Amicus Curiae Brief — Michelle Monasky, Petitioner v. Domenico Taglieri
Supreme Court briefAug 22, 2019
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No. 18-935
In the Supreme Court of the United States
MICHELLE MONASKY, PETITIONER,
v.
DOMENICO TAGLIERI
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI
TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE SIXTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF SANCTUARY FOR FAMILIES,
NATIONAL NETWORK TO END DOMESTIC VIOLENCE,
PATHWAYS TO SAFETY INTERNATIONAL, AND
LEGAL MOMENTUM AS AMICI CURIAE
IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
MICHAEL A.F. JOHNSON
Counsel of Record
DIRK C. PHILLIPS
KATELYN A. HORNE
AVISHAI D. DON
SHIRA V. ANDERSON
ARNOLD & PORTER
KAYE SCHOLER LLP
601 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20001
(202) 942-5000
michael.johnson@arnoldporter.com
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Interest of Amici Curiae .................................................... 1
Summary of the Argument ................................................. 1
Argument .............................................................................. 3
I. Hague Convention Cases Now Commonly
Involve Caretaker Parents Fleeing Abusive
Partners ......................................................................... 3
A. The Changing Nature of Child Removal ............. 3
B. The Convention’s Purpose of Protecting
Children is Often Best Served by Not
Returning Them to the Countries from Which
They Were Taken ................................................... 7
II. The “Actual Agreement” Standard for
“Habitual Residence” Best Ensures That
Children Will Not Be Returned to Abusers ............ 11
A. The Term “Habitual Residence,” Like the
Hague Convention as a Whole, Must Be
Interpreted in Light of the Best Interests of
the Child ................................................................ 11
B. An “Actual Agreement” Standard For
“Habitual Residence” Places the Proper
Amount of Emphasis on the Subjective
Mental State of the Fleeing Parent .................... 12
C. The “Actual Agreement” Standard Provides
American Courts With Greater Discretion to
Make Repatriation Decisions. ............................. 14
D. The “Actual Agreement” Standard Is In Line
With International Consensus ............................ 15
E. The Convention’s “Grave Risk” Exception Is
Not Sufficient to Prevent the Return of
Children to Abusive Parents ............................... 16
Conclusion ........................................................................... 20
(I)
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
U.S. Cases
Page(s)
Abbott v. Abbott,
560 U.S. 1 (2010) .................................................... 8, 16, 17
Bacardi Corp. of America v. Domenech,
311 U.S. 150 (1940) .......................................................... 12
Baxter v. Baxter,
423 F.3d 363 (3d Cir. 2005) ............................................ 17
Belay v. Getachew,
272 F. Supp. 2d 553 (D. Md. 2003) .......................... 17, 19
Dalmasso v. Dalmasso,
269 Kan. 752, 9 P.3d 551 (2000) ..................................... 20
In re A.L.C.,
607 F. App’x 658, 662 (9th Cir. 2015) ............................ 15
Janakakis-Kostun v. Janakakis,
6 S.W.3d 843 (Ky. Ct. App. 1999) .................................. 20
March v. Levine,
136 F. Supp. 2d 831 (M.D. Tenn. 2000) ......................... 18
Mauvais v. Herisse,
772 F.3d 6 (1st Cir. 2014) ............................................... 18
McManus v. McManus,
354 F. Supp. 2d 62 (D. Mass. 2005) .............................. 19
Mozes v. Mozes,
239 F.3d 1067 (9th Cir. 2001) ......................................... 11
Pliego v. Hayes,
86 F. Supp. 3d 678 (W.D. Ky. 2015)............................... 19
Soto v. Contreras,
880 F.3d 706 (5th Cir. 2018) ........................................... 17
Souratgar v. Lee,
720 F.3d 96 (2d Cir. 2013) ............................................... 17
Tabacchi v. Harrison,
No. 99 C 4130, 2000 WL 190576 (N.D. Ill.
