Amicus Curiae Brief — Chevron Corporation, et al., Petitioners v. City of Oakland, California, et al.
Supreme Court briefMar 11, 2021
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No. 20-1089
______________________
CHEVRON CORPORATION, ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
CITY OF OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA, ET AL.,
Respondents.
______________________
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE THE NATIONAL
ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS
IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
_______________
On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the United
States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
_______________
Linda E. Kelly
Patrick Hedren
Erica Klenicki
MANUFACTURERS’ CENTER
FOR LEGAL ACTION
733 10th Street, N.W.
Suite 700
Washington, D.C. 20001
(202) 637-3100
March 11, 2021
Philip S. Goldberg
Counsel of Record
SHOOK, HARDY &
BACON L.L.P.
1800 K Street, N.W.
Suite 1000
Washington, D.C. 20006
(202) 783-8400
pgoldberg@shb.com
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .................................. ii
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ....................... 1
INTRODUCTION AND
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .......................... 2
ARGUMENT .......................................................... 4
I.
THE COURT SHOULD GRANT THE
PETITION BECAUSE CLIMATE
CHANGE CASES REQUIRE FEDERAL
COURT JURISDICTION........................... 4
II. THIS CASE IS PART OF A NATIONAL
LITIGATION CAMPAIGN TO HAVE
STATE COURTS UNDERMINE THIS
COURT’S JURISPRUDENCE................... 6
III. CLAIMS ALLEGING HARMS FROM
CLIMATE CHANGE PRESENT
UNIQUELY FEDERAL INTERESTS....... 10
IV. THE COURT SHOULD GRANT THE
PETITION TO MAINTAIN THE
INTEGRITY OF THE FEDERALSTATE DUAL COURT SYSTEM .............. 13
CONCLUSION ....................................................... 17
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Page
Am. Elec. Power Co. v. Connecticut,
564 U.S. 410 (2011)...................................... passim
Bates v. Dow Agrosciences LLC,
544 U.S. 431 (2005).............................................. 15
Caterpillar, Inc., v. Williams,
482 U.S. 386 (1987) ............................................. 14
Comer v. Murphy Oil USA, Inc.,
839 F. Supp. 2d 249 (S.D. Miss. 2012) .................. 6
City of Oakland v. BP P.L.C.,
325 F. Supp. 3d 1017 (N.D. Cal. 2018) ....... passim
Fry ex rel. E.F. v. Napoleon Cmty. Schs.,
137 S. Ct. 743 (2017)............................................ 14
Geier v. Am. Honda Motor Co.,
529 U.S. 861 (2000).............................................. 15
Illinois v. City of Milwaukee,
406 U.S. 91 (1972)............................................ 4, 10
Native Village of Kivalina v. ExxonMobil
Corp., 696 F.3d 849 (9th Cir. 2012)................... 5, 6
North Carolina v. Tennessee Valley Auth.,
615 F.3d 291 (4th Cir. 2010) ............................... 11
iii
Riegel v. Medtronic, Inc.,
552 U.S. 312 (2008).............................................. 15
Rivet v. Regions Bank of Louisiana,
522 U.S. 470 (1998).............................................. 14
United States v. Standard Oil Co. of Cal.,
332 U.S. 301 (1947)................................................ 5
Watson v. Philip Morris Cos.,
551 U.S. 142 (2007).............................................. 13
Other Authorities
2017 Oakland General Obligation Bond, A-48–49
(Aug. 1, 2017), at https://cao-94612.s3. amazonaws.com/documents/OAK067652.pdf ................ 12
Amicus Brief of Indiana and Fourteen Other
States in Support of Dismissal, City of Oakland v. BP (9th Cir. filed April 19, 2018) ............ 16
Denise E. Antolini, Modernizing Public Nuisance:
Solving the Paradox of the Special Injury Rule,
28 Ecol. L.Q. 755, 838 (2001)............................... 10
Atmospheric Recovery Litigation: Making the Fossil Fuel Companies Pay for Cleaning up the
Atmosphere, Creek Project YouTube Channel,
May 23, 2018 .......................................................... 8
Julia Caulfield, Local Lawsuits Asks Oil and
Gas to Help Pay for Climate Change,
KOTO, Dec. 14, 2020 ........................................... 14
iv
Complaint, City of Charleston v. Brabham Oil
Co., Inc., No. 2020-CP-10 (S.C. Ct. Comm.
