Amicus Curiae Brief — Levi Frasier, Petitioner v. Christopher L. Evans, et al.

Supreme Court briefAug 13, 2021

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No. 21-57

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In The

Supreme Court of the United States

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------LEVI FRASIER,

Petitioner,

v.

CHRISTOPHER L. EVANS et al.,

Respondents.

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------On Petition For A Writ Of Certiorari

To The United States Court Of Appeals

For The Tenth Circuit

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE FIRST AMENDMENT

SCHOLARS IN SUPPORT OF

PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------MATTHEW R. CUSHING

Instructor, Appellate

Advocacy Practicum

UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO

LAW SCHOOL

2450 Kittredge Loop Road

Boulder, CO 80309

(303) 735-6554

matthew.cushing@

colorado.edu

TINA R. VAN BOCKERN

Counsel of Record

JONATHAN S. BENDER

THOMAS A. MORALES

HOLLAND & HART LLP

555 17th Street, Suite 3200

Denver, CO 80202

(303) 295-8000

trvanbockern@hollandhart.com

jsbender@hollandhart.com

tamorales@hollandhart.com

Counsel for Amici Curiae

================================================================================================================

COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964

WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .................................

ii

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE .........................

1

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ..............................

2

ARGUMENT ........................................................

5

I.

The First Amendment Protects The Right

To Record Police Officers Performing Public Duties In Public Locations ...................

6

A. Public-Cubed Recordings Are A Form of

Expression And Protected As Speech ....

7

B. Public-Cubed Recordings Are Critical

To The Speech-Creation Process ......... 11

C. Public-Cubed Recordings Are Vital To Exercising The First Amendment-Protected

Newsgathering Right .......................... 14

II.

This Case Avoids Privacy Concerns And,

Thus, Is Ideal For Clarifying That There Is

A Right To Record In Public-Cubed Settings ........................................................... 22

III.

The Court Should Grant Certiorari To

Safeguard Public-Cubed Recordings In All

Jurisdictions .............................................. 23

CONCLUSION..................................................... 26

ii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Page

CASES

Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616 (1919) ...........15

ACLU of Ill. v. Alvarez, 679 F.3d 583 (7th Cir.

2012) ................................................................ passim

Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d

1051 (9th Cir. 2010) ........................................... 13, 14

Barnes v. Glen Theatre, 501 U.S. 560 (1991) ................8

Bartnicki v. Vopper, 532 U.S. 514 (2001) ....................22

Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665 (1972) ...................15

Buehrle v. City of Key West, 813 F.3d 973 (11th

Cir. 2015) .................................................................11

City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451 (1987) ..... 9, 17, 19

City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U.S. 43 (1994) .................15

Craft v. Billingslea, 459 F. Supp. 3d 890 (E.D.

Mich. 2020) ............................................................ 4, 5

Dyer v. Smith, Civil Action No. 3:19-cv-921, 2021

U.S. Dist. LEXIS 34090 (E.D. Va. Feb. 23,

2021) ........................................................................24

Fields v. City of Philadelphia, 862 F.3d 353 (3d

Cir. 2017) ....................................................... 6, 23, 24

Fordyce v. City of Seattle, 55 F.3d 436 (9th Cir.

1995) .............................................................. 6, 23, 24

Gericke v. Begin, 753 F.3d 1 (1st Cir. 2014) ...... 6, 23, 24

Glik v. Cunniffe, 655 F.3d 78 (1st Cir. 2011) ... 6, 17, 23, 24

iii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Globe Newspaper Co. v. Superior Court, 457 U.S.

596 (1982) .......................................................... 16, 17

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965) ............11

Hague v. Comm. for Indus. Org., 307 U.S. 496

(1939) .......................................................................17

Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enters.,

471 U.S. 539 (1985) .................................................12

Hulbert v. Pope, No. SAG-18-00461, 2021 U.S.

Dist. LEXIS 77897 (D. Md. Apr. 22, 2021) ..............24

Kerr v. City of Boulder, Civil Action No. 19-cv01724-KLM, 2021 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 114207

(D. Colo. June 18, 2021) ..........................................25

Lewis v. City of New Orleans, 415 U.S. 130 (1974) .........9

Luis v. United States, 136 S. Ct. 1083 (2016) .............12

Mills v. State of Ala., 384 U.S. 214 (1966) ..................17

N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964) ..... 3, 16

Pac. Gas & Elec. Co. v. Pub. Utils. Comm’n of

Cal., 475 U.S. 1 (1986) .............................................15

Press-Enterprise Co. v. Superior Court, 464 U.S.

501 (1984) ................................................................16

Press-Enterprise Co. v. Superior Court, 478 U.S.

1 (1986) ....................................................................16

Project Veritas Action Fund v. Rollins, 982 F.3d

813 (1st Cir. 2020) ...................................................17

Richmond Newspapers Inc. v. Virginia, 448 U.S.

555 (1980) .................................................... 15, 16, 17

iv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Rumsfeld v. Forum for Acad. & Inst. Rts., Inc.,

547 U.S. 47 (2006) .....................................................8

Smith v. City of Cumming, 212 F.3d 1332 (11th

Cir. 2000) ....................................................... 6, 23, 24

Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405 (1974) ........ 7, 8, 21

Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989) ..........................8

Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393

U.S. 503 (1969) ...................................................... 7, 8

Turner v. Driver, 848 F.3d 678 (5th Cir. 2017) ..... 6, 23, 24

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS

U.S. Const., amend. I .......................................... passim

STATUTES

Haw. Rev. Stat. § 710-1010(2)(c) (2021)......................18

N.Y. Civ. Rights Law § 79-p(2) (2021) ........................18

Utah Code § 76-8-305(2) (2021) .................................18

RULES

Supreme Court Rule 37.2(a).........................................1

v

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

OTHER AUTHORITIES

Al Baker et al., Beyond the Chokehold: The Path

to Eric Garner’s Death, N.Y. TIMES (June 13,

2015), http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/14/ny

region/eric-garner-police-chokehold-statenisland.html ..............................................................20

Alexander Meiklejohn, FREE SPEECH AND ITS RELATION TO SELF-GOVERNMENT (1948) .......................18

Allissa Richardson, BEARING WITNESS WHILE

BLACK: AFRICAN AMERICANS, SMARTPHONES,

AND THE NEW PROTEST #JOURNALISM (Oxford

Univ. Press 2020) .............................................. 10, 20

Ashutosh Bhagwat, Producing Speech, 56 WM.

