Supplemental Brief — Susan K. Musta, Petitioner v. Mendota Heights Dental Center, et al.
Supreme Court briefMay 31, 2022
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No. 21-676
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
_________
SUSAN K. MUSTA,
Petitioner,
v.
MENDOTA HEIGHTS DENTAL CENTER, AND HARTFORD
INSURANCE GROUP,
Respondents.
________
On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari
to the Minnesota Supreme Court
________
SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF IN SUPPORT OF
PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI
________
THOMAS D. MOTTAZ
CHERI M. SISK
MOTTAZ & SISK INJURY LAW
3340 Northdale Blvd. NW, #140
Coon Rapids, MN 55448
(763) 421-8226
tmottaz@mottazlaw.com
csisk@mottazlaw.com
ADAM G. UNIKOWSKY
Counsel of Record
JENNER & BLOCK LLP
1099 New York Ave., NW
Suite 900
Washington, DC 20001
(202) 639-6000
aunikowsky@jenner.com
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .......................................... ii
ARGUMENT ...................................................................... 3
I.
The government’s implied preemption
theory is meritless. ................................................. 3
II.
This case warrants Supreme Court
review. .................................................................... 10
III.
Musta is the better vehicle. ................................ 12
CONCLUSION ................................................................ 13
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Arizona v. United States, 567 U.S. 387
(2012) .......................................................................... 4
CTS Corp. v. Waldburger, 573 U.S. 1 (2014) .............. 7
Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1 (2005) ............................ 8
Merck Sharpe & Dohme Corp. v. Albrecht,
139 S. Ct. 1668 (2019)................................................ 4
Michigan Canners & Freezers Ass’n v.
Agricultural Marketing & Bargaining
Board, 467 U.S. 461 (1984)....................................... 7
Mutual Pharmaceutical Co. v. Bartlett,
570 U.S. 472 (2013) .................................................... 4
Oneok, Inc. v. Learjet, Inc., 575 U.S. 373
(2015) .......................................................................... 4
PLIVA, Inc. v. Mensing, 564 U.S. 604
(2011) .......................................................................... 4
Standing Akimbo, LLC v. United States,
141 S. Ct. 2236 (2021)............................................ 2, 9
Virginia Uranium, Inc. v. Warren, 139 S.
Ct. 1894 (2019) ....................................................... 6, 7
Wright’s Case, 156 N.E.3d 161 (Mass. 2020) ............. 11
STATUTES
21 U.S.C. § 903 ............................................................ 5, 6
iii
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Petitioner’s Appendix, Bierbach v. Digger’s
Polaris, No. 21-998 (U.S. Jan. 11, 2022)............... 13
1
The government acknowledges that there is a 2-2
split on a question of national importance. Yet it
nonetheless recommends denying certiorari—based on
unusually weak arguments that one would never
ordinarily see in a government brief. Why?
Because the government is not a neutral
stakeholder here. For several reasons, the government
has powerful institutional incentives to persuade this
Court to deny certiorari.
First, with respect to the Minnesota Supreme
Court’s holding that complying with the workers’
compensation order would be a federal crime, the
government is in a no-win situation. The government
would never disagree with this reasoning—it would
never advocate for the scope of federal criminal law to
be narrowed. But agreeing with this reasoning would
raise uncomfortable questions about why the
government is refusing to enforce federal criminal law.
The government therefore refuses to take a position on
the Minnesota Supreme Court’s reasoning. But if the
Court granted certiorari, the government could not
evade this issue. The best way for the government to
avoid this quandary is to keep this case out of the
Supreme Court.
Second, this case threatens to expose the
incoherence of the Executive Branch’s policy towards
marijuana. The government argues that the workers’
compensation order is preempted because it “stands as
an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the
full purposes and objectives of Congress.” Gov’t Br. 10
(quotation marks omitted).
This contention is
disconnected from reality.
It is the federal
2
government’s policy of non-enforcement, not the statelaw workers’ compensation orders, that poses an
obstacle to the accomplishment of Congress’s
objectives. Minnesota and most other states allow and
regulate medical marijuana. Numerous states allow
and regulate recreational marijuana. As a result,
cultivation, transportation, and retail sales of both
medical and recreational marijuana occur, out in the
open, at a mass scale, nationwide.
