Amicus Curiae Brief — American Hospital Association, et al., Petitioners v. Xavier Becerra, Secretary of Health and Human Services, et al.
Supreme Court briefSep 10, 2021
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No. 20-1114
In the Supreme Court of the United States
_____________
AMERICAN HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION, ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
XAVIER BECERRA, IN HIS OFFICIAL CAPACITY AS THE SECRETARY OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, ET AL.,
Respondents.
_____________
On Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit
_____________
AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF FOR THE NATIONAL
RIGHT TO WORK LEGAL DEFENSE FOUNDATION,
INC. IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS
_____________
September 10, 2021
RAYMOND J. LAJEUNESSE, JR.
Counsel of Record
FRANK D. GARRISON
JAMES C. DEVEREAUX
BLAINE L. HUTCHISON
c/o NATIONAL RIGHT TO
WORK LEGAL DEFENSE
FOUNDATION, INC.
8001 Braddock Road
Suite 600
Springfield, VA 22160
(703) 321-8510
rjl@nrtw.org
Counsel for Amicus
i
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
Under federal law, the reimbursement rate paid by
Medicare for specified covered outpatient drugs is set
based on one of two alternative payment methodologies. If the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) has collected certain required “hospital
acquisition cost survey data,” HHS sets the reimbursement rate equal to the “average acquisition cost
for the drug,” and “may vary” that rate “by hospital
group.” 42 U.S.C. 1395l(t)(14)(A)(iii)(I). If HHS has
not collected the required “hospital acquisition cost
data,” it must set a reimbursement rate equal to the
“average price for the drug,” which is “calculated and
adjusted by [HHS] as necessary for purposes of this
paragraph”—i.e., paragraph (14) of subsection (t) of
Section 1395l. 42 U.S.C. 1395l(t)(14)(A)(iii)(II).
The questions presented are:
1. Whether petitioners’ suit challenging HHS’s
“adjustments” is precluded by 42 U.S.C. 1395l(t)(12).
2. Whether Chevron deference permits HHS to set
reimbursement rates based on acquisition cost and
vary such rates by hospital group if HHS has not collected required hospital acquisition cost survey data.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page(s)
Questions Presented .................................................... i
Table of Authorities................................................... iii
Interest of Amicus Curiae ........................................... 1
Introduction and Summary of Argument ................... 2
Argument ..................................................................... 3
I. Chevron deference violates the Constitution’s separation of powers requirement
and should be overruled ................................... 3
II. Chevron deference has serious consequences
for the regulated public that reach beyond
this case........................................................... 11
Conclusion ................................................................. 16
iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co.,
556 U.S. 868 (2009) ..............................................9
Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council,
Inc.,
467 U.S. 837 (1984) ..................................... passim
City of Arlington v. FCC,
569 U.S. 290 (2013) ............................................11
Commc’ns Workers of Am. v. Beck,
487 U.S. 735 (1988) ...............................................1
Dep’t of Transp. v. Ass’n of Am. R.Rs.,
575 U.S. 43 (2015) .................................................5
FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp.,
529 U.S. 120 (2000) ............................................10
Gundy v. United States,
139 S. Ct. 2116 (2019) ...........................................5
Harris v. Quinn,
573 U.S. 616 (2014) ...............................................1
In re Murchison,
349 U.S. 133 (1955) ...............................................9
IAM v. NLRB,
133 F.3d 1012 (7th Cir. 1998) ..............................2
Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31,
138 S. Ct. 2448 (2018) ...........................................1
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Knox v. SEIU, Loc.1000,
567 U.S. 298 (2012) ...............................................1
Marbury v. Madison,
5 U.S. 137 (1803) ...................................................7
MCI Telecomms. Corp. v. AT&T Co.,
512 U.S. 218 (1994) ............................................ 10
Michigan v. EPA,
135 S. Ct. 2699 (2015) ..........................................5
NLRB. v. Noel Canning,
573 U.S. 513 (2014) ...............................................4
Pereira v. Sessions,
138 S. Ct. 2105 (2018) ..........................................7
Perez v. Mortg. Bankers Ass’n,
575 U.S. 92 (2015) .............................................3, 7