& MARY L. REV. 1029 (2015) ...................................12

Barry P. McDonald, The First Amendment and

the Free Flow of Information: Towards a Realistic Right to Gather Information in the Information Age, 65 OHIO ST. L.J. 249 (2004) .................16

C. Edwin Baker, Autonomy and Free Speech,

CONST. COMMENT. 251 (2011) ..................................10

C. Edwin Baker, Scope of the First Amendment

Freedom of Speech, 25 UCLA L. REV. 964

(1978) .......................................................................12

Cheryl Corley, How Using Videos At Chauvin

Trial and Others Impacts Criminal Justice,

NPR (May 7, 2021, 10:28 AM ET) https://

www.npr.org/2021/05/07/994507257/how-usingvideos-at-chauvin-trial-and-others-impactscriminal-justice .........................................................4

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Clay Calvert, The First Amendment Right to

Record Images of Police in Public Places: The

Unreasonable Slipperiness of Reasonableness

& Possible Paths Forward, 3 TEX. A&M L. REV.

131 (2015) .......................................................... 14, 15

Clay Calvert, The Right to Record Images of Police in Public Places: Should Intent, Viewpoint,

or Journalistic Status Determine First

Amendment Protection?, 64 UCLA L. REV. DISCOURSE 230 (2016) ...................................................14

Craig Timberg, Drew Harwell & Spencer S. Hsu,

Police Let Most Capitol Rioters Walk Away.

But Cellphone Data And Videos Could Now

Lead To More Arrests., WASH. POST (Jan. 8,

2021, 5:37 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/

technology/2021/01/08/trump-mob-tech-arrests/ .......21

David A. Strauss, Persuasion, Autonomy, and

Freedom of Expression, 91 COLUM. L. REV. 334

(1991) .......................................................................10

FIRST AMENDMENT WATCH, A CITIZEN’S GUIDE TO

RECORDING THE POLICE (N.Y. Univ. 2020),

https://firstamendmentwatch.org/wp-content/

uploads/2020/06/Citizens-Guide-to-Recordingthe-Police-2.pdf.................................................. 23, 24

vii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Jake Steiner, Streaming Revolution: Protestors

Make Point with Viral Clips, ASSOCIATED PRESS

(June 15, 2020), https://apnews.com/article/

new-york-ny-state-wire-nyc-wire-rodney-kingsocial-media-1819708dc4fbfc920e1874b4517a

66c4 ............................................................................9

Jane Bambauer, Is Data Speech?, 66 STAN. L.

REV. 57 (2014) .............................................. 10, 12, 14

Joanna Stern, They Used Smartphone Cameras

to Record Police Brutality—and Change History, WALL ST. J. (June 13, 2020, 12:01 AM),

https://www.wsj.com/articles/they-used-smart

phone-cameras-to-record-police-brutalityandchange-history-11592020827 ...................... 12, 19, 21

Jocelyn Simonson, Beyond Body Cameras: Defending a Robust Right to Record the Police,

104 GEO. L.J. 1559 (2016) ..................................... 6, 9

Jocelyn Simonson, Copwatching, 104 CALIF. L.

REV. 391 (2016) .............................................. 9, 19, 20

Joe Hernandez, Darnella Frazier, Teen Who

Filmed George Floyd’s Murder, Wins Pulitzer

Prize, NPR (June 11, 2021, 4:05 PM ET),

https://www.npr.org/2021/06/11/1005601724/

darnella-frazier-teen-who-filmed-george-floydsmurder-wins-pulitzer-prize-citati ...........................19

Justin Marceau & Alan K. Chen, Free Speech

and Democracy in the Video Age, 116 COLUM.

L. REV. 991 (2016) ........................................... passim

viii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Ken Stone, SDPD Chief Announces Immediate

Ban on Chokeholds; Move Called ‘Historic’,

TIMES OF SAN DIEGO (June 1, 2020), https://

timesofsandiego.com/crime/2020/06/01/sdpd-chieftells-immediate-ban-on-chokeholds-move-calledhistoric/ ......................................................................3

Marc Jonathan Blitz, The Fourth Amendment

Future of Public Surveillance: Remote Recording and Other Searches in Public Space, 63

AM. U. L. REV. 21 (2013) .........................................15

Marc Jonathan Blitz, The Right to Map (and

Avoid Being Mapped): Reconceiving First

Amendment Protection for Information-Gathering in the Age of Google Earth, 14 COLUM.

SCI. & TECH. L. REV. 115 (2013) ..............................14

Margot E. Kaminski, Privacy and the Right to

Record, 97 B.U. L. REV. 167 (2017) ..................... 6, 22

Martin H. Redish, The Value of Free Speech, 130

U. PA. L. REV. 591 (1982) ........................................10

Michael Levenson & Bryan Pietsch, Maryland

Passes Sweeping Police Reform Legislation,

N.Y. TIMES (Apr. 10, 2021), https://www.nytimes.

com/2021/04/10/us/maryland-police-reform.html .........3

Mobile Fact Sheet, PEW RESEARCH CENTER (Apr.

7, 2021), https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/

fact-sheet/mobile/ ......................................................4

ix

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

NBC Washington (@nbcwashington), TWITTER

(Jan. 15, 2021, 4:30 PM), https://twitter.com/

nbcwashington/status/1350223773270736899 ......21

Neil M. Richards, Intellectual Privacy, 87 TEX. L.