The federal
government lets this happen. The notion that these
workers’ compensation orders somehow make a dent in
the federal government’s effort to combat marijuana
cannot be taken seriously. The government knows this,
which is why it so badly wants certiorari to be denied.
The government does not want to face questions about
why it may invoke the Controlled Substances Act as a
basis to impede state law while it fails to enforce the
Controlled Substances Act.
Third, this case raises the risk that the Court may
clip the wings of the government’s Commerce Clause
authority. Justice Thomas’s concurrence in Standing
Akimbo, LLC v. United States, 141 S. Ct. 2236 (2021)
(Thomas, J., respecting denial of certiorari), looms
large. For the reasons explained by Justice Thomas, it
is far from clear that the federal government has the
constitutional authority to intrude on state workers’
compensation systems when the government is
refusing to enforce medical marijuana law. Id. at 2238.
It is easy to imagine the Court applying constitutional
avoidance principles to reject the government’s implied
preemption theory—with reasoning that might hinder
the government’s positions in favor of limitless federal
3
authority.
It is for these reasons that the government asserts
objections to certiorari that are remarkably weak, such
as that the 2-2 split is somehow not entrenched enough
or that the Senate might overcome a filibuster and
legalize marijuana over the Executive Branch’s
opposition. The Court should not be fooled. This case
is certworthy.
The government identifies only one alleged vehicle
problem—the existence of a dispute over state law.
But that vehicle problem affects only Bierbach, not
Musta. The Court should therefore grant Musta and
hold Bierbach.
ARGUMENT
I.
The government’s implied preemption theory
is meritless.
The Minnesota Supreme Court concluded that the
workers’ compensation order was preempted because it
would force Respondents to commit the federal crime
of aiding and abetting marijuana possession. This
reasoning puts the government into a difficult situation.
The government cannot bring itself to disagree with
this reasoning, given its interest in ensuring that the
scope of aiding-and-abetting liability is as broad as
possible. But the government is well aware that this
Court is unlikely to accept the Minnesota Supreme
Court’s remarkably broad assertion of federal criminal
law. And if the government agrees with this reasoning,
it will face an awkward question: why is the Executive
Branch systematically refusing to prosecute these
4
alleged federal crimes in the states where they openly
occur?
So the government simply refuses to take a position
on this issue—and to justify this refusal, it resorts to a
very strange argument. The government faults the
Minnesota Supreme Court for having analyzed whether
compliance with the workers’ compensation order
would violate federal law, because the government has
not disclosed its subjective intent to prosecute
Respondents or “indicated” what “allegations,
evidence, and inferences” it might rely upon. Gov’t Br.
17.
Preemption does not work this way. It is hornbook
law that courts analyze preemption by assessing
whether it is “impossible for a private party to comply
with both state and federal requirements.” Merck
Sharpe & Dohme Corp. v. Albrecht, 139 S. Ct. 1668,
1672 (2019) (quotation marks omitted); Mutual Pharm.
Co. v. Bartlett, 570 U.S. 472, 480 (2013) (same); PLIVA,
Inc. v. Mensing, 564 U.S. 604, 618 (2011) (same). Of
course, some of this Court’s cases have analyzed
implied obstacle preemption—but even in those cases,
the Court makes clear that courts should consider
whether “compliance with both state and federal law is
impossible.” Oneok, Inc. v. Learjet, Inc., 575 U.S. 373,
377 (2015) (quotation marks omitted); see Arizona v.
United States, 567 U.S. 387, 399 (2012). This Court has
never suggested that it is necessary, or even helpful, to
await a federal enforcement action before analyzing
impossibility preemption.
It therefore makes perfect sense that the Minnesota
Supreme Court analyzed whether compliance with
5
state law would violate federal law. It was doing
exactly what this Court has repeatedly told it to do.
The government’s critique of the Minnesota Supreme
Court’s decision to reach this issue is a transparently
pretextual effort to change the subject.
