Amicus Curiae Brief — New York State Rifle & Pistol Association, Inc., et al., Petitioners v. Kevin P. Bruen, in His Official Capacity as Superintendent of New York State Police, et al.

Supreme Court briefJul 20, 2021

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No. 20-843

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In The

Supreme Court of the United States

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------NEW YORK STATE RIFLE & PISTOL ASSOCIATION,

INC., ROBERT NASH, BRANDON KOCH,

Petitioners,

v.

KEVIN P. BRUEN, in His Official Capacity as

Superintendent of the New York State Police,

RICHARD J. MCNALLY, JR., in His Official Capacity as

Justice of the New York Supreme Court, Third Judicial

District, and Licensing Officer for Rensselaer County,

Respondents.

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------On Writ Of Certiorari To The

United States Court Of Appeals

For The Second Circuit

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------BRIEF OF PROFESSORS ROBERT LEIDER

AND NELSON LUND, AND THE BUCKEYE

FIREARMS ASSOCIATION AS AMICI

CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS

---------------------------------♦--------------------------------DEREK DEBROSSE

Counsel of Record

CHESHIRE DEBROSSE, P.C.

503 South Front Street,

Suite 240B

Columbus, OH 43215

(888) 399-7863

derek@MunitionsGroup.com

RONALD JAMES LEMIEUX

Co-counsel

#0093536

P.O. Box 19183

Cleveland, OH 44119

(216) 339-3284

rlemieux@

ronaldlemieuxlaw.com

Not admitted to the

U.S. Supreme Court

Attorneys for Amici Curiae

July 20, 2021

================================================================================================================

COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964

WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................

i

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .................................

ii

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE .........................

1

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ..............................

1

ARGUMENT ........................................................

5

I.

The Common-Law Crime of Going Armed

to the Terror of the People Did Not Apply

to Peaceful Carry .......................................

8

A. American Common Law Did Not Ban

Public Carry ........................................

9

B. The Common-Law Crime Had Little

Known Record of Enforcement ............ 16

II.

Surety Laws ............................................... 19

A. The Surety Statutes Did Not Prohibit

Carrying Firearms for Lawful Purposes .................................................... 23

B. The Surety Statutes Have Virtually

No Known Record of Enforcement ...... 30

CONCLUSION..................................................... 34

APPENDIX

Surety Laws ......................................................... App. 1

Criminal Laws Restricting Carrying Concealed

Weapons in Surety States ................................ App. 6

ii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Page

CASES

Andrews v. State, 50 Tenn. (3 Heisk.) 165 (1871) .... 2, 6

Aymette v. State, 21 Tenn. (2 Hum.) 154 (1840) ..... 5, 15

Chune v. Piott (1615) 80 Eng. Rep. 1161 (K.B.) .........11

Commonwealth v. Cushard, 132 A.2d 366 (Pa.

Super. Ct. 1957) ......................................................... 31

Commonwealth v. Miller, 305 A.2d 346 (Pa.

1973) ........................................................................31

Commonwealth v. Murphy, 44 N.E. 138 (Mass.

1896) .................................................................. 25, 26

Commonwealth v. Wilkins, 138 N.E. 11 (Mass.

1923) ........................................................................19

District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570

(2008) ................................................................... 5, 22

Grace v. District of Columbia, 187 F. Supp. 3d

124 (D.D.C. 2016) ....................................................31

In re Brickey, 70 P. 609 (Idaho 1902) ..................... 6, 29

Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961) .............................19

NLRB v. Noel Canning, 573 U.S. 513 (2014)..............22

Norman v. State, 215 So.3d 18 (Fla. 2017) ....... 7, 30, 31

Nunn v. State, 1 Ga. 243 (1846) ............................ 2, 5, 6

Presser v. Illinois, 116 U.S. 252 (1886) .......................25

R v. Sir John Knight (1686) 90 Eng. Rep. 330

(K.B.) ........................................................................10

Simpson v. State, 13 Tenn. (5 Yer.) 356 (1833) ..... 14, 15

iii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued

Page

Sir John Knight’s Case (1686) 87 Eng. Rep. 75

(K.B.) .............................................................. 8, 10, 11

State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann. 489 (1850) .....................6

State v. Christian, 274 P.3d 262 (Or. Ct. App.

2012) ........................................................................31

State v. Dawson, 159 S.E.2d 1 (N.C. 1968) ........ 14, 16

State v. Huntly, 25 N.C. (3 Ired.) 418 (1843) ... 3, 12, 13, 16

State v. Kerner, 107 S.E. 222 (N.C. 1921) ............... 6, 13

State v. Nieto, 130 N.E. 663 (Ohio 1920) ....................29

State v. Reid, 1 Ala. 612 (1840) ................................. 2, 6

State v. Rosenthal, 55 A. 610 (Vt. 1903) .......................6

State v. Roten, 86 N.C. 701 (1882) .......................... 3, 13

State v. Shelby, 2 S.W. 468 (Mo. 1886) ..........................6

Van Ness v. Pacard, 27 U.S. (2 Pet.) 137 (1829) .........11

Wilson v. State, 33 Ark. 557 (1878)........................... 2, 6

Wrenn v. District of Columbia, 864 F.3d 650

(D.C. Cir. 2017) ........................................................31

Young v. Hawaii, 992 F.3d 765 (9th Cir. 2021) .... passim

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS

U.S. Const. amend. II .......................................... passim

iv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued

Page

STATUTES

1860 Mass. Stat. ch. 164, § 10 ....................................25

1893 Mass. Stat. ch. 367, § 124 ..................................25

Act of Apr. 15, 1850, ch. 194, § 1, 1850 Mass. Acts

401 ...........................................................................25

Act of Nov. 4, 1857, in GENERAL LAWS OF THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON 75

(Washington, Robert A. Waters 1860).....................29

An Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the

Subject, and Settling the Succession of the

Crown (Bill of Rights) 1689, 1 W. & M., c. 2

(Eng.), in 9 STATUTES AT LARGE 67 (Pickering

1764) ........................................................................15

N.Y. PENAL LAW § 255.17 (McKinney 2021) ............ 33

Of Proceedings to Prevent the Commission of

Crimes, ch. 14, § 16, 1847 Va. Acts 127, 129 ...........32

Of Proceedings to Prevent the Commission of

Crimes, ch. 134, § 16, in THE REVISED STATUTES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, 748 (Boston, Dutton & Wentworth

1836) .............................................................. 7, 20, 21

Resolve Providing for a Revision of the General

Statutes of the Commonwealth, ch. 30, in RESOLVES OF THE GENERAL COURT OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS 103 (1832) ............20

Statute of Northampton, 2 Edw. 3 c. 3 (1328) .......... 3, 9

WIS. STAT. § 944.16 (West 2021) ................................33

v

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued

Page

RULES

U.S. Sup. Ct. R. 37.6 ......................................................1

OTHER AUTHORITIES

3 JOSEPH STORY, COMMENTARIES ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES § 1891 (Boston,

Hilliard, Gray, & Co. 1833) .....................................15

4 WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, COMMENTARIES ...................... 23

About Concealed Weapons, BOS. DAILY GLOBE,

June 9, 1898 ............................................................25

Arrests for Carrying Concealed Weapons, THE

LIBERATOR, Apr. 11, 1851 ................................... 17, 18

BOS. DAILY GLOBE, June 29, 1896 ...............................27

Carrying Weapons, BOS. DAILY GLOBE, Jan. 18,

1889 .........................................................................26

CHARLES HUMPHREYS, A COMPENDIUM OF THE

COMMON LAW IN FORCE IN KENTUCKY 482 (Lexington, Ky., William Gibbes Hunt 1822). ................15

Complaint, Commonwealth v. Snowden, No.