Feb. 10, 2000) .................................................................. 19
(II)
III
U.S. Cases—Continued
Page(s)
United States v. Stuart,
489 U.S. 353 (1989) .......................................................... 12
International Cases
Dep’t of Family and Cmty. Servs. v. Kayasinghe,
[2018] FamCA 697 (Austl.) ............................................. 16
Kong v. Song, 2018 BCSC 1691 (Can.) ............................. 16
MJB v. CWC,
[2018] HKEC 1741 (C.F.I.) (H.K.) ................................ 16
Re D. (A Child) (Jurisdiction: Habitual
Residence), 2016 EWHC 1689 (Fam)
(U.K.) ................................................................................ 16
Statutes & Treaties
International Child Abduction Remedies Act,
22 U.S.C. § 9001, et seq. .................................................. 11
§ 9001(b)(3)(B) .............................................................. 16
§ 9003(e)(2)(A) .............................................................. 17
Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of
International Child Abduction, Oct. 25, 1980,
T.I.A.S. No. 11670 ............................................................. 1
Art. 3(a) ......................................................................... 11
Art. 13(b) ....................................................................... 17
Other Authorities
H. Con. Res. 172, 101st Cong. 1990 .................................. 11
H.R. Rep. No. 525, 100th Cong., 2d Session
1988, 1988 U.S.C.C.A.N. 386 .......................................... 16
Deborah K. Anderson & Daniel G. Saunders,
Leaving an Abusive Partner, 4 Trauma,
Violence, & Abuse 163 (2003) .........................................14
IV
Other Authorities—Continued
Page(s)
Carol S. Bruch, The Unmet Needs of Domestic
Violence Victims and Their Children in Hague
Child Abduction Convention Cases, 38 FAM.
L.Q. 529 (2004) ................................................................. 21
Sarah M. Buel, Fifty Obstacles to Leaving,
a.k.a., Why Abuse Victims Stay, 28 The
Colorado Lawyer 19 (1999) ............................................ 13
Geoffrey L. Greif & Rebecca L. Hegar, When
Parents Kidnap: The Families Behind the
Headlines (1992)............................................................. 5
Heather C. Forkey, Children Exposed to Abuse
and Neglect: The Effects of Trauma on the
Body and Brain, 30 J. Am. Acad. Matrimonial
L. 307 (2018) ................................................................. 9, 10
Brenda Hale, Taking Flight—Domestic
Violence and Child Abduction, 70 Current
Legal Problems 1 (2017) ........................................... 3, 7, 9
Hague Conference on Private International Law,
Domestic and Family Violence and the Article
13 “Grave Risk” Exception in the Operation of
the Hague Convention of 25 October 1980 on the
Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction:
A Reflection Paper (Preliminary Document No
9 of May 2011) .................................................................. 11
Hague International Child Abduction
Convention; Text and Legal Analysis, 51 Fed.
Reg. 10503 (1986) .............................................................. 4
Lynn Hecht Schafran, Evaluating the
Evaluators: Problems with “Outside
Neutrals,” 42 The Judges’ Journal 10 (2003) ................. 9
V
Other Authorities—Continued
Page(s)
Roxanne Hoegger, What If She Leaves?
Domestic Violence Cases Under the Hague
Convention and the Insufficiency of the
Undertakings Remedy, 18 Berkeley Women’s
L.J. 181 (2003).................................................................... 5
Miranda Kaye, The Hague Convention and the
Flight from Domestic Violence: How Women
& Children are Being Returned by Coach &
Four, 13 Int’l J.L., Pol’y & Fam. 191 (1999) ............. 6, 13
Carolyn A. Kubitschek, Failure of the Hague
Abduction Convention to Address Domestic
Violence and its Consequences, 9 J. Comp. L.