Pleas Sept. 9, 2020) ............................................... 9
Brooks Dubose, Annapolis Sues 26 Oil and Gas
Companies for their Role in Contributing to
Climate Change, Cap. Gazette, Feb. 23, 2021 .... 13
Tristan L. Duncan & Jonathan Massey, AEP’s
Tipping Point: Implied Preemption of ClimateChange Common Law Claims, Wash. Legal
Found. No. 179 (2012) ........................................... 4
Ross Eisenberg, Forget the Green New Deal. Let’s
Get to Work on a Real Climate Bill, Politico,
Mar. 27, 2019, at https://www.politico.com/
magazine/story/2019/03/27/green-new-dealclimate-bill-226239 .............................................. 16
Entire January Meeting Agenda at RFF, Washington Free Beacon, Apr. 2016, at https:// freebeacon.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/ Entire-January-meeting-agenda-at-RFF-1-1.pdf ...... 8
Establishing Accountability for Climate Damages:
Lessons from Tobacco Control, Summary of the
Workshop on Climate Accountability, Public
Opinion, and Legal Strategies, Union of Concerned Scientists & Climate Accountability
Institute (Oct. 2012) .............................................. 7
Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law,
In re ExxonMobil Corp., No. 096-297222-18
(Tex. Dist. Ct.–Tarrant Cty. Apr. 24, 2018).......... 6
v
Phil Goldberg, Christopher E. Appel & Victor
E. Schwartz, Can Governments Impose a
new Tort Duty to Prevent External Risks?
The ‘No-Fault’ Theories Behind Today’s
High Stakes Government Recoupment Suits,
44 Wake Forest L. Rev. 923 (2009) ..................... 11
Kirk Herbertson, Oil Companies vs. Citizens:
The Battle Begins Over Who Will Pay Climate Costs, EarthRights, Mar. 21, 2018 ............. 14
Letter from Lindsey de la Torre, Nat’l Ass’n of
Mfrs., to the Securities and Exchange
Comm’n, Mar. 27, 2018 at
https://mfgaccountabilityproject.org/wpcontent/uploads/2018/04/SECLetter_3.27.18-3.pdf. ........................................... 12
Beyond the Courtroom, Manufacturers’
Accountability Project, at
https://mfgaccountability project.org/beyond-the-courtroom............................... 9
Larry Neumeister, Judge Shows Skepticism
to New York Climate Change Lawsuit,
Assoc. Press, June 13, 2018 ................................. 12
Dawn Reeves, As Climate Suits Keeps Issue
Alive, Nuisance Cases Reach Key Venue
Rulings, Inside EPA, Jan. 6, 2020 ...................... 15
Restatement (Second) of Torts (1979) ...................... 10
Restatement of the Law, Third:
Prods. Liab. (1998) ............................................... 15
vi
Susanne Rust, California Communities Suing
Big Oil Over Climate Change Face a Key
Hearing Wednesday, L.A. Times,
Feb. 5, 2020 .......................................................... 13
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE1
Amicus curiae is the National Association of
Manufacturers (“NAM”). The NAM is the largest
manufacturing association in the United States, representing small and large manufacturers in every
industrial sector and in all 50 states. Manufacturing
employs more than 12 million men and women, contributes $2.33 trillion to the U.S. economy annually,
has the largest economic impact of any major sector,
and accounts for more than two-thirds of all privatesector research and development in the nation. The
NAM is the voice of the manufacturing community
and the leading advocate for a policy agenda that
helps manufacturers compete in the global economy
and create jobs across the United States.
The NAM is dedicated to manufacturing safe, innovative and sustainable products that provide essential benefits to consumers while protecting human health and the environment, and fully supports
national efforts to address climate change and improve public health through appropriate laws and
regulations. The NAM has grave concerns, however,
about the attempt here to create categorical liability
for lawful, beneficial energy products essential to
modern life through state tort law.