Pirlott v. NLRB,
522 F.3d 423 (D.C. Cir. 2008) ...............................1
Republican Party of Minn. v. White,
536 U.S. 765 (2002) ..............................................9
UC Health v. NLRB,
803 F.3d 669 (D.C. Cir. 2015) .......................12, 13
UFCW, Loc. 1036 v. NLRB,
307 F.3d 760 (9th Cir. 2002) .................................1
United States v. Mead Corp.,
533 U.S. 218 (2001) ............................................13
v
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Util. Air Regul. Group v. EPA,
573 U.S. 302 (2014) ............................................ 10
Whitman v. Am. Truckig Ass’ns,
531 U.S. 457 (2001) ..............................................4
U.S. CONSTITUTION
Article I § 1 .......................................................4, 5, 16
Article III ......................................................6, 7, 8, 15
Fifth Amendment ...................................................... 8
RULES & STATUTES
Supreme Court Rule 37.3(a) ..................................... 1
Supreme Court Rule 37.6 .......................................... 1
29 U.S.C. § 151-169 ................................................... 1
42 U.S.C. § 1395l(t)(12) .............................................. i
42 U.S.C. § 1395l(t)(14) ............................................. 2
42 U.S.C. § 1395l(t)(14)(A)(iii)(I) ............................... i
42 U.S.C. § 1395l(t)(14)(A)(iii)(II) .............................. i
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Douglas H. Ginsburg & Steven Menashi, Our
Illiberal Administrative Law, 10 N.Y.U. J.L. &
Liberty475 (2016) ............................................7, 12
Ernesto Dal Bó, Regulatory Capture: A Review, 22
Oxford Rev. Econ. Pol’y 203 (2006) ....................14
Gary Lawson, Delegation and Original Meaning,
88 Va. L. Rev. 327 (2002) ......................................5
George J. Stigler, The Theory of Economic Regulation, 2 Bell J. Econ. & Mgmt. Sci. 3 (1971) ........14
John F. Manning, Lawmaking Made Easy, 10 Green
Bag 2d 191 (2007) .................................................6
Kent Barnett & Christopher J. Walker, Chevron in
the Circuit Courts, 116 Mich. L. Rev. 1 (2017).....8
Philip Hamburger, Chevron Bias, 84 Geo. Wash. L.
Rev. 1187 (2016) ................................................7, 8
Philip Hamburger, Law and Judicial Duty,
(2008) ...............................................................7, 14
Rebecca L. Brown, Separated Powers and Ordered
Liberty, 139 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1513 (1991). ..............4
State Necessity Considered as a Question of Law,
6 (London:1766)...................................................14
Stephen Breyer, Judicial Review of Questions of
Law and Policy, 38 Admin.L.Rev. 363 (1986) ......9
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
The Federalist No. 10 (James Madison) (Clinton
Rossiter ed., 1961) ...............................................14
The Federalist No. 47 (James Madison) (Clinton
Rossiter ed., 1961) .................................................4
The Federalist No. 51 (James Madison) (Clinton
Rossiter ed., 1961) .......................................... …. 3
The Federalist No. 78 (James Madison) (Clinton
Rossiter ed., 1961) ...............................................15
The Federalist No. 84 (James Madison) (Clinton
Rossiter ed., 1961) .......................................... …. 4
William N. Eskridge Jr., Interpreting Law: A Primer
on How to Read Statutes and the Constitution
(2016) .....................................................................9
1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE1
The National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation, Inc. has been the nation’s leading litigation advocate for employee free choice since 1968. To advance
this mission, Foundation staff attorneys have represented individual employees in many cases before this
Court.2
The Foundation has a particular interest in this
case because its staff attorneys currently represent
hundreds of employees across the nation whose free
choice to refrain from unionization and monopoly bargaining depends on the National Labor Relations
Board’s proper implementation of the National Labor
Relations Act. Courts, including the D.C. Circuit, have
applied deference under Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc.3 in several cases
involving the rights of individual employees under the
NLRA.4 For that reason, whether this Court should
Under Supreme Court Rule 37.3(a), Amicus provided the parties timely notice of its intent to file this brief and the parties
consented to its filing. Under Supreme Court Rule 37.6, no counsel for any party authored this brief in whole or in part, and no
person or entity other than Amicus made a monetary contribution to its preparation or submission.