REV. 387 (2008) ........................................................22

Rachel Treisman, Man Charged With Assault

On Officer, As Seen In Viral Video From Capitol Riot, NPR (Jan. 20, 2021, 5:30 PM ET),

https://www.npr.org/2021/01/20/958896072/

rioter-charged-with-assaulting-officer-inincident-captured-on-viral-vi ....................................4

Reha Kansara, Black Lives Matter: Can Viral

Videos Stop Police Brutality?, BBC (July 6,

2020), https://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-trending53239123 ........................................................... 10, 20

Richard Pérez-Peña & Timothy Williams, Glare

of Video is Shifting Public’s View of Police,

N.Y. TIMES (July 30, 2015) ......................................20

Robert Post, Encryption Source Code and the

First Amendment, 15 BERKELEY TECH. L.J. 713

(2000) .......................................................................13

Robert Post, Participatory Democracy and Free

Speech, 97 VA. L. REV. 477 (2011) ...........................10

Saja Hindi, Here’s What Colorado’s Police Reform Bill Does, DENVER POST (June 13, 2020)

https://www.denverpost.com/2020/06/13/coloradopolice-accountability-reform-bill/ ........................... 3, 4

Scott Skinner-Thompson, Recording as Heckling, 108 GEO. L.J. 125 (2019) ......................... passim

x

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Seth F. Kreimer, Pervasive Image Capture and

the First Amendment: Memory, Discourse and

the Right to Record, 159 U. PA. L. REV. 335

(2011) ............................................................... passim

The 2021 Pulitzer Prize Winner in Special Citations and Awards—Darnella Frazier, Pulitzer

Prizes, https://www.pulitzer.org/winners/darnellafrazier (last visited July 26, 2021) ..............................9

1

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE1

Amici curiae are professors who teach, research,

and publish on the First Amendment and privacy law.

A complete list of amici’s names, titles, and affiliations2

follows:

Ashutosh Bhagwat is a Distinguished Professor

of Law at the University of California at Davis School

of Law.

Marc J. Blitz is the Alan Joseph Bennett Professor of Law at Oklahoma City University School of Law.

Clay Calvert is Professor of Law and the Brechner

Eminent Scholar in Mass Communication at the University of Florida, where he also directs the Marion B.

Brechner First Amendment Project.

Erwin Chemerinsky is the Dean and Jesse H.

Choper Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley School of Law.

1

Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.2(a), counsel of record

for all parties received timely notice of the intent to file this amicus brief. Petitioner Levi Frasier filed a blanket consent to the

filing of all amicus briefs in support of certiorari on July 21, 2021.

All respondents have provided written consent to the filing of this

brief. No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in

part, and no counsel or party made a monetary contribution intended to fund the preparation or submission of this brief. No

person other than amici and their counsel made a monetary contribution to its preparation or submission.

2

The listing of these affiliations does not imply any endorsement of the view expressed herein by amici’s institutions.

2

Alan K. Chen is the Thompson G. Marsh Law

Alumni Professor of Law at the University of Denver

Sturm College of Law.

Margot E. Kaminski is an Associate Professor of

Law at the University of Colorado Law School.

Justin Marceau is the Brooks Institute Faculty

Research Scholar of Animal Law and Policy at the University of Denver Sturm College of Law.

Helen Norton holds the Rothgerber Chair in Constitutional Law at the University of Colorado School of

Law.

Jocelyn Simonson is a Professor of Law at

Brooklyn Law School.

Scott Skinner-Thompson is an Associate Professor of Law at the University of Colorado Law School.

Amici present this brief to analyze the doctrinal

and theoretical underpinnings of the clearly established First Amendment right to record public officials

performing public duties in public locations—the socalled “public-cubed” pattern presented by this case—

and to impress upon the Court the importance of

granting certiorari and establishing a uniform rule

protecting that right nationwide.

---------------------------------♦---------------------------------

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

This Court should grant certiorari and clarify that

the First Amendment protects the rights of individuals

3

to record police officers performing public duties in

public spaces.

The First Amendment’s core purpose is to protect

and promote the unfettered dissemination and discussion of ideas to bring about social, political, and legal

changes desired by the people. See N.Y. Times Co. v.

Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 269-70 (1964) (citing cases). In

recent years, recording public officials performing public duties in public spaces has been the vehicle through

which citizens have promoted this core reform purpose.

For example, citizens’ recordings of police misconduct

and other events of national importance involving law

enforcement (i.e., the recording of the homicide of

George Floyd, social justice protests, and the January

6, 2021 U.S. Capitol riot), have pushed governments

across the country to make significant changes in their

policies and laws, including banning the police from using chokeholds, see Ken Stone, SDPD Chief Announces

Immediate Ban on Chokeholds; Move Called ‘Historic’,

TIMES OF SAN DIEGO (June 1, 2020), https://timesofsan

diego.com/crime/2020/06/01/sdpd-chief-tells-immediateban-on-chokeholds-move-called-historic/; reforming policing practices, see Michael Levenson & Bryan Pietsch,

Maryland Passes Sweeping Police Reform Legislation,

N.Y. TIMES (Apr. 10, 2021), https://www.nytimes.com/

2021/04/10/us/maryland-police-reform.html; and eliminating qualified immunity for police officers sued in

their individual capacities in state courts for violating civil rights, Saja Hindi, Here’s What Colorado’s

Police Reform Bill Does, DENVER POST (June 13, 2020),

4

https://www.denverpost.com/2020/06/13/colorado-policeaccountability-reform-bill/. These recordings have also

served as key evidence in investigating those suspected of unlawful behavior, whether it be in cases of

law enforcement accused of misconduct or instances in

which police officers lawfully perform their duties and

protect their communities. See, e.g., Cheryl Corley, How

Using Videos At Chauvin Trial and Others Impacts

Criminal Justice, NPR (May 7, 2021, 10:28 AM ET)

https://www.npr.org/2021/05/07/994507257/how-usingvideos-at-chauvin-trial-and-others-impacts-criminaljustice (“the protests and court proceedings after

[George Floyd’s] murder in Minneapolis might never

have happened without a bystander’s video”); Rachel

Treisman, Man Charged With Assault On Officer, As

Seen In Viral Video From Capitol Riot, NPR (Jan. 20,

2021, 5:30 PM ET), https://www.npr.org/2021/01/20/

958896072/rioter-charged-with-assaulting-officer-inincident-captured-on-viral-video (“A Connecticut man

has been charged with assaulting an officer during the

breach of the U.S. Capitol in an incident captured on

video and shared widely on social media.”).

Today, millions of Americans—roughly 85%—have

smartphones with the ability to make audiovisual

recordings. See Mobile Fact Sheet, PEW RESEARCH

CENTER (Apr. 7, 2021), https://www.pewresearch.org/

internet/fact-sheet/mobile/. Given the omnipresence of

smartphones and online streaming platforms, there

are countless ways for citizens to utilize recording devices and contribute to public discourse on moral, political, and social issues. See Craft v. Billingslea, 459

5

F. Supp. 3d 890, 910 (E.D. Mich. 2020) (“Cell phone use,

especially to document everyday encounters, has become ubiquitous in the twenty-first century . . . and

citizens increasingly choose to record interactions they

witness or experience with the police.”).