The NAM has a substantial interest in attempts
by local governments––here, the Cities of Oakland
1 Pursuant to Rule 37.6, counsel for amicus curiae certifies that
this brief was not authored in whole or in part by counsel for
any party and that no person or entity, other than amicus curiae, its members, or its counsel made a monetary contribution to
the preparation or submission of the brief. The parties received
timely notice of the intent of amicus curiae to file this brief, and
provided written consent to the filing of this brief.
2
and San Francisco––to subject its members to unprincipled state liability for harms a community alleges are associated with climate change. Climate
change is one of the most important public policy issues of our time, and one, as this Court found in Am.
Elec. Power Co. v. Connecticut, 564 U.S. 410 (2011),
that plainly implicates federal questions and complex policymaking.
INTRODUCTION AND
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
This case is part of a coordinated, national litigation campaign over global climate change and the
debate as to how to mitigate impacts of modern energy use. Amicus appreciates that developing new
technologies to reduce greenhouse gas (“GHG”) emissions, make energy more efficient, and modify infrastructures to deal with the impacts of climate change
has become an international imperative. State tort
suits against the energy sector cannot achieve these
objectives, and state courts are not the appropriate
forums to decide these critical national issues.
In Am. Elec. Power Co. v. Connecticut, the Court
addressed the first wave of this litigation campaign.
564 U.S. 410 (2011) (hereafter “AEP”). It held unanimously that the climate claims there sounded in the
federal common law and that Congress displaced any
such claims when it enacted the Clean Air Act. See
id. at 424. Soon after, the strategists behind this litigation campaign began developing ideas for trying to
circumvent the Court’s ruling. They were looking for
legal theories that would achieve comparable national goals as AEP, but that might appear different
from AEP to some courts. The focal point of this effort, as embodied here, has been to re-cast the feder-
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al public nuisance claims for injunctive relief against
the utilities in AEP as state public nuisance lawsuits
for abatement against energy manufacturers.
This case—along with Baltimore’s climate case
already before this Court—is one of two dozen nearly
identical lawsuits that have been filed since 2017 in
carefully chosen states around the country. Each
complaint asserts that the various defendants’ production, promotion, and sale of oil, gas or other carbon energy is a public nuisance under state common
law or violates another state tort or statute. In order
to adjudicate the claims, though, the state courts
would have to create new rules over the international production, sale, promotion, and use of fossil fuels.
Thus, the allegations are federal in scope and not
specific to any one company or community.
Accordingly, the defendants in these cases removed the cases to the federal judiciary. Here, the
District Court carefully studied the legal and factual
issues presented in the case and determined that the
re-packaging of this litigation from AEP did not lead
to a different result; it actually expanded the national and international scope of the challenged activities: “In light of AEP, plaintiffs shift their focus to
sales of fossil fuels worldwide.” City of Oakland v. BP
P.L.C., 325 F. Supp. 3d 1017, 1025 (N.D. Cal. 2018).
Amicus respectfully requests that the Court grant
the Petition to determine whether putative state-law
tort claims alleging harm from global climate change
are removable because they arise under federal law.
As the Court appreciated in AEP, the climate change
issues in this case and others like it are of major national significance. Climate tort litigation undermines national energy objectives, including energy
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independence, the stability of the electric grid, and
affordability for families and businesses across the
country, among others. Also, given the two dozen
cases filed as part of this national litigation campaign, it is a matter of judicial efficiency that the
Court resolve this jurisdictional question here.
ARGUMENT
I.
THE COURT SHOULD GRANT THE
PETITION BECAUSE CLIMATE
CHANGE CASES REQUIRE FEDERAL
COURT JURISDICTION
The Court should grant the Petition to reinforce
the understanding from AEP that climate tort litigation raises issues of “special federal interest.” 564
U.S. at 424.2 In AEP, before ruling that the Clean
Air Act displaced any federal common law claims
with respect to carbon emissions from fossil fuels, the
Court explained that federal common law addresses
subjects “where the basic scheme of the Constitution
so demands,” including “air and water in their ambient or interstate aspects.” Id. at 422 (quoting Illinois
v. City of Milwaukee, 406 U.S. 91, 103 (1972)). This
rule of law applies to the climate change claims here.