1
2 E.g., Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, 138 S. Ct. 2448 (2018);
Harris v. Quinn, 573 U.S. 616 (2014); Knox v. SEIU, Loc. 1000,
567 U.S. 298 (2012); Commc’ns Workers of Am. v. Beck, 487 U.S.
735 (1988).
3 467 U.S. 837 (1984).
4 29 U.S.C. §§ 151–169; see, e.g., Pirlott v. NLRB, 522 F.3d 423,
433–34 (D.C. Cir. 2008) (“The general chargeability issue is a
matter for the Board to decide in the first instance.”); UFCW,
Loc. 1036 v. NLRB, 307 F.3d 760, 766 (9th Cir. 2002) (en banc)
2
overrule or limit the Chevron doctrine is important to
the Foundation’s mission.
INTRODUCTION AND
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The Court need not decide here whether administrative agencies are entitled to judicial deference under Chevron. As petitioners forcefully argue, 42 U.S.C.
§ 1395l(t)(14)’s plain meaning unambiguously bars
HHS’s statutory construction. Thus, this Court should
reverse the D.C. Circuit’s decision. See Pet.Br. 31–46.
But if this Court determines Chevron deference grants
HHS the massive power to alter a federal statute
based on a thin reed of ambiguity—affecting billions
of dollars in statutory benefits—then the Court should
“confront whether Chevron continues to be good law.”
Id. at 46.
If the Court confronts that question, it should unceremoniously overrule Chevron for two reasons.
First, Chevron violates the Constitution’s separation
of powers requirement by delegating core legislative
and judicial power to the executive branch. It allows
executive agencies to exercise core legislative power
by rewriting laws without going through bicameralism and presentment, which, in turn, creates serious
fair notice problems. Chevron also violates the separation of powers mandate by allowing executive agencies to exercise core judicial power that the Constitution delegates to the judiciary alone. When a court defers to an executive agency’s statutory construction, it
(“Courts are required to defer to the NLRB on statutory interpretation under Chevron.”); IAM v. NLRB, 133 F.3d 1012, 1015 (7th
Cir. 1998).
3
hands the executive the judicial power to interpret the
law. That creates serious due process problems by depriving a litigant of a fair hearing in court.
Second, overruling Chevron deference is important
for petitioners and the many thousands of people and
entities federal agencies regulate. Deference to executive interpretations of law, and Chevron deference in
particular, is a ubiquitous problem in administrative
law—reaching into almost every statute in the federal
code. Federal agencies like the NLRB routinely use
Chevron deference to change the meaning of federal
statutes—eroding the rights and liberties of the regulated public. This circumvention of the rule of law
must stop.
ARGUMENT
I. Chevron deference violates the Constitution’s separation of powers requirement and
should be overruled.
The Framers constructed the Constitution to provide safeguards for people’s liberty by separating governmental powers.5 This design emerged from “centuries of political thought and experiences”6 that taught
the Framers that delegating to each separate federal
5 See The Federalist No. 51 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter
ed., 1961) (“In the compound republic of America, the power surrendered by the people is first divided between two distinct governments, and then the portion allotted to each subdivided
among distinct and separate departments. Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people.”).
6 Perez v. Mortg. Bankers Ass’n, 575 U.S. 92, 116 (2015) (Thomas,
J., concurring) (citation omitted).
