Court: The Big-Money
Assault on Our Judiciary: Hearing Before the S. Comm. on the
Judiciary, 117th Cong. 6 (2021) (statement of Lisa Graves);
Peter Stone, Big oil remembers ‘friend’ Trump with millions in
campaign
funds,
The
Guardian
(Aug.
9,
2020),
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/aug/09/big-oiltrump-campaign-donations-fossil-fuel-industry.
23
In recent years, the fossil fuel-funded U.S.
Chamber of Commerce has argued that EPA’s latest
efforts to reduce carbon pollution from coal- and gasfired power plants—even now 61—still “go too far, too
fast.” 62 A trade group for the power industry, which
“accounts for a quarter of the nation’s greenhouse gas
emissions,” opposed the EPA’s plan “to curb climatewarming emissions” from “existing natural gas-fired
power plants.” 63 And this summer, the American
Petroleum Institute, American Fuel & Petrochemical
Manufacturers, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and
a host of other trade associations said EPA’s proposal
to strengthen greenhouse gas emissions standards
see,
e.g., Robert Barnes & Steven Mufson, Supreme Court freezes
Obama plan to limit carbon emissions, Wash. Post (Feb. 9,
61 For previous campaigns to prevent these EPA efforts,
2016), https://www.washingtonpost.com/
politics/courts_law/supreme-court-freezes-obama-plan-to-limitcarbon-emissions/2016/02/09/ac9dfad8-cf85-11e5-abc9ea152f0b9561_story.html (noting that this Court granted a
stay requested by “more than two dozen states, plus utilities
and coal companies” of a previous EPA proposal); Brief of U.S.
Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse, et al. in Support of Respondents at
18-19, West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022)
(documenting industry amici urging the Court to curtail EPA’s
regulatory authority).
62 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Press Release, U.S. Chamber
Warns Proposed Powerplant Rule Could Threaten Reliability
and Harm Economy (May 11, 2023),
https://www.uschamber.com/energy/u-s-chamber-warnsproposed-powerplant-rule-could-harm-economy.
63 Nichola Groom & Valerie Volcovici, Top US utility group
opposes emissions plan for existing gas plans, Reuters (Aug. 1,
2023), https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/climateenergy/top-us-utility-group-opposes-emissions-plan-existinggas-plants-source-2023-08-01.
24
for cars and light trucks “is not in the best interests
of the consumer or of U.S. energy.” 64
The federal judiciary is the latest target of this
polluter-driven deregulatory campaign. Almost $600
million has been spent to reshape the judiciary to fit
the interests of corporate special interests, with
much of that money connected to the fossil fuel
industry. 65 That reshaping was part of a “larger
plan” to deconstruct the so-called “administrative
state.” 66 The reshaping effort and the deregulatory
efforts were “the flip side of the same coin,” 67
64 Letter from Agricultural Retailers Association et al. to
Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Jr., President of the United States
(July 11, 2023), available at https://www.api.org//media/files/news/letters-comments/2023/multi-stakeholderletter-to-biden-on-epa-tailpipe-rules.pdf.
65 Evan Vorpahl, Leonard Leo’s Court Capture Web Raised
Nearly $600 Million Before Biden Won; Now It’s Spending
Untold Millions from Secret Sources to Attack Judge Ketanji
Brown Jackson, True North Rsch. (Mar. 22, 2022),
https://truenorthresearch.org/2022/03/leonard-leos-courtcapture-web-raised-nearly-600-million-before-biden-won-nowits-spending-untold-millions-from-secret-sources-to-attackjudge-ketanji-brown-jackson.
66 Jeremy W. Peters, Stephen Bannon Reassures Conservatives
Uneasy About Trump, N.Y. Times (Feb. 23, 2017),
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/23/us/politics/cpac-stephenbannon-reince-priebus.html; Eli Watkins, Top WH lawyer
details Trump admin’s ‘larger plan’ to shrink regulatory state,
CNN
(Feb.