The factual predicate in AEP is the same as here:
global climate change is caused by GHGs that are
“naturally present in the atmosphere and . . . also
emitted by human activities,” including the use of
fossil fuels. Id. at 416. These GHGs combined with
2 See, e.g., Tristan L. Duncan & Jonathan Massey, AEP’s Tip-
ping Point: Implied Preemption of Climate-Change Common
Law Claims, Wash. Legal Found. No. 179 (2012) (“The Supreme
Court held that the case presented a matter of such inherently
federal interest that it was governed by federal law.”).
5
many other sources of GHGs around the world and
have accumulated in the earth’s atmosphere for more
than a century. “By contributing to global warming,
the plaintiffs asserted, the defendants’ carbondioxide emissions created a ‘substantial and unreasonable interference with public rights,’ in violation
of the federal common law or interstate nuisance, or
in the alternative, of state tort law.” Id. at 418.
In AEP, the Court followed the two-step analysis
from United States v. Standard Oil Co. of Cal., 332
U.S. 301 (1947) in dismissing the claims. First, it determined the claims arose under federal common law
and that “borrowing the law of a particular State
would be inappropriate.” AEP, 564 U.S. at 422. As
Standard Oil instructs, there are certain claims that
invoke the “interests, powers, and relations of the
Federal Government as to require uniform national
disposition rather than diversified state rulings.” 332
U.S. at 78. Determining rights and responsibilities
for global climate change is one of those uniquely
federal issues. Second, and only then, did the Court
hold Congress displaced remedies that might be
granted under federal common law through the
Clean Air Act. See AEP, 564 U.S. at 425. The claims
failed on the merits, not lack of federal jurisdiction.
Only the initial inquiry—whether the subject requires a uniform rule—goes to jurisdiction.
At the time, two other climate tort cases were
pending against the energy sector. An Alaskan village was suing many of the same energy producers
as here under federal law for damages related to rising sea levels. See Native Village of Kivalina v. ExxonMobil Corp., 696 F.3d 849 (9th Cir. 2012). In Mississippi, a purported class of homeowners sued a
6
multitude of energy producers under state tort law
for property damage from Hurricane Katrina. See
Comer v. Murphy Oil USA, Inc., 718 F.3d 460 (5th
Cir. 2013). The allegations there were that the defendants’ products caused climate change, which in
turn caused the hurricane to be more intense. See id.
After AEP, both cases were dismissed. As the
Ninth Circuit explained, even though the legal theories in Kivalina differed slightly from AEP, given the
Court’s message, “it would be incongruous to allow
[such litigation] to be revived in another form.” Kivalina, 696 F.3d at 857. Tort suits alleging harm
from emissions across the country and globe are exactly the sort of “transboundary pollution” claims the
Constitution exclusively commits to federal law. Id.
at 855. As of 2012, the law appeared clear. Climate
litigation targeting private actors were inherently
federal in nature, regardless of how the claims were
packaged—over energy use or products, by public or
private plaintiffs, under federal or state law, or for
injunctive relief or damages.
II. THIS CASE IS PART OF A NATIONAL
LITIGATION CAMPAIGN TO HAVE
STATE COURTS UNDERMINE THIS
COURT’S JURISPRUDENCE
The advocacy groups and lawyers behind this national litigation campaign were undeterred by AEP.
In 2012, they convened in La Jolla, California to
brainstorm on how to re-package the litigation in
hopes of achieving their national goals. See Findings
of Fact and Conclusions of Law, In re ExxonMobil
Corp., No. 096-297222-18 (Tex. Dist. Ct.–Tarrant
Cty. Apr. 24, 2018), at 3 (discussing the “Workshop
on Climate Accountability, Public Opinion, and Legal
7
Strategies”). The strategies discussed included the
one they ultimately employed: filing lawsuits in multiple jurisdictions, hoping at least one case would
reach discovery and help them advance their preferred national and international policy agenda. Id.