4
branch certain limited, specified powers would protect
the republic and its citizens better than any enumeration of rights ever could.7 Alexander Hamilton recognized from the outset that the separation of powers
was the primary weapon to protect individual liberty
against a tyrannical federal government: “[T]he Constitution is itself, in every rational sense, and to every
useful purpose, A BILL OF RIGHTS.”8 Indeed, the
abandonment of the separation of powers, the Framers knew, would lead directly to the “loss of due process and individual rights.”9 Chevron deference is an
anathema to this design, undermines individual liberty, and thus this Court should abandon it.
1. When the people ratified the Constitution, they
delegated “[a]ll” legislative power to Congress—not
7 See NLRB v. Noel Canning, 573 U.S. 513, 570–71 (2014) (Scalia,
J., concurring) (“[T]he Constitution’s core, government-structuring provisions are no less critical to preserving liberty than are
the later adopted provisions of the Bill of Rights. Indeed, so convinced were the Framers that liberty of the person inheres in
structure that at first they did not consider a Bill of Rights necessary.”) (cleaned up).
8 The Federalist No. 84, at 515 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton
Rossiter ed.,1961).
9 Rebecca L. Brown, Separated Powers and Ordered Liberty, 139
U. Pa. L. Rev. 1513, 1538 (1991); see also The Federalist No. 47,
at 301 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961) (“No political
truth is . . . stamped with the authority of more enlightened patrons of liberty” than dividing the powers of government because
“[t]he accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary in the same hands . . . may justly be pronounced the very
definition of tyranny.”).
5
some. “All.”10 Ideally, Article I’s plain meaning would
prevent the legislative branch from sub-delegating its
legislative power to another branch.11 Even so, this
Court has rarely policed that line.12
Chevron is the inevitable upshot of abandoning Article I’s text. This Court created Chevron deference
based on a legal fiction. That fiction assumes Congress
implicitly delegates its power through ambiguous
statutory language (or no statutory language) so that
an administrative agency can make legislative rules.13
The effect is that a law’s meaning is never fixed but
becomes a malleable standard that the executive
branch can change on a dime.
The Chevron regime undercuts the Framers’ design to prevent excessive lawmaking, which the Framers thought was one of “the diseases to which our governments are most liable.”14 Article I requires a law to
“win the approval of two Houses of Congress—elected
See U.S. Const. art. I, § 1. (emphasis added); Whitman v. Am.
Trucking Ass’ns, 531 U.S. 457, 472 (2001) (“Article I, § 1 . . . permits no delegation of those powers.”) (citations omitted).
10
11 See Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116, 2133 (2019) (Gor-
such, J., dissenting); see also Gary Lawson, Delegation and Original Meaning, 88 Va. L. Rev. 327, 336–37 (2002).
12 Dep’t of Transp. v. Ass’n of Am. R.Rs., 575 U.S. 43, 84 (2015)
(Thomas, J., concurring).
13 See Chevron, 467 U.S. at 844; see also Michigan v. EPA, 135 S.
Ct. 2699, 2713 (2015) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“Statutory ambiguity … becomes an implicit delegation of rule-making authority,
and that authority is used not to find the best meaning of the
text, but to formulate legally binding rules to fill in gaps based
on policy judgments made by the agency rather than Congress.”).
14 Gundy, 139 S. Ct. at 2134 (footnote omitted).
6
at different times, by different constituencies, and for
different terms in office—and either secure the President’s approval or obtain enough support to override
his veto.”15 This gauntlet, the Framers thought, was a
“bulwark[] of liberty.”16
When the judicial branch no longer enforces this
framework, and makes lawmaking easy through congressional delegation, the regulated public is susceptible to having life, liberty, or property taken without
fair notice. A fundamental tenet of the Due Process
Clause requires that laws “which regulate persons or
entities must give fair notice of conduct that is forbidden or required.”17 A punishment will thus violate due
process when a “regulation under which it is obtained
fails to provide a person of ordinary intelligence fair
notice of what is prohibited, or is so standardless that
it authorizes or encourages seriously discriminatory
enforcement.”18 Yet Chevron turns this fundamental
principle on its head, because an executive agency can
decide what an ambiguous law means after a person
has acted and haul that person into court.