1443 (Bos. Police Ct. Apr. 5, 1851) ..........................19

Complaint, Grover v. Bullock, No. 185 (Worcester Cty. Aug. 13, 1853) .............................................31

Commonwealth v. Snowden, Bos. Police Ct. R.

Book 1117 (May 1851) ...................................... 18, 19

Concealed Weapons, BOS. DAILY ADVERTISER,

July 13, 1895 ...........................................................27

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued

Page

Concealed Weapons, DETROIT FREE PRESS, Feb.

26, 1873 ...................................................................28

Concealed Weapons, EVENING STAR, Nov. 11,

1858 .........................................................................29

David B. Kopel & George A. Mocsary, Errors of

Omission: Words Missing from the Ninth Circuit’s Young v. Hawaii, 2021 U. ILL. L. REV.

ONLINE 172 ..............................................................11

Deadly Weapons, PHILA. INQUIRER, Dec. 30, 1897 ......28

Docket, Commonwealth v. Snowden, No. 1443

(Bos. Police Ct. Apr. 5, 1851) ...................................18

Eric M. Ruben & Saul Cornell, Firearm Regionalism and Public Carry: Placing Southern Antebellum Case Law in Context, 125 YALE L.J.F.

121 (2015) .................................................. 6, 7, 26, 31

EVENING J., Dec. 15, 1899...................................... 28, 29

Everybody’s Column, PHILA. INQUIRER, Nov. 25,

1900 .........................................................................28

JOYCE LEE MALCOLM, TO KEEP AND BEAR ARMS:

THE ORIGINS OF AN ANGLO-AMERICAN RIGHT

102 (1994) ................................................................10

Local Matters: Deadly Weapons, RICHMOND DISPATCH, June 18, 1855 ...............................................32

Nelson Lund, The Future of the Second Amendment in a Time of Lawless Violence, 116 NW.

L. REV. (forthcoming 2021), https://papers.ssrn.

com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3701185 ............12

vii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES – Continued

Page

P.A. Bridgham, Dangerous Weapons, BOS. DAILY

GLOBE, Sept. 27, 1891 ..............................................33

PERCY A. BRIDGHAM, ONE THOUSAND LEGAL QUESTIONS ANSWERED BY THE PEOPLE’S LAWYER OF

THE BOSTON DAILY GLOBE 129 (1890) ......................27

Robert Leider, Constitutional Liquidation, Surety

Laws, and the Right to Bear Arms, in NEW HISTORIES OF GUN RIGHTS AND REGULATION: ESSAYS ON THE PLACE OF GUNS IN AMERICAN LAW

AND SOCIETY (Joseph Blocher, Jacob D. Charles,

Darrell A.H. Miller eds., forthcoming ___), https://

papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=

3697761 ................................................. 16, 17, 22, 32

Saul Cornell, The Right to Carry Firearms Outside of the Home, 39 FORDHAM URB. L.J. 1695

(2012) .......................................................................23

STEPHEN P. HALBROOK, THE RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS:

A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OR A

PRIVILEGE OF THE RULING CLASS?, 42 (2021) ........... 10

THE FEDERALIST NO. 37 (James Madison) (Jacob

E. Cooke, ed. 1961) ..................................................21

THOMAS W. WATERMAN, THE WISCONSIN AND IOWA

JUSTICE 620 (New York, Banks, Gould & Co.

1853) ........................................................................24

1

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE1

Amicus Robert Leider is Assistant Professor of

Law at the Antonin Scalia Law School of George Mason University. His research focuses on the Second

Amendment and the right of self-defense.

Amicus Nelson Lund is University Professor at

the Antonin Scalia Law School of George Mason University. He is the former Patrick Henry Professor of

Constitutional Law and the Second Amendment and

author of many leading law review articles on the Second Amendment.

Amicus Buckeye Firearms Association is a 501(c)(4)

social welfare organization that, through grassroots efforts, aims to defend and advance the right of more

than 4 million Ohio citizens to own and use firearms

for all legal activities, including self-defense, hunting,

competition, and recreation. Accordingly, BFA has an

interest in ensuring the proper application of the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution.

---------------------------------♦---------------------------------

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

The Second Amendment does not permit legislatures to enact broad prohibitions that make it unlawful

1

Pursuant to this Court’s Rule 37.6, counsel for amici certifies that this brief was not authored in whole or in part by counsel

for any party and that no person or entity other than amici and

their counsel has made a monetary contribution intended to fund

the preparation or submission of this brief. All parties have consented to the filing of this brief.

2

for most citizens to carry firearms for self-defense. In

the nineteenth century, most courts recognized that

such broad bans were unconstitutional; they upheld

narrower prohibitions against the carrying of concealed weapons only because such laws still granted

individuals a reasonable avenue to exercise their right

by bearing arms openly. See, e.g., State v. Reid, 1 Ala.

612, 619 (1840); Wilson v. State, 33 Ark. 557, 559–60

(1878); Nunn v. State, 1 Ga. 243, 251 (1846); Andrews

v. State, 50 Tenn. (3 Heisk.) 165, 192 (1871).

Some courts and commentators now argue that

these restrictive judicial decisions actually reflect a peculiarly Southern “permissive” culture. They posit another common-law regulatory tradition that generally

prohibited Americans from carrying weapons in public

for self-defense. And, they claim, certain nineteenthcentury surety statutes continued the common-law restrictions by prohibiting carrying weapons, except by

those who had reasonable grounds to fear attack. They

call this the “Massachusetts model,” which supposedly

demonstrates that early Americans did not recognize a

Second Amendment right to public carry, except (perhaps) by a person who was at imminent risk of attack.

These claims are based on a false historical account

and flawed legal reasoning.

I. The eighteenth-century American commonlaw offense of going armed to the terror of the people

did not prohibit the carrying of firearms for lawful purposes.

3

A. Some have argued, based on the Statute of

Northampton, 2 Edw. 3 c. 3 (1328), that English law

prohibited publicly going armed, but this reading conflicts with substantial historical evidence. Despite its

broad language, English judges understood the Statute of Northampton to prohibit the carrying of arms

only when done in terrorem populi.

In any event, eighteenth-century American common law was not coextensive with English common

law or with fourteenth-century English statutory law.