That is why it is imperative that this Court clarify

that the right to record in public-cubed settings, which

serves a critical democratic function, is protected by

the First Amendment.

---------------------------------♦---------------------------------

ARGUMENT

Public-cubed recordings can be viewed through

three lenses: as an inherently expressive activity, see

part I.A; as part of the speech-creation process, see part

I.B.; or as necessary to exercise the First Amendmentprotected right of newsgathering, see part I.C. Under

any of these lenses, recording is protected by long-established First Amendment caselaw. This case is an

ideal vehicle to address this issue, as the public-cubed

setting does not pose any line-drawing problems between the right to privacy and the First Amendment.

See part II. And it is untenable that the right to record,

so critical to our modern democratic process, differs

based on the jurisdiction within which the recording

was performed. See part III. Accordingly, certiorari is

warranted.

6

I.

The First Amendment Protects The Right

To Record Police Officers Performing Public Duties In Public Locations.

Recording in public-cubed settings is protected by

the First Amendment as: (a) expression itself, (b) a step

in the process of creating speech, and (c) a newsgathering function. See Jocelyn Simonson, Beyond Body

Cameras: Defending a Robust Right to Record the Police, 104 GEO. L.J. 1559, 1570 (2016) (noting the “general consensus” among First Amendment scholars

“that to record an official in public implicates the First

Amendment because it is either expressive conduct itself or conduct that is essentially preparatory to

speech”); Margot E. Kaminski, Privacy and the Right

to Record, 97 B.U. L. REV. 167, 177 (2017) (discussing

the doctrinal, theoretical, and practical reasons why

“[r]ecording should be protected under the First

Amendment”).3

3

That is why, as the petition rightly points out, the circuit

courts that have addressed the issue (other than the Tenth Circuit in the present case) have agreed that the First Amendment

protects the right to record in the public-cubed setting. Pet. at 2325, 27 & n.6; see, e.g., Fields v. City of Philadelphia, 862 F.3d 353,

356 (3d Cir. 2017); Turner v. Driver, 848 F.3d 678, 688 (5th Cir.

2017); Gericke v. Begin, 753 F.3d 1, 7-8 (1st Cir. 2014); ACLU of

Ill. v. Alvarez, 679 F.3d 583, 608 (7th Cir. 2012); Glik v. Cunniffe,

655 F.3d 78, 82 (1st Cir. 2011); Smith v. City of Cumming, 212

F.3d 1332, 1333 (11th Cir. 2000); Fordyce v. City of Seattle, 55

F.3d 436, 439 (9th Cir. 1995).

7

A. Public-Cubed Recordings Are A Form

of Expression And Protected As Speech.

The act of recording police officers performing public duties in public locations is an expressive activity,

rather than mere conduct. Justin Marceau & Alan K.

Chen, Free Speech and Democracy in the Video Age, 116

COLUM. L. REV. 991, 1013-15 (2016). Some scholarship

regards recording in public-cubed circumstances as silent, dissenting expression. Simonson, 104 GEO. L.J. at

1573 (“[L]ike cursing, the protection of open recording

is supported by First Amendment values in part because it is a provocative form of expression—it allows

civilians to challenge government authority on their

own terms.”); Scott Skinner-Thompson, Recording as

Heckling, 108 GEO. L.J. 125, 140 (2019) (“The act of recording operates as an assertion of the recorder’s

agency toward the object being filmed—often the government—establishing the recorder’s independence

through the communicative act of recording qua resisting.”); Seth F. Kreimer, Pervasive Image Capture and

the First Amendment: Memory, Discourse and the Right

to Record, 159 U. PA. L. REV. 335, 339 (2011) (“In today’s

world, personal image capture is part of a medium of

expression entitled to First Amendment cognizance.”).

Although the First Amendment protects the freedom of “speech,” the Court has long applied the First

Amendment’s protections to nontraditional forms of

expression and conduct. See, e.g., Spence v. Washington,

418 U.S. 405, 406 (1974) (placing peace signs made of

black tape on an American flag and displaying it publicly was “speech”); Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty.

8

Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 505-06 (1969) (wearing black

armbands to protest the Government’s policy in Vietnam “was closely akin to ‘pure speech’ which, [the

Court has] repeatedly held, is entitled to comprehensive protection under the First Amendment.”).

In deciding whether certain conduct “possesses

sufficient communicative elements to bring the First

Amendment into play,” Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397,

404 (1989), the Court has typically, but not always, focused on whether the actor’s non-verbal conduct has

“[a]n intent to convey a particularized message[.]”

Spence, 418 U.S. at 410-11; see also Johnson, 491 U.S.

at 404. “[T]he requirement of identifying a ‘message

conveyed’ is generally applied by the Court only to conduct that is not considered ‘inherently expressive.’ ”

Kreimer, 159 U. PA. L. REV. at 372 (citing Rumsfeld v.

Forum for Acad. & Inst. Rts., Inc., 547 U.S. 47 (2006));

see also Barnes v. Glen Theatre, 501 U.S. 560, 577 n.4

(1991) (“inherently expressive” conduct is “conduct

that is normally engaged in for the purpose of communicating an idea, or perhaps an emotion, to someone

else.”).

Public-cubed recordings are “inherently expressive” conduct protected by the First Amendment; however, even if the Court were to apply the “message

conveyed” test to public-cubed recordings, they would

still be protected First Amendment speech. For example, citizen recordings of police officers can serve “as an

in-the-moment form of expressive resistance to government officials—communicating a message of critique,

influencing official behavior, and reclaiming public

9

space for the people.” Skinner-Thompson, 108 GEO. L.J.

at 127 (footnotes omitted); see also Simonson, 104 GEO.

L.J. at 1573 (“Pointing a smartphone at a police officer

in public is a statement to that officer; it can serve as

a symbol of quiet defiance.”). Such recordings are inherently expressive even if no one else is present to

view the act of recording. The officers are the intended

audience and the Court has protected the First Amendment right to speak to law enforcement officers. See

City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451, 461-62 (1987);

Lewis v. City of New Orleans, 415 U.S. 130, 131-32

(1974). Officers understand recordings to be expressive

conduct, which is why officers sometimes have negative reactions to being recorded. See Jocelyn Simonson,

Copwatching, 104 CALIF. L. REV. 391, 440 (2016) (“As

much as police departments are starting to realize the

importance of respecting cameras, incidents of bad reactions to filming police continue. . . .”).