2. Chevron likewise violates Article III and creates serious due process problems. Judicial review is
essential to the broader “liberal tradition, which is the
15 Id.
16 Id. Indeed, it is a feature and not a bug of our constitutional
structure that laws are hard to enact. See John F. Manning, Lawmaking Made Easy, 10 Green Bag 2d 191, 202 (2007); see also
Ass’n of Am. R.Rs., 575 U.S. at 60–61 (Alito, J., concurring).
17 FCC v. Fox Television Stations, Inc., 567 U.S. 239, 253 (2012)
(citations omitted).
18 Id. (cleaned up).
7
dominant tradition in American constitutional law,
‘emphasiz[ing] limited government, checks and balances, and strong protection of individual rights.’”19
The Framers thus entrusted judges with judicial
power under Article III to “say what the law is.”20 This
power, in turn, came with a judicial duty to “exercise
its independent judgment in interpreting and expounding upon the laws.”21
This duty requires judges to interpret the laws before them and “to decide cases in accordance with the
law of the land, not in accordance with pressures
placed upon them through either internal or external
sources.”22 The judiciary, the Framers thought, would
thus provide a “check” against the other branches—
including administrative agencies—when they try to
expand their delegated powers.23
Yet, when it comes to administrative law, the federal judiciary has essentially abandoned its duty to
check the legislative and executive branches. Federal
courts reflexively defer to agencies under Chevron and
19 Douglas H. Ginsburg & Steven Menashi, Our Illiberal Admin-
istrative Law, 10 N.Y.U.J.L. & Liberty 475, 477 (2016) (cleaned
up).
20 Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 177 (1803).
21 Perez, 575 U.S. at 118–19 (Thomas, J., concurring); see also P.
Hamburger, Law and Judicial Duty 316–326 (2008).
22 Perez, 575 U.S. at 120–21 (Thomas, J., concurring).
23 See id. at 124–25.
8
give one party an advantage over the other during litigation.24 This abandonment of judicial duty has real
world effects—including undermining the political legitimacy of our system of laws.25
More to the point, the deference judges give an
agency during litigation, favoring one party over another, creates serious Fifth Amendment Due Process
problems. Indeed, “[w]hat is at stake here is the due
process of law in Article III courts.”26 The Constitution
tasks judges to provide a fair and neutral process and
not favor one party. However, under Chevron, courts
have become participants “in systematic bias.”27
A recent study bears out this conclusion. In an
analysis of 1,558 agency interpretations reviewed
from 2003 to 2013, courts applied Chevron deference
77% of the time and upheld the agency interpretation
71% of the time.28 This study shows that “[d]eference
to administrative interpretation is a systematic pre-
24 See Pereira v. Sessions, 138 S. Ct. 2105, 2120–21 (2018) (Ken-
nedy, J., concurring); see also Philip Hamburger, Chevron Bias,
84 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1187, 1209–10 (2016).
25 See Hamburger, Chevron Bias, 84 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. at 1236
(“[I]ndependent judgment of unbiased judges is the basis of the
government’s political legitimacy . . . especially [in] those [cases]
concerning the power of government or the rights of the people,
it is essential that the people have confidence that the judges are
not biased toward government, but are exercising independent
judgment.”) (footnote omitted).
26 Id. at 1231.
27 Id.
28 Kent Barnett & Christopher J. Walker, Chevron in the Circuit
Courts, 116 Mich. L. Rev. 1 (2017).