Early American statutes implementing the commonlaw offense uniformly required that a person went

armed “to the terror of the people” or some equivalent language. American courts of record likewise

uniformly held that merely going armed was not a

common-law crime; a person committed the commonlaw offense only when he went armed with a “wicked

purpose” and created the “mischievous result” of terrorizing the public. E.g., State v. Huntly, 25 N.C. (3

Ired.) 418, 423 (1843).

B. The common law was not used to prevent people from carrying arms for lawful purposes. American

common law only criminalized those who “abused” the

right to carry arms. State v. Roten, 86 N.C. 701, 704

(1882). While the precise contours of what constituted

“abuse” may be unclear, that is because the commonlaw offense was rarely prosecuted in England or in this

country, and few judicial decisions examine the offense.

Searches of available newspaper databases produce

few reports of arrests for the crime in the United

States during the nineteenth century.

4

Most importantly, common-law prosecutions for

carrying weapons for self-defense are almost nonexistent. The handful of examples known to exist involve

African-American defendants and likely involve racist

prosecutions. One case did result in a conviction in police court, but the prosecutor abandoned the case on

appeal. There was no tradition of prosecuting people

under the common law when they carried arms for

lawful purposes.

II. In the mid-nineteenth century, ten jurisdictions patterned their new legal codes on Massachusetts’ Revised Statutes. Within these enormous new

legal codes, one provision authorized justices of the

peace to require sureties under certain circumstances

from those who went armed. These laws are not evidence that legislatures had discretion to ban publicly

carrying firearms for lawful self-defense.

A. The surety laws were not criminal prohibitions on public carry. At most, an individual who went

armed would have to post a bond and pledge that he

would not commit an act of violence or otherwise

breach the peace. The application of surety laws in almost all jurisdictions was further restricted by a standing requirement that a plaintiff could not seek a surety

unless he had “reasonable cause to fear an injury” or

a “breach of the peace.” Infra p. 24. This standing requirement made surety laws largely irrelevant to

those carrying weapons for lawful purposes.

Eighteenth-century newspaper stories strongly

corroborate that these laws did not prohibit or

5

restrict the carrying of weapons for self-defense. Much

like their counterparts in the South, legislatures

in so-called “Massachusetts model” states primarily

regulated public carry by restricting the carrying of

concealed weapons. And some jurisdictions—including Massachusetts itself—had no law prohibiting the

carrying of weapons for self-defense, whether openly or

concealed.

B. There is strong evidence that the surety laws

were largely ignored. There is not a single nineteenthcentury decision in any court of record deciding a case

involving a surety law. And there are few known cases

in justice of the peace courts, let alone cases that involve allegations of carrying weapons for lawful selfdefense. Laws that have fallen into desuetude cannot

demonstrate either a settled historical practice or a liquidation of the Second Amendment’s meaning. This

Court should not be misled by those who seek to conjure a Second Amendment that reflects only the policy

preferences of today’s gun control advocates.

---------------------------------♦---------------------------------

ARGUMENT

From the earliest American judicial decisions,

courts have recognized that the Second Amendment

and state analogues protect two distinct rights: keeping arms and carrying them. See, e.g., Nunn v. State, 1

Ga. 243, 251 (1846); Aymette v. State, 21 Tenn. (2 Hum.)

154, 158 (1840); see also District of Columbia v. Heller,

554 U.S. 570, 581–92 (2008). Many courts have upheld

6

limited place and manner restrictions. These include

prohibitions against carrying concealed weapons, the

carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as courthouses, and carrying firearms while intoxicated. See,

e.g., State v. Reid, 1 Ala. 612, 619 (1840); State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann. 489, 490 (1850); State v. Shelby, 2 S.W.

468, 469 (Mo. 1886); State v. Kerner, 107 S.E. 222, 225

(N.C. 1921). But courts have routinely struck down

broad prohibitions against the public carrying of weapons that constitute “arms” within the meaning of the

Second Amendment or state analogues. See, e.g., Wilson v. State, 33 Ark. 557, 559–60 (1878); Nunn, 1 Ga. at

243; In re Brickey, 70 P. 609 (Idaho 1902); Kerner, 107

S.E. 222; Andrews v. State, 50 Tenn. (3 Heisk.) 165, 192

(1871); State v. Rosenthal, 55 A. 610 (Vt. 1903); see also

Reid, 1 Ala. at 619 (upholding ban on concealed weapons but explaining that a ban on unconcealed weapons

would be unconstitutional); Chandler, 5 La. Ann. at

490 (similar).

Recently, some commentators and courts have

tried to resist this overwhelming precedent by embarking on a rewrite of history. They contend that decisions

upholding restrictions only on concealed carry reflect

an anomalously permissive approach because these decisions acknowledge that individuals may carry arms

openly. Eric M. Ruben & Saul Cornell, Firearm Regionalism and Public Carry: Placing Southern Antebellum

Case Law in Context, 125 YALE L.J.F. 121, 124 (2015).

They claim that this putatively permissive approach

was unique to the South, id. at 128, and they contrast

it with what they call the restrictive “Massachusetts

7

model.” The Massachusetts model, they claim, “generally restrict[ed] public carry with limited exceptions

for people with reasonable cause to fear attack.” Id. at

133.

As evidence, these commentators point to surety

statutes adopted in ten jurisdictions, most of which required an individual to find “sureties of the peace” upon

“complaint of any person having reasonable cause to fear

an injury, or breach of the peace” if the person “shall go

armed with a dirk, dagger, sword, pistol, or other offensive and dangerous weapon, without reasonable cause

to fear an assault or other injury, or violence to his person, or to his family or property.” Of Proceedings to Prevent the Commission of Crimes, ch. 134, § 16, in THE

REVISED STATUTES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, 748, 750 (Boston, Dutton & Wentworth

1836) [hereinafter REV. STAT. OF MASS.]. They claim

that these laws were lineal descendants of the common-law offense of “going armed to the terror of the

people,” which supposedly banned carrying weapons in

public. Ruben & Cornell, supra, at 130. Some courts

have accepted this revisionist history. See, e.g., Young

v. Hawaii, 992 F.3d 765, 799–800 (9th Cir. 2021) (en

banc); Norman v. State, 215 So.3d 18 (Fla. 2017).

The historical record refutes these claims. Both

the common-law offense and the surety statutes governed circumstances in which a person’s public carrying of weapons threatened to breach the peace. Neither

restricted public carry for lawful purposes. Worse, any

consensus about the meaning of the constitutional

right to bear arms that might be inferred from these

8

sources is a mirage. There is virtually no evidence that

they were commonly enforced in this country, or, more

relevantly, that they were enforced against people carrying firearms for lawful purposes. Unenforced laws

cannot imply a societal consensus about anything, let

alone the kind of settled historical practice that might

be relevant to interpreting the meaning of the Constitution.

I.