In the context of Darnella Frazier’s recording of

George Floyd’s death at the hands of former police

officer Derek Chauvin,4 and others’ recordings of the

Black Lives Matter movement,5 social commentators

4

See The 2021 Pulitzer Prize Winner in Special Citations and

Awards—Darnella Frazier, PULITZER PRIZES, https://www.pulitzer.

org/winners/darnella-frazier (last visited July 26, 2021).

5

See Jake Steiner, Streaming Revolution: Protestors Make

Point with Viral Clips, ASSOCIATED PRESS (June 15, 2020), https://

apnews.com/article/new-york-ny-state-wire-nyc-wire-rodney-kingsocial-media-1819708dc4fbfc920e1874b4517a66c4 (“[T]he ubiquity of smart phones during nationwide protests in recent weeks

has provided a window into protesters’ interactions with officers

unimaginable to past generations of Americans.”).

10

have recognized the importance of recording police officers performing public duties in public locations. In

addressing video recordings that document police killings of citizens, one commenter opined that “Black people pick up their cell phones to do two things, . . . to say

to the person who is dying, ‘I will not let you die alone’,

and ‘I will carry the message forward to your family—

because I know that nobody would believe what happened to you here today.’ ” Reha Kansara, Black Lives

Matter: Can Viral Videos Stop Police Brutality?, BBC

(July 6, 2020), https://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-trending53239123 (quoting Allissa Richardson, author of BEARING WITNESS WHILE BLACK: AFRICAN AMERICANS, SMARTPHONES, AND THE NEW PROTEST #JOURNALISM (Oxford

Univ. Press 2020)).

Protecting the right to record the police advances

both the autonomy of individuals who express themselves by choosing to openly film police officers in the

course of duty, and the autonomy of viewers and listeners who wish to receive and consider those recordings.

See Jane Bambauer, Is Data Speech?, 66 STAN. L. REV.

57, 74 (2014); Martin H. Redish, The Value of Free

Speech, 130 U. PA. L. REV. 591, 593 (1982); Robert Post,

Participatory Democracy and Free Speech, 97 VA. L.

REV. 477, 478 (2011); David A. Strauss, Persuasion,

Autonomy, and Freedom of Expression, 91 COLUM. L.

REV. 334, 371 (1991). The First Amendment protects

against government interference with individuals’ rational, autonomous, and reflective choices as democratic agents. See C. Edwin Baker, Autonomy and Free

Speech, 27 CONST. COMMENT. 251, 251 (2011). Allowing

11

civilians to record police officers performing their public duties in public locations serves these values. To interfere with the right to record police officers, and thus

the eventual receipt of those recordings, is to interfere

with the ability of citizens to exercise their autonomy

to receive and analyze their own chosen body of information.

Just as writing words on a page, applying paint to

canvas, or wearing a black armband are recognizably

protected speech, recording video is fully protected expression, rather than mere conduct. See, e.g., Marceau

& Chen, 116 COLUM. L. REV. at 1013-15; Kreimer, 159

U. PA. L. REV. at 376-77.

B. Public-Cubed Recordings Are Critical

To The Speech-Creation Process.

The act of making a public-cubed recording is a

critical component of the speech-creation process. If

courts limit protections only to the end product (i.e. a

publicly-disseminated video recording), the government could “simply proceed upstream and dam the

source” by targeting other links in the production

chain (the information gathering necessary for that

end product, for example). Buehrle v. City of Key West,

813 F.3d 973, 977 (11th Cir. 2015). Thus, courts have

recognized the necessity to protect other links in the

production and distribution chain to ensure that core

First Amendment rights are meaningfully protected.

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 482-83 (1965)

(noting that the peripheral rights “to distribute . . . to

12

receive . . . to read” as well as “freedom of inquiry [and]

freedom of thought” were all “necessary in making the

express guarantees [of the First Amendment] fully

meaningful” (citations omitted)); see also Luis v. United

States, 136 S. Ct. 1083, 1097 (2016) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“Constitutional rights thus implicitly protect

those closely related acts necessary to their exercise.”).

Unlike an oral speech, in which the acts of creation

and dissemination occur simultaneously, recordings

typically have temporally distinct phases of creation

and dissemination.6 Ashutosh Bhagwat, Producing

Speech, 56 WM. & MARY L. REV. 1029, 1033 (2015).

Take, for example, Ms. Frazier’s recording of Mr. Floyd’s

murder. She disseminated the recording for public

viewing a day after she recorded it. See Joanna Stern,

They Used Smartphone Cameras to Record Police Brutality—and Change History, WALL ST. J. (June 13,

2020, 12:01 AM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/they-usedsmartphone-cameras-to-record-police-brutalityand-changehistory-11592020827. But the distinct phases of recording and posting should not detract from the importance of protecting that recording as speech.

6

Dissemination arguably is not necessary for a recording or

other work to be protected under the First Amendment. See Harper & Row Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enters., 471 U.S. 539, 559

(1985) (explaining that unpublished drafts are protected by the

First Amendment). Speech need not have an external audience to

be protected; a right to record protects freedom of thought, which

requires no audience. Bambauer, 66 STAN. L. REV. at 82-83;

Kreimer, 159 U. PA. L. REV. at 377-380; see also C. Edwin Baker,

Scope of the First Amendment Freedom of Speech, 25 UCLA L.

REV. 964, 993 (1978).

13

To fully protect end-product movies or recordings

such as Ms. Frazier’s video, the upstream acts of recording and gathering information must be protected

as well, even though they are sometimes temporally

distinct from dissemination. Robert Post, Encryption

Source Code and the First Amendment, 15 BERKELEY

TECH. L.J. 713, 717 (2000) (“If the state were to prohibit

the use of [film] projectors without a license, First

Amendment coverage would undoubtedly be triggered.

This is not because projectors constitute speech acts,

but because they are integral to the forms of interaction that comprise the genre of the cinema.”); Kreimer,

159 U. PA. L. REV. at 382; Anderson v. City of Hermosa

Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1062 (9th Cir. 2010) (“[T]he process of expression through a medium has never been

thought so distinct from the expression itself that we

could disaggregate Picasso from his brushes and canvas, or that we could value Beethoven without the benefit of strings and woodwinds.”).