22,
2018),
https://www.cnn.com/2018/02/22/politics/don-mcgahnregulatory-cpac/index.html; see also Luke Hartig, Trump’s
Four-Pronged War on the Administrative State, Just Security
(Feb. 7, 2018), https://www.justsecurity.org/51958/presidenttrumps-four-pronged-war-administrative-state .
Robert Barnes & Steven Mufson, White House Counts on
Kavanaugh in Battle Against ‘Administrative State’, Wash. Post
67
25
according to White House Counsel Donald McGahn,
who “exercised an unprecedented degree of control
over judicial appointments.” 68 The reward was
massive reelection campaign support. 69
The fossil fuel industry has an enormous motive
to oppose regulations and attack agency power. The
International Monetary Fund estimates that total
fossil fuel subsidies in the United States, both direct
and indirect (i.e., the unpriced negative externalities
associated with fossil fuel production and
combustion), totaled $760 billion in 2022. 70 The
Fund previously estimated U.S. fossil fuel subsidies
to have totaled $660 billion in 2020. 71 In 2019, the
(Aug.
12,
2018),
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/courts_law/brettkavanaugh-and-the-end-of-the-regulatory-state-as-we-knowit/2018/08/12/22649a04-9bdc-11e8-8d5ec6c594024954_story.html; see also Jason Zengerle, How the
Trump Administration is Remaking the Courts, N.Y. Times
(Aug.
22,
2018),
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/22/magazine/trumpremaking-courts-judiciary.html (quoting McGahn’s November
2017 speech to the Federalist Society observing that “regulatory
reform and judicial selection are so deeply connected”).
68 Zengerle, supra note 67.
69 Matt Egan, Exxon denies Trump called CEO for money.
But
Big Oil is donating way more to Trump than Biden, CNN (Oct.
21, 2020), https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/20/business/trumpexxon-oil-biden-campaign-donations/index.html.
70 Simon Black, et al., IMF Fossil Fuel Subsidies Data: 2023
Update, IMF working papers (Aug. 24, 2023),
https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2023/08/22/IM
F-Fossil-Fuel-Subsidies-Data-2023-Update-537281.
71 Ian Parry, Still Not Getting Energy Prices Right: A Global
and Country Update on Fossil Fuel Subsidies at 26, IMF
working papers (Sept. 24, 2021),
26
Fund estimated that U.S. fossil fuel subsidies totaled
$649 billion in 2015. 72 (The growth in the subsidy is
the growth in the expected harm from climate
pollution.) Take the Fund’s lowest estimate—$649
billion in 2015—and multiply it by the 7 years since
the Court blocked the Clean Power Plan regulation,
and the motive to protect the freedom-to-pollute
business model sums to more than $4.5 trillion.
The campaign to protect the freedom to pollute is
well served propagating the idea that regulations
jeopardize the separation of powers and, as a result,
individual liberty. The Court should be clear-eyed
about how this narrative fits into the overall scheme.
The theatricality of the industry-funded
campaign against Chevron (the “Lord Voldemort of
administrative law” 73) is somewhat belied by its
recency.
“From 1980 to 2008, mainstream
conservatives did not oppose administrative
deference, much less did they claim that deference
violates the separation of powers.” 74 Even industryfunded think tanks like the Cato Institute, Heritage
Foundation, and American Enterprise Institute
published articles and policy guides that bemoaned
https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2021/09/23/Still
-Not-Getting-Energy-Prices-Right-A-Global-and-CountryUpdate-of-Fossil-Fuel-Subsidies-466004.
72 David Coady et al., Global Fossil Fuel Subsidies Remain
Large: An Update Based on Country-Level Estimates at 2,
IMF working paper (May 2, 2019),
https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2019/05/02/Glo
bal-Fossil-Fuel-Subsidies-Remain-Large-An-Update-Based-onCountry-Level-Estimates-46509.