The Common-Law Crime of Going Armed

to the Terror of the People Did Not Apply

to Peaceful Carry

Courts holding that the Second Amendment does

not protect a right to bear arms in public have relied

heavily upon the common law, which prohibited going

armed to the terror of the people, and the fourteenthcentury Statute of Northampton, which was said to be

“an affirmance of ” that common-law crime, Sir John

Knight’s Case (1686) 87 Eng. Rep. 75, 76 (K.B.). See,

e.g., Young, 992 F.3d at 787–93. The Statute of Northampton provided:

[T]hat no man great nor small, of what condition soever he be, except the King’s servants

in his presence, and his ministers in executing

of the King’s precepts, or of their office, and

such as be in their company assisting them,

and also [upon a cry made for arms to keep

the peace, and the same in such places where

such acts happen,] be so hardy to come before

the King’s justices, or other of the King’s ministers doing their office, with force and arms,

9

nor bring no force in affray of the peace, nor to

go nor ride armed by night nor by day, in fairs,

markets, nor in the presence of the justices or

other ministers, nor in no part elsewhere,

upon pain to forfeit their armour to the King,

and their bodies to prison at the King’s pleasure.

2 Edw. 3 c. 3 (1328) (footnote omitted).

Relying on the common law and the Statute of

Northampton to support broad restrictions against

public carry in the United States is wishful thinking.

American statutes recognizing the offense did not

make the carrying of weapons a crime unless it was

done to the terror of the people. Even then, the common-law crime was seldom enforced here, and there

was no tradition of applying the crime against public

carry for lawful purposes.

A. American Common Law Did Not Ban

Public Carry

At the time of the Framing, American common law

did not prohibit individuals from going armed for lawful purposes. The effort to rewrite the history of public

carry in the United States by relying on the (alleged)

history of English practice rests on a series of profound

mistakes.

1. The English historical record does not support

claims that the Statute of Northampton traditionally

served to prohibit the carrying of weapons for lawful

purposes.

10

Whatever the statute was meant to do in the fourteenth century, it evidently had fallen into desuetude

long before our nation was founded. See, e.g., STEPHEN

P. HALBROOK, THE RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS: A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OR A PRIVILEGE OF THE RULING CLASS?, 42–58 (2021); JOYCE LEE MALCOLM, TO KEEP

AND BEAR ARMS: THE ORIGINS OF AN ANGLO-AMERICAN

RIGHT 102–06 (1994). As the Ninth Circuit conceded,

“[w]e have record of few indictments under the Statute

of Northampton.” Young, 992 F.3d at 789.

More difficult than finding someone charged under the statute is finding someone convicted for violating it. At the time of the Framing, the only significant

precedent involving the statute was Sir John Knight’s

Case (1686) 87 Eng. Rep. 75 (K.B.). Depending on

which case report one reads, the Chief Justice said either that “the meaning of the statute . . . was to punish

people who go armed to terrify the King’s subjects,” id.

at 76, or that “tho’ this statute be almost gone in desuetudinem, yet where the crime shall appear to be malo

animo, it will come within the Act (tho’ now there be a

general connivance to gentlemen to ride armed for

their security),” R v. Sir John Knight (1686) 90 Eng.

Rep. 330 (K.B.). Knight, moreover, was acquitted by the

jury. Id. While the reason for Knight’s acquittal may be

the subject of academic curiosity, the case cannot possibly demonstrate that, around the time of the Framing, the Statute of Northampton applied against those

who carried weapons for self-defense. No such cases

are known to exist.

11

In an effort to find any precedent suggesting that

English law broadly banned public carry, the Ninth

Circuit relied on Chune v. Piott (1615) 80 Eng. Rep.

1161 (K.B.). Young, 992 F.3d at 790. But the court inaccurately portrayed Justice Croke’s opinion in Chune.

The Ninth Circuit stated that the King’s Bench “concluded that . . . [t]he sheriff could arrest a person carrying arms in public ‘notwithstanding he doth not

break the peace.’ ” Young, 992 F.3d at 790 (quoting

Chune, 80 Eng. Rep. at 1162). But Justice Croke actually said that the sheriff could arrest “notwithstanding

he doth not break the peace in his presence.” Chune, 80

Eng. Rep. at 1162 (emphasis added). This is almost the

opposite of what the Ninth Circuit would have us believe. See David B. Kopel & George A. Mocsary, Errors

of Omission: Words Missing from the Ninth Circuit’s

Young v. Hawaii, 2021 U. ILL. L. REV. ONLINE 172, 175–

76.

2. But even if the Statute of Northampton had

applied more broadly in England, it still would not

matter for this case. Conflating English practice with

American law is legally and historically wrong. “The

common law of England is not to be taken in all respects to be that of America. Our ancestors brought

with them its general principles, and claimed it as

their birthright; but they brought with them and

adopted only that portion which was applicable to their

situation.” Van Ness v. Pacard, 27 U.S. (2 Pet.) 137, 144

(1829).

Unlike the Statute of Northampton—but consistent with Knight’s Case—every analogous early

12

American statute expressly provided that going armed

was a crime only when it was done “to the terror of the

people” (or some equivalent phraseology). See Nelson

Lund, The Future of the Second Amendment in a Time

of Lawless Violence, 116 NW. L. REV. (forthcoming

2021) (manuscript at 23), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/

papers.cfm?abstract_id=3701185 (collecting statutes).

There appear to be few examples of either these

statutes or the common law being enforced in this

country. See infra Part I.B. That alone suggests the offense was rarely committed, presumably because it applied only to extraordinary behavior, which carrying a

weapon in public was not. In any event, what little judicial precedent can be found refutes the notion that

American common law criminalized the carrying of

firearms for lawful self-defense, or that applying the

common law in that manner would have been constitutional.

The only significant nineteenth-century judicial

decision involving the common-law offense came from

the North Carolina Supreme Court in State v. Huntly,

25 N.C. (3 Ired.) 418 (1843). That case did not involve

lawful self-defense. The court’s reporter of decisions

recorded the facts as the defendant went armed with a

gun and threatened to murder the victim to resolve a

dispute over slaves. Id. at 419. On appeal, the defendant argued that the indictment did not allege a recognized common-law crime. Id. at 420.

13

Leaving no doubt about the right to carry firearms

for lawful purposes, the North Carolina Supreme

Court stated:

[I]t is to be remembered that the carrying of a

gun per se constitutes no offence. For any lawful purpose—either of business or amusement—the citizen is at perfect liberty to carry

his gun. It is the wicked purpose—and the

mischievous result—which essentially constitute the crime. He shall not carry about this

or any other weapon of death to terrify and

alarm, and in such manner as naturally will

terrify and alarm, a peaceful people.

Id. at 422–23. The court affirmed Huntly’s conviction

because he publicly went armed in a violent manner.

See id. at 421–22.

Since Huntly, North Carolina’s courts have understood the common-law crime to apply only to those who

“abused” the right to bear arms by carrying arms “to

terrify and alarm, and in such manner as naturally

will terrify and alarm a peaceful people.” State v. Roten, 86 N.C. 701, 704 (1882) (quoting Huntly, 25 N.C. at

423); accord Kerner, 107 S.E. at 225 (“It would also be

a reasonable regulation and not an infringement of the

right to bear arms to prohibit the carrying of deadly

weapons . . . in a manner calculated to inspire terror,

which was forbidden at common law.”). In its most

significant exposition of the common-law offense, the

North Carolina Supreme Court defined “the essential elements of the crime” to be that the defendant

“(1) armed himself with unusual and dangerous

14

weapons . . . (2) for the unlawful purpose of terrorizing

the people . . . , and, (3) thus armed, he went about the

public highways of the county (4) in a manner to cause

terror to the people.” State v. Dawson, 159 S.E.2d 1,

11–12 (N.C. 1968). Carrying firearms for lawful selfdefense would not satisfy these elements.