Organizers of the conference captured their discussion and strategies for this litigation in a published report. See Establishing Accountability for
Climate Damages: Lessons from Tobacco Control,
Summary of the Workshop on Climate Accountability,
Public Opinion, and Legal Strategies, Union of Concerned Scientists & Climate Accountability Institute
(Oct. 2012).3 Despite AEP, they said “the courts offer
the best current hope” for imposing their national
public policy agenda over fossil fuel emissions. Id. at
28. They discussed “the merits of legal strategies
that target major carbon emitters, such as utilities
[as in AEP], versus those that target carbon producers,” as here. Id. at 12. And, they talked through various causes of action, “with suggestions ranging from
lawsuits brought under public nuisance laws,” such
as the one here, “to libel claims.” Id. at 11.
Given AEP, they emphasized making the lawsuits
look like traditional damages claims rather than directly asking a court to regulate emissions or put a
price on carbon use. See id. at 13. As one participant
said, “Even if your ultimate goal might be to shut
down a company, you still might be wise to start out
by asking for compensation for injured parties.” Id.
They also decided to pursue claims under state law
3 https://www.ucsusa.org/sites/default/files/attach/2016/04/
establishing-accountability-climate-change-damages-lessonstobacco-control.pdf.
8
in hopes state courts would not follow AEP. Finally,
they discussed “the importance of framing a compelling public narrative,” including “naming [the] issue
or campaign” to generate “outrage.” Id. at 21, 28.
In 2016, another strategy session was held in
New York City to discuss the litigation campaign’s
goals as they had developed since the La Jolla conference. See Entire January Meeting Agenda at Rockefeller Family Foundation, Wash. Free Beacon, Apr.
2016.4 Specifically, the organizers discussed leveraging the filing of these lawsuits and government investigations to generate media coverage. They wanted “to establish in the public’s mind” that these companies were “corrupt,” to “delegitimize them” and to
“force officials to disassociate themselves” from the
industry. Id. They hoped “creating scandal” through
these lawsuits would drive these outcomes. Id.5
Lawsuits following these tenets were filed starting in 2017. As indicated, this case, along with the
others, is meant to look facially different from AEP,
which targeted fossil fuel users (utilities) and sought
injunctive relief under federal public nuisance law.
These cases target energy producers, invoke state
tort laws, and seek abatement and damages. To
name the campaign, they falsely asserted a widespread “campaign of deception” involving the various
4 https://freebeacon.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/Entire-
January-meeting-agenda-at-RFF-1-1.pdf.
5 As Prof. Mary Wood, a La Jolla participant, later said, “Build-
ing sea walls and repairing roads won’t do anything to fix our
global climate system, but it will drain the profits of the fossil
fuel companies.” Atmospheric Recovery Litigation: Making the
Fossil Fuel Companies Pay for Cleaning up the Atmosphere,
Creek Project YouTube Channel, May 23, 2018.
9
companies named in the numerous lawsuits. See,
e.g., Complaint, City of Charleston v. Brabham Oil
Co., Inc., No. 2020-CP-10 (S.C. Ct. Comm. Pleas
Sept. 9, 2020) (using the phrase 23 times). This lawsuit names five defendants, others name one or two,
whereas some name dozens of energy manufacturers,
including local companies in an effort to keep cases
in state court. This ever-changing list of companies
alleged to be in on some “campaign of deception” underscores the specious nature of the cases.
Supporters of this national litigation campaign
have used political-style tactics, both to drive this litigation effort as well as to achieve the true, extrajudicial goals of the campaign. They have taken out
paid advertisements and billboards blaming energy
companies for climate change and urging public officials to file lawsuits, hosted symposiums and press
conferences to generate media attention to their narrative, and launched websites to recruit governments
to file lawsuits. See generally Beyond the Courtroom,
Manufacturers’ Accountability Project,6 (detailing
the coordinated funding, legal and media components of this litigation campaign). Thus, unlike traditional state tort suits, success for this litigation campaign is not about proving legal or factual allegations, but filing and maintaining lawsuits in state
courts to achieve national public policy goals.
https://mfgaccountabilityproject.org/beyond-the-courtroom.
The week before this briefing, the advocates started a second
website specifically to rally political support for this litigation.
See https://l4ca.org/ and https://payupclimatepolluters.org/.