111 (2014).......................................................................... 10
Taryn Lindhorst & Jeffrey L. Edleson, Battered
Women, Their Children, and Int’l Law 109
(Northeastern Univ. Press 2012)..................................... 9
Lord Chancellor’s Dep’t, Child Abduction Unit,
Report on the Third Meeting of the Special
Commission to Discuss the Operation of the
Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of
International Child Abduction (1997)............................ 6
Martha R. Mahoney, Legal Images of Battered
Women: Redefining the Issue of Separation,
90 Mich. L. Rev. 1 (1991) .......................................... 13–14
Nigel Lowe & Victoria Stephens, A Statistical
Analysis of Applications Made in 2015 Under
the Hague Convention of 25 October 1980 on
the Civil Aspects of International Child
Abduction – Global Report (2018) ................................... 5
VI
Other Authorities—Continued
Page(s)
Elisa Pérez–Vera 1980 Conference de La Haye
de droit international prive, Enlévement
d’enfants, Elisa Pérez–Vera, Explanatory
Report (“Perez–Vera Report”) in 3 Actes et
Documents de la Quatorziéme Session (1982) .......... 4, 8
Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations Law
§ 325(1) (1987) .................................................................. 12
Sudha Shetty & Jeffrey L. Edleson, Adult
Domestic Violence in Cases of International
Parental Child Abduction, 11 Violence
Against Women 115 (2005) ............................................... 6
Kyle Simpson, Comment, What Constitutes A
“Grave Risk of Harm?”: Lowering the Hague
Child Abduction Convention’s Article 13(b)
Evidentiary Burden to Protect Domestic
Violence Victims, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 841
(2017) .......................................................................... 3–4, 9
Evan Stark & Anne H. Flitcraft, Women and
Children at Risk: A Feminist Perspective on
Child Abuse, 18 Int’l J. of Health Servs. (1988) ............. 9
Merle H. Weiner, Half-Truths, Mistakes, &
Embarrassments: The United States Goes to the
Fifth Meeting of the Special Commission to
Review the Operation of the Hague Convention
on the Civil Aspects of International Child
Abduction, 1 Utah L. Rev. 221 (2008) ......................... 6–7
Merle H. Weiner, International Child
Abduction and the Escape from Domestic
Violence, 69 Fordham L. Rev. 593 (2000) ....... 3, 8, 13, 18
VII
Other Authorities—Continued
Page(s)
Merle Weiner, The Potential and Challenges of
Transnational Litigation for Feminists
Concerned About Domestic Violence Here and
Abroad, 11 Am. U. J. of Gender, Soc. Pol’y, &
L. 749 (2003) ...................................................................... 6
World Health Org., Understanding and
Addressing Violence Against Women:
Intimate Partner Violence (2012) ................................. 14
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE
Amici are non-profit organizations with extensive experience providing services to and advocating for victims
of domestic violence in the United States and abroad.
Based on first-hand experience, amici are able to provide
valuable insight into the impact of the Court’s interpretation of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, Oct. 25, 1980, T.I.A.S. No.
11670 (“Hague Convention”) on parents and children who
are victims of domestic violence.
Amici are concerned that the Sixth Circuit’s decision
will have a lasting detrimental effect on parents and children escaping domestic violence. Amici therefore submit
this brief in support of Petitioner Monasky.1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
Determining a child’s “habitual residence” is often
critical in Hague Convention proceedings. Indeed, in
cases like this one, it can determine the outcome, because
the Hague Convention does not require repatriation of
children who have no habitual residence. In practical
terms, a child’s “habitual residence” is usually the place
where the child has become acclimated. But when a child
is too young to have become acclimated to any particular
location, the Circuits unanimously agree that the child’s
“habitual residence” should be determined by “shared parental intent”—that is, the location where the parents intended the child to live.
Amici affirm that no counsel for a party authored this brief
in whole or in part, and that no person other than the amici, its
members, or its counsel made a monetary contribution intended
to fund the brief’s preparation or submission. All parties were
timely notified and consented in writing to the filing of this
brief.
1
(1)
2
The Sixth Circuit claimed that it applied the “shared
parental intent” standard in this case. But it rejected
Monasky’s argument that a “meeting of the minds,” or an
actual agreement,2 between the parents was necessary to
determine shared parental intent. Pet. App. 12a–13a. As
a result, the Sixth Circuit affirmed the District Court’s habitual-residence determination, even though it was undisputed that Monasky “had a fixed subjective intent” to flee
Italy, and had “stated [her] desire to divorce” her abusive
husband “and return to the United States as soon as possible.” Id. at 79a, 92a, 93a, 94a, 97a. The District Court,
as affirmed by the Sixth Circuit, disregarded Monasky’s
subjective intent because—among other things—she had
established a “marital home” in Italy and “acquired items
necessary for [her child] to reside” there. Id. at 93a.
The Sixth Circuit’s holding places victims of domestic
violence at serious risk. Victims will often engage in subtle cognitive, emotional, and behavioral shifts before deciding to flee an abusive partner. These shifts could include, for example, communicating more often with their
family abroad or searching for job postings in their home
country—all while continuing to go to work and take care
of their partner. These sorts of shifts are inherently designed to go unnoticed, because victims do not want to signal their intention to their abusers in the interest of their
safety and that of their children. As a result, such changes
may seem inconsequential to a district judge months (or
years) after the fact. A battered parent’s observable behavior, in other words, does not always reflect actual intention.