The Tennessee Supreme Court also construed the

common-law crime narrowly. In Simpson v. State, the

defendant was charged with an affray because “with

force and arms” he was “arrayed in a warlike manner,

in a certain public street or highway situate.” 13 Tenn.

(5 Yer.) 356, 361 (1833). The court primarily held that

the indictment was insufficiently specific. Id. at 362.

But the court also explained that merely being armed

could not constitute “an independent ground of affray”

because that would violate the constitutional right to

bear arms. Id. at 360 (“[A]fter so solemn an instrument

[as the state’s constitution] hath said the people may

carry arms, can we be permitted to impute to the acts

thus licensed such a necessarily consequent operation

as terror to the people to be incurred thereby; we must

attribute to the framers of it the absence of such a

view.”).

None of the North Carolina or Tennessee decisions

even suggests that American law criminalized the carrying of firearms for lawful self-defense. They recognized that interpreting the offense so broadly would

violate the constitutional right to bear arms.

3. Whatever restrictions speculation might impute to English common law, the right to bear arms

15

protected by the Second Amendment and many state

constitutions was widely acknowledged to be broader

than its English counterpart. See Aymette, 21 Tenn. (2

Hum.) at 158 (explaining that the constitutional right

to bear arms is much broader than the version in the

English Bill of Rights). The English Bill of Rights was

narrower on its face than American constitutional provisions. Moreover, although the English Bill of Rights

guaranteed that “the subjects which are Protestants

may have arms for their defense suitable to their conditions, and as allowed by law,” An Act Declaring the

Rights and Liberties of the Subject, and Settling the

Succession of the Crown (Bill of Rights) 1689, 1 W. &

M., c. 2 (Eng.), in 9 STATUTES AT LARGE 67, 69 (Pickering

1764), that privilege, as Justice Story explained, “under

various pretences . . . ha[d] been greatly narrowed,” and

by the time of the Framing, was more “nominal than

real,” 3 JOSEPH STORY, COMMENTARIES ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES § 1891, at 608 (Boston,

Hilliard, Gray, & Co. 1833). To the extent that the

American right to bear arms could conceivably have

conflicted with some ancient English statute, that statute would not be recognized as part of the common law

in the United States. Simpson, 13 Tenn. at 359; see also

CHARLES HUMPHREYS, A COMPENDIUM OF THE COMMON

LAW IN FORCE IN KENTUCKY 482 (Lexington, Ky., William Gibbes Hunt 1822) (“Riding or going armed with

dangerous or unusual weapons, is a crime against the

public peace. . . . But here it should be remembered,

that in this country the constitution guarantees to

all persons the right to bear arms; then it can only be

16

a crime to exercise this right in such a manner, as to

terrify the people unnecessarily.”).

B. The Common-Law Crime Had Little

Known Record of Enforcement

The vigorous modern debate about the commonlaw crime of going armed to the terror of the people is

made possible by the fact that this crime largely went

unenforced. But this fact cuts in favor of the petitioners: there is no historical tradition in this country of

using the common law to prevent people from carrying

arms for self-defense.

There is very little discussion of the common-law

offense in courts of record. North Carolina was one of

the few jurisdictions with a judicial decision recognizing and applying the offense. See Huntly, 25 N.C. (3

Ired.) 418. In 1968, the North Carolina Supreme Court

reported that “prosecutions for the common-law crime

of going armed to the terror of the people have been

infrequent.” Dawson, 159 S.E.2d at 11.

Although it is difficult to search justice of the

peace records, one amicus has searched nineteenthcentury newspaper databases for evidence that individuals were arrested for going armed to the terror of

the people. See Robert Leider, Constitutional Liquidation, Surety Laws, and the Right to Bear Arms, in NEW

HISTORIES OF GUN RIGHTS AND REGULATION: ESSAYS ON

THE PLACE OF GUNS IN AMERICAN LAW AND SOCIETY (Joseph Blocher, Jacob D. Charles, Darrell A.H. Miller

17

eds., forthcoming ___) (manuscript at 18).2 In August

2020, searches of the Library of Congress newspaper

database from 1800–1900 of the exact phrase “armed

to the terror of the people” or “armed offensively” produced 68 and 37 results, respectively. A search of

Newspapers.com of “armed to the terror of the people”

during the same time period produced 28 results. A

search of that database for “armed offensively” produced 23 matches. Very few of these results—at most

a handful—are reports of arrests or court proceedings.

Id. Contrast these results with searches of the same

databases for the phrase “carrying concealed weapons.”

In a search of newspapers between 1800 and 1900, the

Library of Congress database returned 24,531 results,

including reports of more arrests than can be readily

counted. Id. The Newspaper.com database returned

104,474 matches for the phrase. Id. These statistics indicate that almost all nineteenth-century arrests for

carrying weapons were for violations of statutory law,

primarily laws against carrying concealed weapons.

Even more rare is finding defendants charged

with going armed to the terror of the people when the

defendants carried weapons for lawful self-defense.

One such case occurred on April 5, 1851. Two brothers,

Isaac and Charles Snowden, were arrested in Boston

while carrying concealed weapons. Arrests for Carrying Concealed Weapons, THE LIBERATOR, Apr. 11, 1851,

at 59. Both were charged with going armed offensively

to the terror of the people. Id. The Justice of the Peace

2

A draft of the chapter is available at https://papers.ssrn.

com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3697761.

18

ordered Charles to find a surety to keep the peace.

Docket, Commonwealth v. Snowden, No. 1443 (Bos. Police Ct. Apr. 5, 1851).

But Isaac’s case proceeded to a criminal judgment.

In court, “[t]he [arresting] watchmen testified that the

only reason for [the Snowdens’] arrest was [their] being seen walking up and down before the chained

Court House” at 1:00 AM, and that “they neither spoke

to, threatened, nor struck anyone” and that “there was

nothing about them suspicious, but their presence in

the street at that hour.” Arrests for Carrying Concealed

Weapons, supra, at 59. The defendants testified that

they carried the weapons for protection. Id. The Justice

of the Peace convicted Isaac and fined him $1, taxed

him $6 in costs, and required him to post a $500 bond

to appeal. Id.3

A contemporaneous newspaper account was incredulous that “walking peacefully, up and down the

street, with arms in your pocket, which you neither use

nor threaten to use” could constitute going armed offensively to the terror of the people. Id. The newspaper

also believed the high appeal bond resulted from the

fact that Isaac was poor and African-American. Id.

Isaac appealed his conviction to the Municipal

Court. If mere public carry were enough to constitute

3

The newspaper incorrectly reported a $600 appeal bond.