9
commitment in favor of the interpretation or legal position of the most powerful of parties”—the federal
government.29
Judges thus fail in their duty to be the natural arbiters of the law when they apply Chevron. They are
no longer the impartial decision-maker due process requires—an essential element of individual liberty.30
3. The D.C. Circuit’s decision here provides a case
study in how Chevron deference undermines the separation of powers and the rule of law. In applying
Chevron, the panel below reflexively sanctioned
HHS’s administrative rewrite of a federal statute
based on an ambiguity that did not exist. See Pet.Br.
31–46. It did so without exhausting the traditional
tools of statutory construction. Id. at 48. And, in the
process, the panel allowed HHS to exercise a supposed
delegation from Congress that collectively cost petitioners upwards of a billion dollars in reimbursements
they were entitled to under federal law. Id. at 2.31
29 See Hamburger, Chevron Bias, 84 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. at 1231.
30 Despite this breakdown when it comes to administrative agen-
cies, this Court has repeatedly affirmed that a neutral decisionmaker is essential to a fair process: “It is axiomatic that ‘[a] fair
trial in a fair tribunal is a basic requirement of due process.’”
Caperton v. A.T. Massey Coal Co., 556 U.S. 868, 876 (2009) (quoting In re Murchison, 349 U.S. 133, 136 (1955)). And when a judge
fails to “apply the law to [a party] in the same way he applies it
to any other party,” he has failed in his duty. Republican Party
of Minn. v. White, 536 U.S. 765, 776 (2002).
31 If the Court does not want to overrule Chevron, then, as peti-
tioners argue, it should reverse the D.C. Circuit’s decision for erroneously applying Chevron to HHS’s newly found power to
change the way Medicare subsidies are calculated. Pet. Br. 46–
50. When determining whether to apply Chevron deference to
10
agency interpretations of statutes, this Court does not apply deference when an agency is regulating beyond mere “interstitial
matters” without clear congressional approval. In such cases,
non-delegation is the presumption because Congress is “more
likely to have focused upon, and answered, major questions.” Stephen Breyer, Judicial Review of Questions of Law and Policy, 38
Admin. L. Rev. 363, 370 (1986); see also, William N. Eskridge Jr.,
Interpreting Law: A Primer on How to Read Statutes and the
Constitution 288 (2016) (“[The] Supreme Court has carved out a
potentially important exception to delegation, the major questions cannon. Even if Congress has delegated an agency general
rulemaking or adjudicatory power, judges presume that Congress does not delegate its authority to settle or amend major
social and economic policy decisions.”)
The Court has applied this principle in several cases. See MCI
Telecomms. Corp. v. AT&T Co., 512 U.S. 218, 231 (1994) (withholding deference where it was “highly unlikely that Congress
would leave the determination of whether an industry will be entirely, or even substantially, rate regulated to agency discretion.”); FDA v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U.S. 120,
160 (2000) (withholding deference when the Court was “confident
that Congress could not have intended to delegate a decision of
such economic and political significance to an agency in so cryptic
a fashion”); Util. Air Regul. Grp. v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302, 324 (2014)
(“When an agency claims to discover in a long extant statute an
unheralded power to regulate a significant portion of the American economy, we typically greet its announcement with a measure of skepticism. [The Court] expect[s] Congress to speak clearly
if it wishes to assign to an agency decisions of vast economic and
political significance.”) (cleaned up).
Although there has been no set standard for when this “major questions” principle applies, the cases have provided a basic
understanding of the doctrine. Deference to an agency interpretation is inappropriate when Congress has not clearly spoken on
an issue and a regulation implicates questions of “vast economic
or political significance,” or where an agency aggrandizes its
11
If this Court determines that the D.C. Circuit correctly applied Chevron to allow this result, the Court
should use this case to overrule Chevron. The D.C.
Circuit’s holding undermines the principle that Congress makes the laws and that litigants are entitled to
a neutral magistrate to adjudicate their rights in federal court.
II. Chevron deference has serious consequences
for the regulated public that reach beyond
this case.