73 Pacific Legal Found brief at 2 (quoting Aposhian v. Wilkinson,
989 F.3d 890, 896 (10th Cir. 2021) (en banc) (Tymkovich, J.,
dissenting)).
74 Green, supra note 27, at 643.
27
judicial
intervention
in
policymaking
and
emphasized the broad power of the executive
branch. 75 Now, these groups and others call on
Congress and this Court to end Chevron deference
because the doctrine purportedly has been “long
abused by federal agencies,” 76 is “unconstitutional
and ahistorical,” 77 has “wreaked havoc . . . upon
people and businesses,” 78 and is not “appropriate for
a democratic republic.” 79
The conversion correlates with a “plan to fill the
courts with judges devoted to a legal doctrine that
challenges the broad power federal agencies have to
interpret laws and enforce regulations. . . . Those not
on board with this agenda, the White House . . . said,
[were] unlikely to be nominated.” 80 Mr. McGahn left
no doubt about the goal, saying “it’s not a
coincidence” that the administration “spent a lot of
75 Id. at 648-652.
76 GianCarlo Canaparo & Jack Fitzhenry, Chevron Deference,
Long Abused by Federal Agencies, on Supreme Court’s Chopping
Block?,
Heritage
Found.
(May
5,
2023),
https://www.heritage.org/governmentregulation/commentary/chevron-deference-long-abusedfederal-agencies-supreme-courts (emphasis added).
77 Br. of Cato Institute and Committee for Justice as Amici
Curiae in Supp. of Pet’rs at 2.
78 Id.
79 Peter J. Wallison, Op-ed, Reclaiming Legislative Power from
the Administrative State, Am. Enterprise Inst. (Aug. 2, 2022),
https://www.aei.org/op-eds/reclaiming-legislative-power-fromthe-administrative-state.
80 Jeremy W. Peters, Trump’s New Judicial Litmus Test:
Shrinking ‘the Administrative State’, N.Y. Times (Mar. 26,
2018), https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/26/us/politics/trumpjudges-courts-administrative-state.html,
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/26/us/politics/trump-judgescourts-administrative-state.html.
28
time thinking about Chevron” and focused on
overturning it. 81 The administration’s efforts had the
full support of Charles and David Koch, “two of the
biggest financial backers of the effort to elect office
holders committed to deregulation.” 82 Of course, the
fossil-fuel-funded Koch network stands to gain from
deregulation, hence the presence of so many Kochconnected amici supporting petitioners in this case. 83
The pivot of so many groups to attack Chevron,
and thereby transfer power from agencies to judges,
follows this long effort within the courts.
B. The Court Caused Upheaval Around
Agency Power In Recent Cases, Which
Should Be Allowed To Settle Before
Further Disturbing Settled Law
Over the past two years, the Supreme Court has
caused significant disruption of the law surrounding
agency power and the ability of regulators to carry
out their assigned functions.
A radical new tool for undercutting agency
policymaking, the so-called “major questions”
doctrine, gives judges startling freedom to halt
agency actions based on the judge’s personal view of
the action’s “majorness.” 84 Using this doctrine, a
81 Green, supra note 27, at 686.
82 Peters, supra note 80.
83 Supra notes
39-42 and accompanying text.
84 Biden v. Nebraska, 143 S. Ct. 2355, 2381 (2023) (Barrett, J.,
concurring). See Questions Remain on Major Questions
Doctrine,
Penn
Carey
Law
(June
30,
2023),
https://www.law.upenn.edu/live/news/15982-questions-remainon-major-questions-doctrine (“What remains missing from the
Court’s treatment of the major questions doctrine . . . is any real
29
hostile court can “negate broad delegations Congress
has approved, because they will have significant
regulatory impacts.” 85
West Virginia v. EPA 86 fired the starting gun of
an industry race to unwind regulations on those
industries. Dozens of industry-driven cases cite this
doctrine in litigation across the country. 87 Indeed,
immediately following the Court’s decision,
“[o]pponents of federal action on pipelines, asbestos,
nuclear waste, corporate disclosure and highway
planning” began “seizing” on the opportunities
introduced
by
West
Virginia
v.