Consistent with this reasoning, courts have recognized that “[t]he act of making an audio or audiovisual

recording is necessarily included within the First

Amendment’s guarantee . . . as a corollary of the right

to disseminate the resulting recording.” Alvarez, 679

F.3d at 595. As with other forms of expression, “the

right to publish or broadcast an audio or audiovisual

recording would be insecure, or largely ineffective, if the

antecedent act of making the recording is wholly unprotected.” Id. “[B]anning photography or note-taking

at a public event would raise serious First Amendment

concerns; a law of that sort would obviously affect the

14

right to publish the resulting photograph or disseminate a report derived from the notes. The same is true

of a ban on audio and audiovisual recording.” Id. at

595-96.

Like putting pen to paper, audiovisual recordings

are part and parcel of the speech-creation process.

Marceau & Chen, 116 COLUM. L. REV. at 1018; see also

Bambauer, 66 STAN. L. REV. at 70 (“[T]he collection of

data is a necessary precursor to having and sharing

it.”); Marc Jonathan Blitz, The Right to Map (and Avoid

Being Mapped): Reconceiving First Amendment Protection for Information-Gathering in the Age of Google

Earth, 14 COLUM. SCI. & TECH. L. REV. 115, 154-55

(2013) (“It is hard to see how such peripheral rights

could fail to include the right to have access to the

media and tools that make speech possible.”). The act

of recording is therefore protected under the First

Amendment.

C. Public-Cubed Recordings Are Vital To

Exercising The First AmendmentProtected Newsgathering Right.

Relatedly, recording can be an access right—that

is, a newsgathering right—necessary for the proper

functioning of a democracy. Clay Calvert, The Right to

Record Images of Police in Public Places: Should Intent, Viewpoint, or Journalistic Status Determine First

Amendment Protection?, 64 UCLA L. REV. DISCOURSE

230, 252 (2016) (“Citizens armed with smartphones

play a vital watchdog role today. . . .”); Clay Calvert,

15

The First Amendment Right to Record Images of Police

in Public Places: The Unreasonable Slipperiness of

Reasonableness & Possible Paths Forward, 3 TEX. A&M

L. REV. 131, 155 (2015) (“In journalistic terms, . . . ‘using an iPhone to snap a photograph of one’s surroundings is, in many respects, simply a modern form of note

taking.’ ” (quoting Marc Jonathan Blitz, The Fourth

Amendment Future of Public Surveillance: Remote Recording and Other Searches in Public Space, 63 AM. U.

L. REV. 21, 76 (2013))); see also Richmond Newspapers

Inc. v. Virginia, 448 U.S. 555, 585-87 (1980) (Brennan,

J., concurring) (identifying “the correlative freedom of

access to information”).

Specifically, recording police officers performing

their public duties increases the amount of information available in the marketplace of ideas, thereby

“ ‘serv[ing] significant societal interests’ wholly apart

from the speaker’s interest in self-expression[ b]y protecting . . . the public’s interest in receiving information.” Pac. Gas & Elec. Co. v. Pub. Utils. Comm’n of

Cal., 475 U.S. 1, 8 (1986) (citation omitted); see also

Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616, 630 (1919)

(Holmes, J., dissenting). Like displaying a sign in a

yard, image capture is “an unusually cheap and convenient form of communication,” City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U.S. 43, 57 (1994), and allows for widespread

distribution of information.

“[W]ithout some protection for seeking out the

news, freedom of the press,” and other First Amendment freedoms, “could be eviscerated.” Branzburg v.

Hayes, 408 U.S. 665, 681-82 (1972). The government

16

could merely prohibit the process of creating the body

of information (i.e. the recording process) underlying

the press’s stories. See Barry P. McDonald, The First

Amendment and the Free Flow of Information: Towards

a Realistic Right to Gather Information in the Information Age, 65 OHIO ST. L.J. 249, 256, 273 (2004).

This newsgathering right plays a crucial part in

the First Amendment’s role in ensuring the structural

soundness of democracy. See Richmond Newspapers,

448 U.S. at 587 (Brennan, J., concurring). “Implicit in

this structural role is not only ‘the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust,

and wide-open,’ but also the antecedent assumption

that valuable public debate—as well as other civic behavior—must be informed.” Id. (quoting N.Y. Times Co.,

376 U.S. at 270); see also id. at 584 (Stevens, J., concurring) (“[T]he First Amendment protects the public and

the press from abridgment of their rights of access

to information about the operation of their government[.]”).

The First Amendment’s newsgathering right also

forms the core of numerous decisions providing access

to judicial proceedings, which implicate the ability of

ordinary citizens to hold their public officials accountable and monitor the proper functioning of government. See, e.g., id. at 583-84; Press-Enterprise Co. v.

Superior Court, 478 U.S. 1, 10 (1986) (finding a public

right of access to pretrial hearings in criminal cases);

Press-Enterprise Co. v. Superior Court, 464 U.S. 501,

505 (1984) (finding a public right of access to jury selection in criminal trials); Globe Newspaper Co. v.

17

Superior Court, 457 U.S. 596, 604 (1982) (striking down

state statute excluding the public during cases involving minors and sex crimes). These newsgathering/

access decisions are based on two principles: first, that

there was a historic “tradition of accessibility” in those

forums and second, that “access to a particular government process is important in terms of that very process.” Richmond Newspapers, 448 U.S. at 589.

Recording a police officer performing public duties

in a public location is well within this newsgathering/access right and meets both elements of the Richmond Newspapers test. Because the recordings occur

in public, there is no question that they occur in a location in which there is a tradition of accessibility. See

Hague v. Comm. for Indus. Org., 307 U.S. 496, 515

(1939) (noting that public fora have historically been

open to the public “time out of mind”). And, as in the

cases concerning access to the justice system, recording a police officer serving his or her public function is

crucial for improving that government function. See

Skinner-Thompson, 108 GEO. L.J. at 134-35; see also

Project Veritas Action Fund v. Rollins, 982 F.3d 813,

833 (1st Cir. 2020) (“[R]ecording can itself serve ‘a cardinal First Amendment interest in protecting and promoting “the free discussion of governmental affairs,’’’

and ‘not only aids in the uncovering of abuses . . . but

also may have a salutary effect on the functioning of

government more generally.’ ” (quoting Glik, 655 F.3d

at 82-83 and Mills v. State of Ala., 384 U.S. 214, 218

(1966))); see also City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451,

462-63 (1987) (“The freedom of individuals verbally to

18

oppose or challenge police action without thereby risking arrest is one of the principal characteristics by

which we distinguish a free nation from a police

state.”).7

Audiovisual recordings of police officers performing public duties in public locations foster a better

system of self-governance by allowing citizens to hold

police officers accountable for potential misconduct.