For the correct amount, see Commonwealth v. Snowden, Bos. Police Ct. R. Book 1117 (May 1851). All records from Massachusetts

unreported case decisions can be found at https://www.law.gmu.

edu/faculty/docs/unreported_massachusetts_cases.

19

the common-law crime, his appeal would have been

meritless; he was caught red-handed, and in 1851, he

could not challenge the admission of evidence using

the exclusionary rule. See Commonwealth v. Wilkins,

138 N.E. 11, 12 (Mass. 1923) (holding that unconstitutionally seized evidence was admissible), abrogated by

Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643, 655 (1961). Yet, on appeal,

the Commonwealth abandoned the prosecution, declaring: “And now said Snowden having behaved quietly & peaceably, [and] the object of the prosecution

being satisfied by the preservation of the peace, I will

no further prosecute said Snowden on this appeal &

complaint.” Complaint, Commonwealth v. Snowden,

No. 1443 (Bos. Police Ct. Apr. 5, 1851); see also Commonwealth v. Snowden, Bos. Police Ct. R. Book 1117

(May 1851) (similar). This dropped prosecution cannot

possibly tell us what the common law forbade.

The common law requires cases for development.

Cases involving going armed to the terror of the people

were few, and cases involving defendants engaged in

lawful activities extraordinarily rare. Consequently,

there was little judicial development of the offense’s essential elements or of the limits that the constitutional

right to bear arms would impose. There is no basis for

concluding that the common law forbade carrying

weapons in public.

II.

Surety Laws

Claims that mid-nineteenth-century surety laws

show the absence of a right to carry weapons in public

20

are based on a provision in the first Massachusetts legal code. In 1832, the Massachusetts General Court

authorized the creation of a Commission “to revise, collate and arrange . . . the general statutes of the Commonwealth, which are or may be in force at the time

such commissioners may finally report their doings in

the premises.” Resolve Providing for a Revision of the

General Statutes of the Commonwealth, ch. 30, in RESOLVES OF THE GENERAL COURT OF THE COMMONWEALTH

OF MASSACHUSETTS 103 (1832). The product of this effort was the Revised Statutes of the Commonwealth of

Massachusetts, which passed the legislature on November 4, 1835. REV. STAT. OF MASS., supra, at 801. The

Revised Statutes totaled about 800 pages. As major legal codification projects often go, the Revised Statutes

partly compiled existing law and partly revised it. One

revision occurred on page 750, which altered the powers that justices of the peace could exercise over persons going armed. The revised provision, Section 16,

read:

If any person shall go armed with a dirk, dagger, sword, pistol, or other offensive and dangerous weapon, without reasonable cause to

fear an assault or other injury, or violence to

his person, or to his family or property, he may,

on complaint of any person having reasonable

cause to fear an injury, or breach of the peace,

be required to find sureties for keeping the

peace, for a term not exceeding six months,

with the right of appealing as before provided.

REV. STAT. OF MASS., supra, at 750.

21

Massachusetts’ Revised Statutes served as a template for other states codifying their laws. Nine other

jurisdictions—Wisconsin (1839), Maine (1840), Michigan (1846), Virginia (1848), Minnesota (1851), Oregon

(1853), the District of Columbia (1857), Pennsylvania

(1860), and West Virginia (1870)—adopted an identical

or nearly identical provision to Section 16, authorizing

justices of the peace to bind over some people who carried weapons. App. 1–5.

As an initial matter, it is not clear that the surety

laws are even relevant to interpreting the meaning of

the Second Amendment. As explained below, the laws

did not actually prohibit public carry, and they were

passed approximately a half century after the Second

Amendment’s ratification. They tell us nothing about

how the Founding generation understood the federal

Constitution or the scope of the right to bear arms for

self-defense.

Nor do the surety laws reflect any known post-enactment effort to liquidate the meaning of the right to

bear arms. It may be, as James Madison believed, that

“All new laws, though penned with the greatest technical skill, and passed on the fullest and most mature

deliberation, are considered as more or less obscure

and equivocal, until their meaning be liquidated and

ascertained by a series of particular discussions and

adjudications.” THE FEDERALIST NO. 37, at 236 (James

Madison) (Jacob E. Cooke, ed. 1961). But there is no

known evidence that the Massachusetts legislature—

or any of the legislatures that copied the Massachusetts provision—reached any considered judgment

22

about the scope of the Second Amendment when enacting the surety laws. In fact, there is no known evidence

that they debated the surety laws or their constitutionality at all. See Leider, supra, at 12. These surety laws

were a minor justice of the peace provision buried in

huge code reform projects.

That leaves settled practice. In District of Columbia v. Heller, this Court looked to post-enactment practice “to determine the public understanding” of the

Second Amendment “in the period after its enactment

or ratification.” 554 U.S. at 605. And in other contexts,

this Court has looked to post-enactment practice to

settle the meaning of disputed constitutional provisions. See, e.g., NLRB v. Noel Canning, 573 U.S. 513,

527–38 (2014) (looking to post-enactment practice to

determine what constitutes a legislative “recess”).

Some commentators and judges have argued that

the surety laws demonstrate that settled nineteenthcentury historical practice restricted public carry to

those who had reasonable cause to fear attack. This is

wrong. The surety statutes, on their face, did not prohibit public carry for lawful purposes, and the evidence

strongly suggests that the statutes were rarely invoked. A fortiori, they would not have been enforced

against those carrying weapons for lawful purposes.

23

A. The Surety Statutes Did Not Prohibit

Carrying Firearms for Lawful Purposes

1. Some commentators have pointed to the Massachusetts law and concluded that it “forbade arming

oneself except in unusual situations,” Saul Cornell, The

Right to Carry Firearms Outside of the Home, 39 FORDHAM URB. L.J. 1695, 1720 (2012). That characterization

is demonstrably false.

Massachusetts-style surety laws simply required

that, in some cases, persons going armed could be required to find sureties to keep the peace. Surety laws

were not criminal statutes. As Blackstone explained,

sureties served as a:

caution . . . intended merely for prevention,

without any crime actually committed by the

party, but arising only from a probable suspicion, that some crime is intended or likely to

happen; and consequently it is not meant as

any degree of punishment, unless perhaps for

a man’s impudence in giving just ground of

apprehension.

4 WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, COMMENTARIES *251–52. Surety

laws were a means to prevent the commission of a

crime; they were not a means of prosecuting violations

of the criminal law. This is why states that actually

sought to restrict public carry—including those that

already had surety laws—passed criminal laws governing the carrying of concealed weapons. See App. 6–

11.

24

2. Not only were the surety laws not criminal,

they would have been difficult to invoke against public

carry for lawful purposes. A person would only have

standing to file a complaint if the person had “reasonable cause to fear an injury” or a “breach of the peace.”4

As a Wisconsin justice of the peace manual makes

clear, the form complaint required that the plaintiff

have “reasonable cause to fear a breach of the peace,

and personal injury at the hands of the [defendant].”