At any rate, the government’s preferred theory—
obstacle preemption—is even weaker than the
Minnesota Supreme Court’s impossibility preemption
theory. Thus far, 37 judges--26 state supreme court
justices (Pet. 23), and 11 intermediate appellate court
judges (Pet. 22), have considered the question
presented. Zero have endorsed the government’s
obstacle preemption argument. For good reason: it is
meritless.
Under the Controlled Substances Act, state law is
not preempted unless there is “a positive conflict”
between federal and state law “so that the two cannot
consistently stand together.” 21 U.S.C. § 903. The
government claims that this provision operates as a
one-way ratchet that preserves stricter state drug
laws. But the government claims that any time a state
law might, even indirectly, make it easier to obtain
controlled substances, courts can ignore the text of
§ 903 and apply standard obstacle preemption
principles. Gov’t Br. 12-13. Aside from the unhelpful
adverb “naturally,” the government offers no textual
justification for this gerrymandered approach to
preemption.
Applied according to its terms, 21 U.S.C. § 903 does
not bar the workers’ compensation order. There is no
“positive conflict,” id., between federal law and the
state workers’ compensation order. Federal law simply
6
does not regulate employee reimbursement of the cost
of medical marijuana, and states can make their own
policy decisions. If states want to criminalize such
reimbursement, they can. If states want to permit such
reimbursement, but leave it optional, they can. And if
states want to mandate such reimbursement as part of
their workers’ compensation systems, they can. Each
of these policies can “consistently stand together,” id.,
with the government’s policy of nonregulation.
The government complains that Minnesota’s scheme
will “undermine congressional determinations” by
indirectly facilitating marijuana consumption. Gov’t
Br. 10. To be clear, Minnesota’s workers’ compensation
system does not facilitate access to marijuana—injured
employees can obtain it with or without workers’
compensation coverage. Instead, Minnesota’s scheme
reimburses employees for the out-of-pocket cost of
medical marijuana, thus giving them a little extra
money to spend on other goods and services. This
outcome, according to the government, would conflict
with the Controlled Substances Act’s general purpose
of stamping out marijuana.
This theory conflicts with fundamental principles of
statutory interpretation and separation of powers. The
Supremacy Clause cannot be “deployed here to elevate
abstract and unenacted legislative desires above state
law; only federal laws ‘made in pursuance of’ the
Constitution, through its prescribed processes of
bicameralism and presentment, are entitled to
preemptive effect.” Virginia Uranium, Inc. v. Warren,
139 S. Ct. 1894, 1907 (2017) (opinion announcing
judgment of Court by Gorsuch, J., joined by Thomas
7
and Kavanaugh, JJ.). “[P]iling inference upon inference
about hidden legislative wishes … risk[s] displacing the
legislative compromises actually reflected in the
statutory text—compromises that sometimes may
seem irrational to an outsider coming to the statute
cold, but whose genius lies in having won the broad
support our Constitution demands of any new law.” Id.
at 1908.
“In disregarding these legislative
compromises, we may only wind up displacing perfectly
legitimate state laws on the strength of ‘purposes’ that
only we can see, that may seem perfectly logical to us,
but that lack the democratic provenance the
Constitution demands before a federal law may be
declared supreme.” Id. The Court should be especially
reluctant to reach beyond the statutory text when such
a reading would “restrict the States’ sovereign capacity
to regulate in areas of traditional state concern.” CTS
Corp. v. Waldburger, 573 U.S. 1, 12 (2014) (internal
quotation marks omitted). The Court should not
expand the scope of the Controlled Substances Act to
regulate
insurance
coverage
and
employee
reimbursement—topics on which it is silent.
The government (Gov’t Br. 12) cites Michigan
Canners & Freezers Ass’n v. Agricultural Marketing &
Bargaining Board, 467 U.S. 461 (1984). In that case,
the Court held that the state statute “empowers
producers’ associations to do precisely what the federal
Act forbids them to do.” Id. at 477-78. This case is the
exact opposite: the state statute acts in an area where
federal law is silent.