The purpose of the First Amendment is “[t]o give to

every voting member of the body politic the fullest possible participation in the understanding of those problems with which the citizens of a self-governing society

must deal.” Alexander Meiklejohn, FREE SPEECH AND

ITS RELATION TO SELF-GOVERNMENT 88 (1948). Collecting information about police interactions with the

7

Notably, and consistent with the newsgathering/access

right recognized by the courts, some state legislatures have identified the importance of balancing citizens’ right to record police

activity with the general prohibition on interfering with police activity by expressly identifying public-cubed recordings as activity

that does not constitute unlawful interference. See Haw. Rev.

Stat. § 710-1010(2)(c) (2021) (statute prohibiting obstructing government operations creates exemption for “[a] person who is making a video or audio recording . . . of a law enforcement officer

while the officer is in the performance of the officer’s duties in a

public place”); N.Y. Civ. Rights Law § 79-p(2) (2021) (“A person

not under arrest or in the custody of a law enforcement official

has the right to record law enforcement activity and to maintain

custody and control of that recording and of any property or instruments used by that person to record law enforcement activities . . . ”); Utah Code § 76-8-305(2) (2021) (“Recording the actions

of a law enforcement officer with a camera, mobile phone, or other

photographic device, while the officer is performing official duties

in plain view, does not by itself constitute . . . interference with

the officer. . . .”).

19

public fuels important policy discussions about public

safety, including the consideration of information the

public would not otherwise know, and thereby facilitates review of police conduct by laypeople and legal

professionals alike. See Marceau & Chen, 116 COLUM.

L. REV at 1007, 1031; Hill, 482 U.S. at 463 n.12 (1987)

(“The strongest case for allowing challenge [to the police] is simply the imponderable risk of abuse . . . that

lies in the state in which no challenge is allowed.” (citation omitted)).

Indeed, and as noted above, recordings of police

officers performing their public duties have had significant real-world impacts, “sparking outrage and dialogue about police practices throughout the nation.”

Simonson, 104 CALIF. L. REV. at 408. In recent years,

smartphone recordings of police officers have been

widely publicized by the media and have “ma[de] the

world witness police brutality toward African-Americans

that was all too easy to ignore in the past.” See Stern,

They Used Smartphone Cameras to Record Police Brutality—and Change History (chronicling a decade of

cell phone videos capturing police brutality against

people of color). Moreover, the video recording of Mr.

Floyd’s death has been lauded as “play[ing] a major

role in igniting a global protest movement against police violence. . . .” Joe Hernandez, Darnella Frazier,

Teen Who Filmed George Floyd’s Murder, Wins Pulitzer

Prize, NPR (June 11, 2021, 4:05 PM ET), https://www.

npr.org/2021/06/11/1005601724/darnella-frazier-teen-whofilmed-george-floyds-murder-wins-pulitzer-prize-citati.

20

In theory, contemporaneous video recordings can

also serve to deter police misconduct in real time, promote respectful policing and accountability, and improve the functioning of a governmental institution in

the process. Simonson, 104 CALIF. L. REV. at 413-16

(“studies show that police behave differently when

they know they are being recorded”); Kreimer, 159 U.

PA. L. REV. at 347 (“the prospect of private image capture provides a deterrent to official actions that would

evoke liability or condemnation”).8 Whether misconduct is ultimately deterred, however, does not change

the fact that recording the police in public serves the

core purpose of the newsgathering/access right: that is,

holding our government institutions accountable and

structurally improving them. Kreimer, 159 U. PA. L.

REV. at 350; see also Al Baker et al., Beyond the Chokehold: The Path to Eric Garner’s Death, N.Y. TIMES at

A1 (June 13, 2015), http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/14/

nyregion/eric-garner-police-chokehold-staten-island.html

(“Absent the video, many in the Police Department

would have gone on believing [Eric Garner’s] death to

8

But see Richard Pérez-Peña & Timothy Williams, Glare of

Video is Shifting Public’s View of Police, N.Y. TIMES (July 30,

2015), https://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/31/us/through-lens-of-videoa-transformed-view-of-police.html (“Experts say that cameras

probably change for the better how the police and the public treat

each other, but . . . the fact that one viral video after another surfaces, showing officers treating civilians harshly, demonstrates

the limits of that change.”); cf. Reha Kansara, Black Lives Matter:

Can Viral Videos Stop Police Brutality? (“[T]he video [of George

Floyd’s murder] transfixed people because of the callous nature of

the killing coupled with the brazen nature of the police, who knew

they were being filmed and still did it anyway.” (quoting Allissa

Richardson)).

21

have been solely caused by his health problems. . . .”);

Stern, They Used Smartphone Cameras to Record Police Brutality—and Change History (crediting Feidin

Santana’s cell phone recording of former officer Michael Slager shooting Walter Scott five times and killing him as he tried to run as key evidence in a jury

convicting Slager of second degree murder).

Lastly, public cubed recordings can serve as key

evidence in investigating and prosecuting those suspected of unlawful behavior. Recently, federal prosecutors relied on cell phone videos to better understand

the January 6, 2021 riots in the U.S. Capitol and

charge rioters for various crimes. See NBC Washington

(@nbcwashington), TWITTER (Jan. 15, 2021, 4:30 PM),

https://twitter.com/nbcwashington/status/13502237732

70736899 (viral video of D.C. police officer Daniel

Hodges being crushed by door during U.S. Capitol

riot); Craig Timberg, Drew Harwell & Spencer S. Hsu,

Police Let Most Capitol Rioters Walk Away. But Cellphone Data And Videos Could Now Lead To More Arrests., WASH. POST (Jan. 8, 2021, 5:37 PM), https://www.

washingtonpost.com/technology/2021/01/08/trump-mobtech-arrests/. Without these recordings, identifying,

charging, and prosecuting culpable parties would be

far more difficult.

*

*

*

In sum, the First Amendment protects the right to

record law enforcement officers performing public duties in public locations because these recordings are

(a) a form of inherently expressive activity or protected

22

speech, rather than mere conduct; (b) part of the

speech-creation process; and (c) necessary to the exercise of the First Amendment-protected newsgathering

right.