The D.C. Circuit’s decision is not an anomaly giving extensive and reflexive deference to administrative agencies. Indeed, Chevron is a virus spread
throughout federal law to the detriment of countless
members of the regulated public. The Court should
overrule it for that reason, too.32
For example, Chevron deference has allowed administrative agencies like the National Labor Relations Board to make federal law—sometimes retroactively—for years based on political considerations.
One of the primary rationales for Chevron deference
is that agency “experts” are better equipped than
power though new interpretations of long standing statutory provisions to bring about an enormous and transformative expansion of regulatory authority. If any case warrants the Court applying this doctrine, this case is it.
32 See City of Arlington v. FCC, 569 U.S. 290, 313 (2013) (“The
administrative state wields vast power and touches almost every
aspect of daily life. The Framers could hardly have envisioned
today’s vast and varied federal bureaucracy and the authority
administrative agencies now hold over our economic, social, and
political activities.”) (cleaned up).
12
courts to determine the evolving policy for the nation.33 But the lawmaking in which administrative
agencies like the NLRB engage is often not based on
“expertise.” Indeed, the definitions of labor law terms
are often legal and not scientific questions. What the
NLRB engages in is not “expertise” so much as political will. This puts the law’s status in flux all without
going through the constitutionally prescribed political
process.
As two federal judges have highlighted, in many
cases, “the [agency’s] claim to expertise is entirely
fraudulent.”34 The agency notorious for this is the
“National Labor Relations Board, the partisan majority of which routinely displaces the previous majority’s psychological assertions about what employer
tactics do or do not coerce workers when they are deciding whether to vote for union representation.”35 Yet
that claim to expertise is often “a euphemism for policy judgments.”36 Although some agency staff might
have some, or a great deal of, technical expertise, the
heads of agencies are typically political actors. Indeed,
“the agency’s ultimate decisions are made by the experts’ political masters, who have sufficient discretion
that they can make decisions based upon their own
policy preferences, fearing neither that the expert
33 See Chevron, 467 U.S. at 865.
34 Ginsburg &
Menashi, Our Illiberal Administrative Law, 10
N.Y.U. J.L. & Liberty at 482 (footnote omitted).
35 Id. at 482–83.
36 Id. at 483.
13
staff will not support them nor that a court will undo
their handiwork.”37
Take UC Health v. NLRB,38 in which the D.C. Circuit upheld a Regional Director’s authority to direct
and certify a union election although the NLRB itself
did not have the statutorily required quorum. Citing
Chevron’s second step, the majority found the term
“quorum” was ambiguous because it did not speak to
the exact and unlikely circumstances of the case—the
statute was silent about the issue. But instead of engaging in a statutory analysis using the traditional
tools of statutory construction, the majority deferred
to one litigant’s view of the law: “the structure of the
statute supports the [NLRB’s] interpretation just as
well as it might support UC Health’s construction.”39
Tie goes to the home team.
The dissent, however, recognized the NLRB’s statutory interpretation was “flatly” unreasonable and incompatible with the statute.40 In finding the NLRB’s
construction unreasonable, the dissent cautioned,
“[w]e must bear in mind that even if we are following
Chevron’s second step, we are construing a Congressional act—the second step is not open sesame for the
Agency.”41 Yet, often, that is exactly how courts treat
agency interpretations.
37 Id.
38 UC Health v. NLRB, 803 F.3d 669 (D.C. Cir. 2015).
39 Id. at 675.
40 See id. at 687 (Silberman, J., dissenting).
41 Id.
14
To be sure, granting agencies like the NLRB deference to say what the law is prevents “ossification of
large portions of our statutory law.”42 However, although “expertise” and legislative flexibility may appear appealing, those rationales often yield results
that under deliver. Besides imperiling constitutional
structure, agency discretion lends itself to temptations that threaten individual liberty and legislative
prerogative.