Moreover, the workers’ compensation scheme poses
no threat to federal law enforcement interests.
8
Petitioner consumes marijuana that is prescribed by a
physician, in compliance with state law. Permitting
reimbursement would not undermine the “main
objectives of the CSA”: “to conquer drug abuse” and
“prevent the diversion of drugs from legitimate to illicit
channels.” Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1, 12-13 (2005).
It is notable that all of Minnesota’s activities—and
all of Petitioner’s activities—occur out in the open.
Minnesota openly authorizes in-state facilities to grow
the marijuana.
It openly approved Petitioner’s
application to receive the marijuana. Petitioner’s
doctor openly prescribed the marijuana. Petitioner is
making no secret of her marijuana consumption. The
Justice Department has never attempted to enforce
federal law with respect to any of these activities. Why
should it be taken seriously when it now asserts that
reimbursing Petitioner would undermine federal law?
And it is not just Minnesota’s activities. Medical
marijuana is prevalent nationwide. And in many
states, so is recreational marijuana. In states from
California to Massachusetts, any adult who wants
marijuana can go into a store and buy it. In this
environment, saying that workers’ compensation
reimbursement is an “obstacle” to the federal purpose
of ensuring a marijuana-free world is like saying a
pothole is an “obstacle” to driving a car across the
Atlantic Ocean.
Moreover, in the context of medical marijuana,
there is more to federal law than the Controlled
Substances Act. As Justice Thomas has observed,
Congress has enacted a “half-in, half-out regime that
simultaneously tolerates and forbids local use of
9
marijuana.” Standing Akimbo, 141 S. Ct. at 2236-37
(Thomas, J., respecting denial of certiorari). While
marijuana remains illegal under the Controlled
Substances Act, Congress has also banned the
Executive Branch from preventing states from
implementing their own laws that authorize medical
marijuana use. Pet. 3-4.
The government insists that the appropriations
rider does not literally speak to the federal preemption
question here. Gov’t Br. 14-15. This is an ironic
argument coming from the government, which
unapologetically relies on implied preemption. Gov’t
Br. 15. The point is that federal marijuana law contains
a series of compromises in which medical marijuana
technically remains illegal, but states are left alone.
The Court should not overturn that compromise by
using implied preemption to add implied prohibitions to
the Controlled Substances Act that do not appear in its
text.
Constitutional avoidance also weighs against a
finding of implied preemption. As Justice Thomas has
observed, “the Federal Government’s current approach
to marijuana bears little resemblance to the watertight
nationwide prohibition that a closely divided Court
found necessary to justify the Government’s blanket
prohibition in Raich.” Standing Akimbo, 141 S. Ct. at
2238 (Thomas, J., respecting denial of certiorari). Even
though the Executive Branch refuses to enforce federal
marijuana law, the Executive Branch still insists that
Minnesota should be banned from implementing its
workers’ compensation program. It is doubtful at best
whether Congress’s power stretches that far. Rather
10
than setting up a constitutional clash, the Court should
reject the government’s boundless view of implied
preemption and hold that the Controlled Substances
Act does not interfere with state workers’
compensation law.
II.
This case warrants Supreme Court review.
The government is well aware that this case poses a
risk to its extravagant claims of federal authority. So it
launches a series of objections to certiorari, one weaker
than the next.
1. The government asserts that the split is “narrow”
and “recent.” Gov’t Br. 17. A 2-2 split among state
supreme courts, with 26 judges weighing in, is not
“narrow.” Moreover, the relative recency of the split
demonstrates the contemporary importance of the
issue—which weighs in favor of review, not against it.
It is notable that, literally 24 hours after it filed its
invitation brief in this case, the government filed a brief
acquiescing to certiorari in Bittner v. United States, No.
21-1195. Bittner involves a 1-1 split on a narrow
criminal issue in which both conflicting decisions were
released in 2021. If Bittner is certworthy, then this
case—presenting a broader and longer-lasting split on a
more important issue—is also certworthy.