6
10
III. CLAIMS ALLEGING HARMS FROM
CLIMATE CHANGE PRESENT
UNIQUELY FEDERAL INTERESTS
The legal theories presented in this litigation are
nothing more than mere fig leafs; unlike traditional
local property damage cases, their claims are not
moored to any specific plaintiff, defendant, location
or jurisdiction. As Judge Alsup observed in dismissing this case, any municipality, county or state could
file these lawsuits. City of Oakland, 325 F. Supp. 3d
at 1022. “Their theory rests on the sweeping proposition that otherwise lawful and everyday sales of fossil fuels, combined with an awareness that greenhouse gas emissions lead to increased global temperatures, constitute a public nuisance.” Id. It attempts
to “reach the sale of fossil fuels anywhere in the
world.” Id. Merely referencing state claims and asking for compensation does not make these federal
matters suddenly suitable for state courts.
Since AEP, public nuisance has been the tort of
choice for climate litigation because, in large part, its
“vague” sounding terms are often misunderstood.7
City of Milwaukee, 451 U.S. at 317. In fact, the architects of this effort have tried and failed for nearly fifty years to transform state public nuisance law into a
tool for industry-wide liability. See Denise E. Antolini, Modernizing Public Nuisance: Solving the Para7 See W. Page Keeton, et al., Prosser & Keeton on the Law of
Torts 616 (5th ed. 1984). “In popular speech it often has a very
loose connotation of anything harmful, annoying, offensive or
inconvenient. . . . Occasionally this careless usage has crept into
a court opinion. If the term is to have any definite legal significance, these cases must be completely disregarded.” Restatement (Second) of Torts § 821A cmt. b (1979).
11
dox of the Special Injury Rule, 28 Ecol. L.Q. 755, 838
(2001) (recounting campaign to change elements of
the tort that would have “[broken] the bounds of traditional public nuisance”). The allure of such a legal
theory is understandable. As here, the lawsuits are
generally funded by contingency-fee counsel, promise
funding for local projects, and target unpopular
products. See Phil Goldberg, Christopher E. Appel &
Victor E. Schwartz, Can Governments Impose a new
Tort Duty to Prevent External Risks? The ‘No-Fault’
Theories Behind Today’s High Stakes Government
Recoupment Suits, 44 Wake Forest L. Rev. 923
(2009). But, they are legally unfounded, and courts
have greeted them with appropriate skepticism.8
In the climate change cases, the attempt to mask
federal issues under state public nuisance law does
not stand up to even minimal scrutiny. For example,
it is unclear what would qualify as the alleged public
nuisance in these cases: the accumulation of GHGs
in the atmosphere, global warming-induced sea level
rise around the world, or the international promotion
and sale of fossil fuels—all of which exist far outside
any local government’s authority. Also, political
leaders say they are bringing these suits because the
defendants promoted “phony science to deny climate
change. But at oral argument, plaintiffs’ counsel
clarified that any such promotion remained merely a
‘plus factor’” and not required for their liability theory. City of Oakland, 325 F. Supp. 3d at 1022.
8 See, e.g., North Carolina v. Tennessee Valley Auth., 615 F.3d
291, 296 (4th Cir. 2010) (stating such lawsuits would “encourage [state] courts to use vague public nuisance standards to
scuttle the nation’s carefully created system of accommodating
the need for energy product and the need for clean air”).
12
Further, the damages sought are entirely speculative. As Judge Alsup said to the Cities’ lawyers at a
hearing, “You’re asking for billions of dollars for
something that hasn’t happened yet and may never
happen to the extent you’re predicting it will happen.” Nicholas Iovino, Judge Skeptical of Cities’ Climate Change Suits, Courthouse News Service, May
24, 2018. To this end, in Oakland’s 2017 bond offering (the year it filed this lawsuit), the City stated it
was “unable to predict” the impact of climate change
on the City and “if any such events occur, whether
they will have a material adverse effect on the business operations or financial condition of the City or
the local economy.” 2017 Oakland General Obligation Bond, A-48–49 (Aug. 1, 2017);9 see also Letter
from Lindsey de la Torre, Nat’l Ass’n of Mfrs., to the
Securities and Exchange Comm’n, Mar. 27, 2018.10
Federal judges have seen through these thinlyveiled attempts to mischaracterize the federal nature
of the litigation. Here, Judge Alsup stated in his ruling, “[t]he scope of plaintiffs’ theory is breathtaking.”