THOMAS W. WATERMAN, THE WISCONSIN AND IOWA JUSTICE 620 (New York, Banks, Gould & Co. 1853). The

“reasonable cause” self-defense exception only kicked

in after the plaintiff could plead reasonable cause to

fear injury or a breach of the peace. And even if the

self-defense exception failed, a person would only have

to post a surety to keep the peace; the carrying of a

weapon was still not a crime.

Although the surety law remained on the books for

decades, there is little evidence that Massachusetts

viewed this law as a significant limitation on public

carry. To the contrary, when the legislature wanted to

impose restrictions on public carry, it enacted new criminal statutes. Beginning in 1850, Massachusetts made

it a crime for a person to be “armed with any dangerous

weapon, of the kind usually called slung shot” when

committing or being arrested for committing a crime.

4

Virginia (and West Virginia after separation) did not adopt

the standing limitation. App. 4–5. But what little information

about it amici have found suggests that Virginia’s surety law was

not seriously enforced. See infra p. 32.

25

Act of Apr. 15, 1850, ch. 194, § 1, 1850 Mass. Acts 401,

App. 6. This statutory crime soon expanded to cover

other dangerous weapons. 1860 Mass. Stat. ch. 164,

§ 10, App. 7. Newspaper accounts indicate that this law

became the principal way in which Massachusetts

punished some people for carrying concealed weapons.

See, e.g., About Concealed Weapons, BOS. DAILY GLOBE,

June 9, 1898, at 4 (explaining that, in Suffolk County

(which includes Boston), “it is customary to prosecute”

individuals found with concealed weapons when arrested for “disturbance of the peace or of any offense

more serious than drunkenness”).

Massachusetts restricted public carry further in

1893, when it prohibited armed bodies of men from

drilling and parading with firearms. 1893 Mass. Stat.

ch. 367, § 124. The passage of this law is hardly consistent with an understanding that individuals had already been forbidden since 1836 to carry firearms

except when they were in danger.

There is also circumstantial evidence that the

Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court did not view

the surety law as a general ban on public carry. In

1896, the court resolved a constitutional challenge to

the prohibition against parading with firearms. Commonwealth v. Murphy, 44 N.E. 138 (Mass. 1896). Citing

this Court’s decision in Presser v. Illinois, 116 U.S. 252

(1886), the court held that “[t]he right to keep and bear

arms for the common defense does not include the

right to associate together as a military organization.”

Murphy, 44 N.E. at 138. The court, moreover, noted that

“[t]he protection of a similar constitutional provision

26

has often been sought by persons charged with carrying concealed weapons, and it has been almost universally held that the legislature may regulate and limit

the mode of carrying arms.” Id. For support, the decision went on to cite seven Southern cases and an early

Indiana case, id.,—the same state cases that Massachusetts-model proponents claim lacked influence outside the South. See Ruben & Cornell, supra, at 123–24.

Murphy is also significant because of what the

opinion did not say. The court omits any mention of the

surety statute. Yet, if Massachusetts had generally

prohibited public carry since 1836 (and if that were

thought constitutional), then it would have followed

that the state could ban public carry in a parade. Yet,

the Supreme Judicial Court did not mention Massachusetts’ supposed 60-year history of banning public

carry.

3. Nineteenth-century Massachusetts newspaper accounts indicate that the surety law did not ban

public carry. Percy A. Bridgham, a member of the Suffolk County bar, answered readers’ legal questions

in the Boston Daily Globe. In 1889, someone asked

whether it was unlawful to carry concealed weapons.

Bridgham responded that Massachusetts law only

criminalized carrying weapons while being arrested,

but that law “does not prohibit any one from carrying

weapons with which to defend themselves.” Carrying

Weapons, BOS. DAILY GLOBE, Jan. 18, 1889, at 4. In a

book Bridgham published with a collection of legal

questions, he noted that “[t]here is no statute in this

State which expressly forbids the carrying of weapons,

27

but there is a statute that provides that a person so

carrying may be required to give bonds to keep the

peace.” See PERCY A. BRIDGHAM, ONE THOUSAND LEGAL

QUESTIONS ANSWERED BY THE PEOPLE’S LAWYER OF THE

BOSTON DAILY GLOBE 129 (1890); see also id. at 170

(“There is no penalty in this State for carrying concealed weapons, except in cases where they are found

on a person who is attempting to commit another

crime.”). Bridgham finally grew exasperated answering the question, and in 1896 wrote:

The law in regard to concealed weapons has

been answered in this column until it is worn

out, and will not be responded to hereafter.

There is practically no law against carrying

concealed weapons in New Hampshire or

Massachusetts. If a person committing an offense is found to have weapons he can be punished for it, but you can carry as many as you

can pile on if you do not commit any crime

while doing so.

BOS. DAILY GLOBE, June 29, 1896, at 4. In 1895, the Boston Daily Advertiser also reported that “Massachusetts

has no specific law against carrying concealed weapons. . . . The ordinary citizen who has not otherwise offended against the law is able to arm himself without

fear of police interference, so long as he does not attempt to violate the law against the procession of

armed organizations.” Concealed Weapons, BOS. DAILY

ADVERTISER, July 13, 1895, at 4.

Newspaper accounts in other surety states confirm that their surety laws were not bans on public

28

carry. Michigan passed its surety law in 1846. Yet, in

1873, the Detroit Free Press reported that “in this State

there is no statute whatever against the carrying of

concealed weapons.”5 Concealed Weapons, DETROIT

FREE PRESS, Feb. 26, 1873, at 2. The newspaper also believed that if the surety law were a broad restriction

on public carry, it would violate the state and federal

right to bear arms because the law “makes no distinction between the open and secret carrying of weapons.”

Id. Pennsylvania passed its surety law in 1860. See

App. 4. Yet, The Philadelphia Inquirer reported decades later that Pennsylvania law did not prohibit carrying weapons openly nor did it prohibit carrying

concealed deadly weapons with lawful intent. See

Deadly Weapons, PHILA. INQUIRER, Dec. 30, 1897, at 2

(recognizing that Pennsylvania law did not prohibit

carrying arms openly and that “the right to openly bear

arms is guaranteed by the federal constitution” (capitalization altered)); Everybody’s Column, PHILA. INQUIRER, Nov. 25, 1900, at 8.

Newspaper accounts of unreported cases confirm

this. In 1899, a man who had been twice previously

committed to an asylum entered Philadelphia City

Hall visibly armed and sought an interview with the

Mayor. EVENING J., Dec. 15, 1899, at 2. Police disarmed

him, and arrested him for carrying a concealed deadly

weapon. Id. The court acquitted him and “allowed him

to go forth armed” because “[h]is deadly weapon was

5

Michigan restricted the carrying of concealed weapons in

1887. App. 7.

29

not concealed and the law does not prohibit lunatics

from carrying unconcealed weapons.” Id.

4. Like Massachusetts, virtually every other

surety jurisdiction eventually adopted statutory criminal laws restricting the carrying of concealed weapons. Proceeding chronologically, Virginia restricted the

carrying of concealed weapons in 1838, Pennsylvania

in 1850, the City of Washington in 1858,6 Wisconsin in

1872, Oregon in 1885, Michigan in 1887, Maine in

1917, and Minnesota in 1917. App. 6–11 (collecting

statutes). None of these laws prohibited carrying firearms openly for self-defense or other lawful purposes.