II.

This Case Avoids Privacy Concerns And,

Thus, Is Ideal For Clarifying That There Is

A Right To Record In Public-Cubed Settings.

Although some cases require courts to balance recording rights against privacy concerns, this case does

not present that challenge. Like most First Amendment rights, the right to record is not absolute. See, e.g.,

Neil M. Richards, Intellectual Privacy, 87 TEX. L. REV.

387, 393-407 (2008). As addressed above, recording can

constitute direct speech or serve as a critical tool to enable future speech. At the same time, recording can potentially impinge on others’ privacy, both in public and

private spaces. Depending on the context, that intrusion on privacy can justify restricting another’s right

to free speech. See, e.g., Kaminski, 97 B.U. L. REV.

at 171; Skinner-Thompson, 108 GEO. L.J. at 130-31.

Courts typically weigh these competing First Amendment interests in right to record cases. See Bartnicki v.

Vopper, 532 U.S. 514, 533 (2001) (noting that privacy

and speech “are important interests to be considered

on both sides of the constitutional calculus” (emphasis

in original). Sometimes privacy interests can and do

outweigh speech interests in recording private individuals engaged in private activities in private spaces. See

Marceau & Chen, 116 COLUM. L. REV. at 1044 (“There

23

may also be times when a recording of intimate, private details . . . invades privacy concerns so fundamental as to exceed First Amendment protection.”). This

balancing inquiry is necessarily fact-specific, and thus

resistant to bright-line rules.

But in a case such as this one, the First Amendment interests in public-cubed recordings of police officers will almost always outweigh the minimal privacy

interests of the police, as the circuits considering a

public-cubed scenario have held. See, e.g., Fields, 862

F.3d at 356; Turner, 848 F.3d at 688; Gericke, 753 F.3d

at 8; Alvarez, 679 F.3d at 595; Glik, 655 F.3d at 82-83;

Smith, 212 F.3d at 1333; Fordyce, 55 F.3d at 439. Accordingly, the Court need not grapple with the various

circumstances that may require the weighing of privacy interests.

III. The Court Should Grant Certiorari To

Safeguard Public-Cubed Recordings In All

Jurisdictions.

It is constitutionally unacceptable for the First

Amendment right to record police officers performing

public duties in public locations to be protected only in

certain jurisdictions across the country. Yet only “[s]ixtyone percent of the U.S. population lives in states where

federal appeals courts have recognized a First Amendment right to record police officers performing their official duties in public.” See FIRST AMENDMENT WATCH,

A CITIZEN’S GUIDE TO RECORDING THE POLICE 2 (N.Y.

Univ. 2020), https://firstamendmentwatch.org/wp-content/

24

uploads/2020/06/Citizens-Guide-to-Recording-the-Police2.pdf.

Under the Tenth Circuit’s decision, this clearly

established right may be violated within the Tenth

Circuit without recourse while it is simultaneously

safeguarded by the First, Third, Fifth, Seventh, Ninth,

and Eleventh Circuits, see Fields, 862 F.3d at 356;

Turner, 848 F.3d at 688; Gericke, 753 F.3d at 8; Alvarez,

679 F.3d at 595; Glik, 655 F.3d at 82-83; Smith, 212

F.3d at 1333; Fordyce, 55 F.3d at 439, and by some district courts in circuits that have yet to address the issue, see Pet. at 27, n.6; see also, e.g., Dyer v. Smith, Civil

Action No. 3:19-cv-921, 2021 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 34090,

at *18 (E.D. Va. Feb. 23, 2021) (“Although neither the

Supreme Court nor the Fourth Circuit has recognized

a right to record government officials performing their

duties, both the general constitutional rule and a consensus of cases clearly establish this right.”); Hulbert

v. Pope, No. SAG-18-00461, 2021 U.S. Dist. LEXIS

77897, at *32-33 (D. Md. Apr. 22, 2021) (“This case presents a similar issue, where every circuit considering

the question has found the First Amendment right to

record police exists. . . . Therefore, the Court agrees

with Plaintiffs that the right to record police officers

. . . was clearly established at the time of the incident.”).

Indeed, just months after the Tenth Circuit issued

its decision, a federal district court in Colorado held

that sheriff ’s deputies were entitled to qualified immunity against citizens’ claims that deputies violated

their First Amendment right to record the public areas

25

of a jail in 2018, relying, in part, on the holding in this

case—that is, that the right to record law enforcement

performing public duties in public was not clearly established by the Tenth Circuit in 2014, and that the

Tenth Circuit “declined to state whether such a right

has been clearly established since that time.” Kerr v.

City of Boulder, Civil Action No. 19-cv-01724-KLM,

2021 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 114207, at *29 (D. Colo. June 18,

2021) (emphasis added). In the absence of a clearly established right, there is no meaningful deterrent

against police officers physically preventing bystanders from recording them, or motivation for local jurisdictions to instruct officers to not interfere with

recordings.

Amici therefore urge the Court to grant certiorari

and ensure that citizens across the United States, not

just in certain circuits and districts, have a clearly established First Amendment right to record in the public-cubed setting. Recognition of such a right protects

individual autonomy, increases the body of knowledge

informing the debate over some of the most controversial aspects of our society, and protects the values upon

which our democracy depends. Recent events surrounding police accountability are central to the functioning of our democracy and to the autonomy of its

citizens. Recording police officers performing public

duties in public is exactly the type of activity that the

First Amendment should, and does, protect.

---------------------------------♦---------------------------------

26

CONCLUSION

Amici respectfully request that this Court grant

Mr. Levi Frasier’s petition for writ of certiorari.

Respectfully submitted,

TINA R. VAN BOCKERN

Counsel of Record

JONATHAN S. BENDER

THOMAS A. MORALES

HOLLAND & HART LLP

555 17th Street, Suite 3200

Denver, CO 80202

(303) 295-8000

trvanbockern@hollandhart.com

jsbender@hollandhart.com

tamorales@hollandhart.com

MATTHEW R. CUSHING

Instructor, Appellate

Advocacy Practicum

UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO

LAW SCHOOL

2450 Kittredge Loop Road

Boulder, CO 80309

(303) 735-6554

matthew.cushing@colorado.ed

Counsel for Amici Curiae

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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