City of Oakland, 325 F. Supp. 3d at 1022. Similarly,
Judge Keenan, who dismissed New York City’s climate lawsuit, observed the City’s claims were “trying
to dress a wolf up in sheep’s clothing.” Larry
Neumeister, Judge Shows Skepticism to New York
Climate Change Lawsuit, Assoc. Press, June 13,
2018.11 They were “hiding an emissions case.” Id.
9 https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/
OAK067652.pdf
10 https://mfgaccountabilityproject.org/wp-
content/uploads/2018/04/SEC-Letter_3.27.18-3.pdf.
11 https://apnews.com/dda1f33e613f450bae3b8802032bc449.
13
Plaintiffs should not be able to avoid such scrutiny merely by painting federal claims with a state tort
brush. See Susanne Rust, California Communities
Suing Big Oil Over Climate Change Face a Key Hearing Wednesday, L.A. Times, Feb. 5, 2020 (quoting
Prof. Hecht, co-Executive Director of the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at
UCLA School of Law, as saying governments “are arguing to have their suits heard in California state
courts, which compared to their federal counterparts,
tend to be more favorable to ‘nuisance’ lawsuits”). As
the Court has appreciated, state court proceedings
“may reflect ‘local prejudice’ against unpopular federal laws” or defendants. Watson v. Philip Morris
Cos., 551 U.S. 142, 150 (2007). Indeed, Annapolis officials in announcing their recent suit expressed unusual confidence that “the Maryland courts will get
us there.” Brooks Dubose, Annapolis Sues 26 Oil and
Gas Companies for their Role in Contributing to Climate Change, Cap. Gazette, Feb. 23, 2021.
There is no doubt if any state court allows a
hometown recovery, there will be a race to the courthouse in communities across this country. State
courts are simply not positioned to be arbiters of
who, if anyone, is to be legally accountable for climate change, how energy policies should change to
address it, and how local mitigation projects in communities across the country should be funded.
IV. THE COURT SHOULD GRANT THE
PETITION TO MAINTAIN THE INTEGRITY OF THE FEDERAL-STATE DUAL
COURT SYSTEM
This Court should not permit the Cities to mask
their attempt to affect national GHG emissions and
14
the worldwide production of fossil fuels by “artfully”
and disingenuously pleading its claims under state
tort law. Rivet v. Regions Bank of Louisiana, 522
U.S. 470, 475 (1998). Petitioners are not “ignoring
the set of facts” Oakland and San Francisco presented. Caterpillar, Inc., v. Williams, 482 U.S. 386, 392
(1987). It is the facts themselves that raise uniquely
federal interests. See Fry ex rel. E.F. v. Napoleon
Cmty. Schs., 137 S. Ct. 743, 755 (2017) (“What matters is the crux—or, in legal speak, the gravamen—of
the plaintiffs[s]’ complaint, setting aside any attempts at artful pleading.”).
Outside of the courtroom, the advocates behind
this litigation campaign fully acknowledge that the
true goals—or crux—of this litigation is to penalize
the worldwide production, promotion, sale and use of
fossil fuels—what they call imposing the “true cost”
of fuels on consumers. Kirk Herbertson, Oil Companies vs. Citizens: The Battle Begins Over Who Will
Pay Climate Costs, EarthRights, Mar. 21, 2018. They
want to use the litigation to force Americans into
“cutting back” on fossil fuel use and energy manufacturers to raise their prices “so that if they are continuing to sell fossil fuels, that the cost of [climate
change] would ultimately get priced into them.” Julia
Caulfield, Local Lawsuits Asks Oil and Gas to Help
Pay for Climate Change, KOTO, Dec. 14, 2020 (quoting an attorney in the Boulder climate case).12
Indeed, a reporter who follows the litigation has
observed the incongruity between the ways the cases
are presented in and out of court: “State and local
12 https://coloradosun.com/2021/02/01/boulder-climate-lawsuit-
opinion/.