2. The government complains that insufficient
judicial attention has been paid to its obstacle
preemption argument. Gov’t Br. 15-16, 17-18. To be
clear, this argument was made below and the dissent
addressed it in detail, Pet. App. 44a-45a, so there is no
barrier to the Court addressing it in this case.
11
It is true that no judge has ever found the
government’s
obstacle
preemption
argument
persuasive—every judge to consider the question
presented has either rejected preemption, or found
preemption on other grounds. That is because the
government’s argument is unpersuasive. This Court is
fully capable of adjudicating this argument on the
current record. It need not wait, perhaps indefinitely,
for some lower court, somewhere, to agree with the
government’s bad argument.
3. The government says it is “unclear how many
additional States” would require reimbursement of
medical marijuana. Gov’t Br. 17. Despite medical
marijuana being legal in almost every state, the
government cites one decision—Wright’s Case, 156
N.E.3d 161 (Mass. 2020)—finding that state law does
not require such reimbursement. Gov’t Br. 17. But as
the petition explained, the reasoning in Wright’s Case
hinged on federal preemption concerns. Pet. 23-24.
The risk that state courts will distort state law based
on mistaken preemption concerns is a reason to grant
review, not to deny it. Id. Moreover, appellate courts
or workers’ compensation tribunals in New Mexico,
New York, and Connecticut have recently rejected
federal preemption and ordered reimbursement,
indicating that this issue will continue to recur in other
states. Pet. 22.
4. The government notes that there are many
difficult issues in the area of marijuana law. Gov’t Br.
18. Indeed there are. It is this Court’s function to
resolve difficult issues.
5. The government suggests that perhaps Congress
12
will change the law. Gov’t Br. 18. It is true that the
House has voted to legalize marijuana, but there is no
realistic possibility that the Senate will overcome a
filibuster anytime soon. Moreover, the Executive
Branch regularly declines to reschedule or decontrol
marijuana, as the government’s brief admits. Gov’t Br.
5. The government does not suggest there is any
regulatory change on the horizon. So the government’s
position boils down to this: the Court should deny
certiorari because maybe, someday, the Senate will
overcome a filibuster to override the Executive
Branch’s own refusal to reschedule marijuana. This is
not a persuasive argument against certiorari.
III.
Musta is the better vehicle.
Petitioner’s reply brief explained why Musta is a
better vehicle than Bierbach. Pet. Reply 11. The
government’s brief confirms that Musta is the better
vehicle.
The government does not endorse any the Musta
respondents’ meritless vehicle objections. It identifies
only one vehicle issue, which affects Bierbach, not
Musta.
According to the government, the Court should
deny review because of the “unusual context,” in which
the “employers … disputed any state-law obligation to
reimburse past or future marijuana purchases.” Gov’t
Br. 16.
It is true that in Bierbach, the employer vigorously
disputed its state-law obligation to reimburse
marijuana purchases. The Minnesota Supreme Court
declined to resolve that state-law dispute.
See
13
Bierbach Pet. App. 3a.
In Musta, however, as the government correctly
acknowledges, “Mendota Heights did not dispute that
Musta’s use of marijuana complied with [Minnesota’s]
Cannabis Act and was reasonable, medically necessary,
and causally related to her work injury.” Gov’t Br. 7;
see Musta Pet. App. 5a, 49a. Indeed, “the sole issue”
raised by Respondents was federal preemption. Pet.
App. 5a.
As the Musta reply brief explained, this feature of
the case, among others, makes it a stronger vehicle
than Bierbach. Pet. Reply 11. The Court should
therefore grant certiorari in Musta and hold Bierbach.
CONCLUSION
The petition should be granted.
Respectfully submitted,
THOMAS D. MOTTAZ
CHERI M. SISK
MOTTAZ & SISK INJURY LAW
3340 Northdale Blvd. NW, #140
Coon Rapids, MN 55448
(763) 421-8226
tmottaz@mottazlaw.com
csisk@mottazlaw.com
ADAM G. UNIKOWSKY
Counsel of Record
JENNER & BLOCK LLP
1099 New York Ave., NW
Suite 900
Washington, DC 20001
(202) 639-6000
aunikowsky@jenner.com
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