What some commentators have called the “Southern

model” (prohibiting concealed weapons while allowing

open carry) was not limited to the South. Throughout

much of the country, it was the generally accepted form

of regulating public carry while respecting the right to

bear arms. See, e.g., In re Brickey, 70 P. 609, 609 (Idaho

1902) (“A statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed

deadly weapons would be a proper exercise of the police power of the state. But the statute in question does

not prohibit the carrying of weapons concealed . . . but

prohibits the carrying of them in any manner in cities,

towns, and villages. We are compelled to hold this statute void.”); State v. Nieto, 130 N.E. 663, 664 (Ohio 1920)

6

The City passed a law banning all public carry in 1857, Act

of Nov. 4, 1857, in GENERAL LAWS OF THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY

OF WASHINGTON 75 (Washington, Robert A. Waters 1860), but

modified it to apply only to concealed weapons in 1858 because

members of the city council believed that a complete ban on public

carry would not withstand a court challenge. See Concealed Weapons, EVENING STAR, Nov. 11, 1858, at 3.

30

(“The statute does not operate as a prohibition against

carrying weapons, but as a regulation of the manner of

carrying them. The gist of the offense is the concealment.”).

*

*

*

Some courts have cited the surety laws to claim

that “most states outside of the South in the midnineteenth century prohibited in most instances the

carrying of firearms in public, whether carried concealed or openly.” See, e.g., Norman, 215 So.3d at

30 n.12. But they have bought into a false history.

Even outside the South, the carrying of firearms for

self-defense was generally lawful during the nineteenth century, including in states that adopted

surety laws.

B. The Surety Statutes Have Virtually No

Known Record of Enforcement

Not only did the surety statutes not ban public

carry, there is substantial evidence that these laws

were hardly invoked. Only a few known cases arose under the surety statutes. There is not a single known

decision from a court of record—not one—applying the

surety laws. In the history of the United States, there

have been five cases from courts of record discussing

surety laws. All are from the twenty-first century, and

31

all involve Second Amendment challenges to modern

bans on public carry.7

It is also incredibly difficult to find complaints before justices of the peace seeking a surety because a

person went armed. Proponents of the Massachusetts

model offer only a single case, Grover v. Bullock, in

which the justice of the peace declined to require a

surety. Ruben & Cornell, supra, at 130 n.53. Moreover,

the plaintiff in that case alleged that the defendant

“did threaten to beat, would, main, and kill” him, Complaint, Grover v. Bullock, No. 185 (Worcester Cty. Aug.

13, 1853), so the example does not even suggest that

surety laws restricted the carrying of firearms for lawful self-defense.

Massachusetts model proponents try to explain

away this lack of precedent. They contend that because

these cases were resolved at the justice of the peace

level, we should not expect “Westlaw-searchable case

law.” Ruben & Cornell, supra, at 130 n.53. But lack of

evidence confirming their theory is not evidence in

7

Young, 992 F.3d at 819–20; Grace v. District of Columbia,

187 F. Supp. 3d 124, 140–41 (D.D.C. 2016); Wrenn v. District of

Columbia, 864 F.3d 650, 661 (D.C. Cir. 2017); Norman, 215 So.3d

at 30 n.12; State v. Christian, 274 P.3d 262, 279–80 (Or. Ct. App.

2012) (Edmonds, S.J., dissenting). Two other Pennsylvania cases

quote the provision for reasons not relevant to the weapon-carrying provision. Commonwealth v. Miller, 305 A.2d 346 (Pa. 1973)

(complaint resulting from a husband who threatened in his wife

with a gun in their own home; the question was whether the defendant was entitled to a trial by jury in a surety case); Commonwealth v. Cushard, 132 A.2d 366, 367–68 (Pa. Super. Ct. 1957)

(complaint resulting from a threat of “bodily harm”).

32

support of their theory. Whatever might establish a

constitutionally relevant body of precedent, such precedent cannot be conjured by sheer speculation. Proponents of this theory bear the burden to show a real

tradition or practice.

It is true that archival research in justice of the

peace courts is difficult and many records no longer exist. But there are indirect ways to search for relevant

evidence. Nineteenth-century newspapers routinely

reported on local court matters. One amicus has tried

to locate any news reports of surety cases alleging

the carrying of arms. He has only found a handful of

possible additional cases, involving African-American

defendants in the District of Columbia and Massachusetts. See Leider, supra, at 16–17.

Consistent with this lack of evidence, nineteenthcentury newspapers reported that surety laws were

not actively enforced. Virginia had an unusually broad

surety provision that authorized sureties for anyone

carrying weapons; unlike most states, there was no

standing limitation to those who faced a threat or

feared a breach of the peace. Of Proceedings to Prevent

the Commission of Crimes, ch. 14, § 16, 1847 Va. Acts

127, 129, App. 4–5. Yet, in 1855, the Richmond Dispatch reported, “We have frequently seen deadly weapons in the possession of persons who should not have

been allowed to carry them, in court rooms, but do not

now remember ever having seen the law enforced

against one of them.” Local Matters: Deadly Weapons,

RICHMOND DISPATCH, June 18, 1855, at 2. In 1891,

Bridgham, the Massachusetts lawyer, reported that

33

“inquiry at the office of the clerk of the Municipal

Court reveals the fact that there has not been a single

complaint before the court for the past year” under the

surety statute. P.A. Bridgham, Dangerous Weapons,

BOS. DAILY GLOBE, Sept. 27, 1891, at 20.

Although the Ninth Circuit has claimed that the

surety laws constituted “a severe constraint on anyone

thinking of carrying a weapon in public,” Young, 992

F.3d at 820, that contention has no support in the historical record. It would be easier to argue that modern

criminal statutes prohibiting adultery, see, e.g., N.Y.

PENAL LAW § 255.17 (McKinney 2021); WIS. STAT.

§ 944.16 (West 2021), constitute a “severe constraint”

on extramarital affairs. Unlike the surety laws, these

statutes at least purport to criminalize the behavior in

question. But laws that have fallen into desuetude do

not constrain behavior. Moreover, no one could think

that unenforced laws prohibiting widespread conduct

prove that the laws would be constitutional if they

were ever enforced.

---------------------------------♦---------------------------------

34

CONCLUSION

Amici curiae respectfully request that this Court

hold that the Second Amendment protects the right to

carry a pistol outside the home for self-defense.

Respectfully submitted,

DEREK DEBROSSE

Counsel of Record

CHESHIRE DEBROSSE, P.C.

503 South Front Street,

Suite 240B

Columbus, OH 43215

(888) 399-7863

derek@MunitionsGroup.com

RONALD JAMES LEMIEUX

Co-counsel

#0093536

P.O. Box 19183

Cleveland, OH 44119

(216) 339-3284

rlemieux@

ronaldlemieuxlaw.com

Not admitted to the

U.S. Supreme Court

Attorneys for Amici Curiae

July 20, 2021

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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