15
governments pursuing the litigation argue that the
cases are not about controlling GHG emissions . . .
But they also privately acknowledge that the suits
are a tactic to pressure the industry.” Dawn Reeves,
As Climate Suits Keeps Issue Alive, Nuisance Cases
Reach Key Venue Rulings, Inside EPA, Jan. 6, 2020.13
As the attorneys for the plaintiffs clearly appreciate, when state courts impose liability and damages,
the intention is to “directly regulate” the underlying
conduct. See, e.g., Riegel v. Medtronic, Inc., 552 U.S.
312, 325 (2008). A person subjected to liability is
supposed to change the offending conduct to avoid
liability, similar to compliance with statutes and
regulations. See Bates v. Dow Agrosciences LLC, 544
U.S. 431 (2005) (finding state tort liability imposes
state law requirements); see also Geier v. Am. Honda
Motor Co., 529 U.S. 861, 871 (2000) (“[R]ules of law
that judges and juries create or apply in such suits
may themselves similarly create uncertainty and
even conflict, say, when different juries in different
[s]tates reach different decisions on similar facts.”).
However, it is not in the national interest to stop the
sale of fossil fuels, and American tort law does not
recognize absolute, category liability for selling
products with known risks. See Restatement of the
Law, Third: Prods. Liab. § 2 cmt d (1998).
Again, Judge Alsup saw through this veneer; the
City “would have a single judge or jury in California
impose” billions of dollars of liability on five companies “to abate the localized effects of an inherently
global phenomenon.” City of Oakland, 325 F. Supp.
13 https://insideepa.com/outlook/climate-suits-keeps-issue-alive-
nuisance-cases-reach-key-venue-rulings.
16
3d at 1026. The dangers, causes and benefits “of fossil fuels are worldwide.” Id. at 1029. Fifteen state attorneys general also cautioned in an amicus brief below that Oakland and San Francisco should not be
able to “export their preferred environmental policies
and their corresponding economic effects to other
states.” Amicus Brief of Indiana and Fourteen Other
States in Support of Dismissal, City of Oakland v.
BP, No. 18-1663 (9th Cir. filed Apr. 19, 2018).
The Court should grant the Petition to resolve
this jurisdictional issue, which lays at the heart of
some two dozen climate tort suits that are currently
pending around the country, with the organizers actively recruiting more lawsuits. Lawsuits alleging
that different combinations of energy manufacturers
can be subject to untold liability for local harms
caused by global climate change should not be the
province of state courts. These courts do not provide
the proper jurisdictions for assigning legal rights and
obligations for global climate change. The Court
should grant review as a matter of judicial efficiency
given the proliferation of cases and find that this national climate litigation campaign, regardless of how
artfully pleaded, invokes uniquely federal issues.
***
Ultimately, amicus believes the best way to address climate change over energy is for Congress,
federal agencies, and local governments to work with
manufacturers and other businesses that use, produce, distribute, and sell energy on developing the
public policies and technologies that can meaningfully reduce emissions and mitigate damages. See Ross
Eisenberg, Forget the Green New Deal. Let’s Get to
Work on a Real Climate Bill, Politico, Mar. 27,
17
2019.14 The production, sale, and use of energy are
essential to modern life. The challenge facing society
is to affordably and reliably provide this energy
while reducing environmental impacts. It is not to
blame those providers for selling energy people need
to heat their homes, fuel their cars, build schools,
places of worship and workplaces, and turn on lights.
CONCLUSION
For these reasons, amicus curiae respectfully request that this Court grant the Petition.
Respectfully submitted,
Philip S. Goldberg
Counsel of Record
SHOOK, HARDY & BACON L.L.P.
1800 K Street, N.W., Suite 1000
Washington, D.C. 20006
(202) 783-8400
pgoldberg@shb.com
Linda E. Kelly
Patrick Hedren
Erica Klenicki
MANUFACTURERS’ CENTER
FOR LEGAL ACTION
733 10 Street, N.W., Suite 700
Washington, D.C. 20001
Dated: March 11, 2021
14‘https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2019/03/27/green-
new-deal-climate-bill-226239.
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.