For example, regulatory capture poses a genuine
threat to the rule of law and undermines justifications
for heavy reliance on deference to agencies. Regulatory capture occurs when commercial, ideological, or
political interests—be it by an industry, profession,
geographic area, or political group—conscript a regulatory agency to implement a preferred policy outcome.43 Agency capture permits special interests outsized influence in the regulatory process, or to borrow
from James Madison, regulation becomes subject to
the “mischiefs of faction.”44 Though regulatory capture does not explain every incident of agency action,
United States v. Mead Corp., 533 U.S. 218, 247–48 (2001)
(Scalia, J., dissenting).
42
43 Ernesto Dal Bó, Regulatory Capture: A Review, 22 Oxford Rev.
Econ. Pol’y 203 (2006); George J. Stigler, The Theory of Economic
Regulation, 2 Bell J. Econ. & Mgmt. Sci. 3, 13–17 (1971); Richard
A. Posner, Theories of Economic Regulation, 5 Bell J. Econ. &
Mgmt. Sci. 335, passim (1974).
44 See The Federalist No. 10 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter
ed., 1961) (Madison explained faction as “a number of citizens,
whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who
are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or
15
the possibility of undue and undemocratic influence
predicted by this economic theory warns against the
deferential attitude Chevron condones.
Deferring to special interests or factions violates
the first principles of judicial neutrality Article III
adopts as part of the judicial power.45 One early observer noted the simplest definition of constitutional
government is “comprised in three words, government
by law.”46 In contrast, the exercise of arbitrary, lawless power is the “erroneous will of one man, or a few
men, in whom the executive power resides” that “is
substituted instead of law.”47
Government by law protects against arbitrary conduct benefiting the few able to leverage government
in their favor. Hamilton stressed the importance of
the judiciary in maintaining law. He explained “that
inflexible and uniform adherence to the rights of the
Constitution, and of individuals, [i]s indispensable in
the courts of justice,” i.e., “a reliance that nothing
would be consulted but the constitution and the
laws.”48 Deference to administrative agencies like the
NLRB via Chevron violates these principles and prevents the courts from serving as “an intermediate
body” charged with a duty to interpret the law as their
of interest, adversed to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.”).
45 Phillip Hamburger, Law and Judicial Duty, 316–26 (2008).
46 State Necessity Considered as a Question of Law, 6 (London:
1766).
47 Id.
48 See The Federalist No. 78 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Ros-
siter ed., 1961).
16
“proper and peculiar province.”49 The regulated public
bears the cost of this to the benefit of the few.
At bottom, Chevron deference allows agencies
throughout the federal government, like the NLRB, to
change abruptly legal and policy positions on dozens
of major issues affecting the regulated public’s liberty.
Agencies have done so not by using the statute Congress passed, but by using supposedly ambiguous
statutory language to instill their political preferences—political preferences enacted without going
through the democratic processes the Constitution
prescribes. This regime undermines a fundamental
underpinning of the rule of law, and the Constitution’s
separation of powers requires that only Congress, acting through Article I, change the law.
CONCLUSION
If this Court finds that the D.C. Circuit correctly
applied Chevron deference to allow the HHS to ignore
Congress’s clear commands and rewrite the applicable
federal statute, then the Court should reconsider
Chevron. It should revert to the first principle that
Congress makes the law, the executive enforces the
law, and the judiciary interprets the law and overrule
Chevron.
For these reasons, and those stated by petitioners,
the Court should reverse the decision below.
* * * * *
49 Id.
17
Respectfully submitted,
RAYMOND J. LAJEUNESSE, JR.
Counsel of Record
FRANK D. GARRISON
JAMES C. DEVEREAUX
BLAINE L. HUTCHISON
c/o NATIONAL RIGHT TO
WORK LEGAL DEFENSE
FOUNDATION, INC.
8001 Braddock Road
Suite 600
Springfield, VA 22160
(703) 321-8510
rjl@nrtw.org
Counsel for Amicus
September 10, 2021
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