EPA. 88
Unsurprisingly, no agency has been subjected to
more “major questions” challenges than the EPA—
the agency primarily responsible for reining in the
harms caused by the fossil fuel industry. 89
indication of what counts as a ‘major’ questions, beyond what is
in the eyes of the beholder.”).
85 Biden v. Nebraska, 2355 S. Ct. at 2391 (Kagan, J., dissenting).
86 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022).
87 See, e.g., Alex Guillén, Impact of Supreme Court’s climate
ruling
spreads,
Politico
(July
20,
2022),
https://www.politico.com/news/2022/07/20/chill-from-scotusclimate-ruling-hits-wide-range-of-biden-actions-00045920; Erin
Webb, Analysis: Major Questions Doctrine Filings Are Up in a
Major
Way,
Bloomberg
Law
(Feb.
1,
2022),
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/bloomberg-lawanalysis/analysis-major-questions-doctrine-filings-are-up-in-amajor-way; Jennifer Hijazi, Biden Tailpipe Emission Rules Face
‘Major Questions’ Legal Wave, Bloomberg Law (Apr. 14, 2023),
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/environment-andenergy/biden-tailpipe-emission-rules-face-major-questionslegal-wave.
88 Guillén, supra note 87.
89 Erin Webb, Analysis: EPA Under Major Questions Microscope
So Far in 2023, Bloomberg Law (May 5, 2023),
30
It would be imprudent, at a minimum, to inject
further uncertainty into the law before the dust
settles from this last upheaval. Novel questions
about the application of the major-questions doctrine
continue to percolate through the courts, and that
percolation is a valuable part of regular judicial
process. 90 Courts that have for years faithfully
applied Chevron would be suddenly asked to
reconcile the unsettled consequences of the major
questions doctrine with the removal of this known
stalwart.
Such a decision risks further inserting the
judiciary into the policymaking function properly left
to political branches. 91 As other amici have noted,
the Court’s recent deregulatory decisions have
already curtailed agency power and discouraged
regulation. 92 There is no need for the Court to open
those floodgates further.
If the Court is committed to maintaining the
“major questions” doctrine as a valid exercise of
judicial power, it should at minimum wait for courts
to flesh out the true scope and contours of that power
before introducing another radical change to the law.
https://news.bloomberglaw.com/bloomberg-lawanalysis/analysis-epa-under-major-questions-microscope-sofar-in-2023.
90 Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky, Inc.,
139 S. Ct. 1780, 1782 (2019) (per curiam) (“We follow our
ordinary practice of denying petitions insofar as they raise
legal issues that have not been considered by additional Courts
of Appeals.”). See also Amy Coney Barrett, Stare Decisis and
Due Process, 74 U. Colo. L. Rev. 1072 n. 234.
91 Br. of Law Professors Kent Barnett and Christopher J.
Walker as Amici Curiae in Supp. of Neither Party, at 3-4.
92 Id. at 34-35.
31
Reliance interests, stare decisis, and judicial
moderation all counsel against further eroding
bedrock principles of administrative law and the
American regulatory system.
The American
regulatory system has served well to protect the
public health, safety, and welfare under the scrutiny
of all three branches of government. Few other than
polluters would benefit from further damage.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, this Court should
affirm the judgment of the court of appeals and
reaffirm its own decision in Chevron v. Natural
Resources Defense Council.
Respectfully submitted,
ERWIN CHEMERINSKY
University of California,
Berkeley
School of Law
Law Building 215
Berkeley, California 94720
(510) 642-6483
echemerinsky@law.berkeley.edu
Counsel for Amici Curiae
SEPTEMBER 2023
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.