The Sixth Circuit characterized this concept as a “subjective
agreement” standard. However, amici describe this concept of
shared intent as “actual agreement,” because it requires an actual—
i.e., realized—meeting of the minds.
2
3
The Sixth Circuit’s rule therefore increases the
chances that parents who flee domestic violence will be required to return children to abusive partners. It is beyond
dispute that domestic violence can impact children—even
if they are not direct recipients of the violence. The Sixth
Circuit’s approach therefore is directly at odds with the
purpose of the Hague Convention, which makes “the interests of children” an issue “of paramount importance in
matters relating to their custody.” Hague Convention,
preamble. This Court should vacate the decision below.
ARGUMENT
I.
Hague Convention Cases Now Commonly Involve
Caretaker Parents Fleeing Abusive Partners
A.
The Changing Nature of Child Removal
The dominant assumption at the time of the drafting
of the Hague Convention was that any removal was harmful to the child, and itself constituted a form of child abuse.
Merle H. Weiner, International Child Abduction and the
Escape from Domestic Violence, 69 Fordham L. Rev. 593,
601–05 (2000). The Hague Convention was therefore
drafted with a paradigmatic case of child removal in mind.
As Lady Hale, President of the Supreme Court of the
United Kingdom, explains, in this paradigm, a disappointed parent loses a custody dispute, and, “upset at the
breakdown of [his] marriage and the loss of easy day to
day contact with [his] children,” takes the children and
flees. Brenda Hale, Taking Flight—Domestic Violence
and Child Abduction, 70 Current Legal Problems 1, 4
(2017). That parent then attempts to “raise a fraudulent
custody claim in the new country of residence,” thereby
attempting “to legalize the abduction.” Kyle Simpson,
Comment, What Constitutes A “Grave Risk of Harm?”:
Lowering the Hague Child Abduction Convention’s Article 13(b) Evidentiary Burden to Protect Domestic Violence Victims, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 841, 847 (2017).
4
A contemporaneous report prepared by Elisa Pérez–
Vera3—considered to be the “official history” of the Convention, Hague International Child Abduction Convention; Text and Legal Analysis, 51 Fed. Reg. 10503
(1986)—emphasizes that the Hague Convention’s goal
was to remedy precisely these sorts of removals. According to the Perez–Vera Report, the specific “situations envisaged” by the Convention’s drafters “are those which
derive from the use of force”—i.e., a noncustodial parent
fleeing with a child to another country—“to establish artificial jurisdictional links on an international level, with a
view to obtaining custody of a child.” Perez–Vera Report,
¶ 11. These sorts of removals inherently harm a child, the
Report insists, because “the child is taken out of the family and social environment in which its life has developed.”
Id. ¶ 12. Thus, “it can firmly be stated that the problem
with which the Convention deals . . . derives all of its legal
importance from the possibility of individuals establishing
legal and jurisdictional links which are more or less artificial.” Id. ¶ 15.
The Hague Convention appears to have largely succeeded in deterring these kinds of removals; as noted below, the overall percentage of these “paradigmatic” abductions has decreased. Unfortunately, the Convention’s
success with respect to these “paradigmatic” abductions
has created serious obstacles for parents fleeing intimate
partner violence.
Today, many parents who remove their children are
fleeing domestic violence.4 Generally, in these cases, “the
1980 Conference de La Haye de droit international prive, Enlévement d’enfants, Elisa Pérez–Vera, Explanatory Report (“Perez–Vera Report”) in 3 Actes et Documents de la Quatorziéme Session (1982).
3
The word “abduction” or “abductor” can carry an unfair connotation of abuse. When the individual absconding with the child is
4
5
abuse begins before the transnational move,” and “the victim flees with her children . . . to escape the abuse.”
Roxanne Hoegger, What If She Leaves? Domestic Violence Cases Under the Hague Convention and the Insufficiency of the Undertakings Remedy, 18 Berkeley
Women’s L.J. 181, 187 (2003). “The batterer, left behind
in the country of habitual residence, then files a petition
under the Hague Convention requesting return of the
children to adjudicate the custody issues.” Id.
The fleeing parent in the vast majority of these cases
is the child’s primary caregiver. According to a statistical
analysis of applications made under the Hague Convention in 2015, “80% of taking persons . . . were the primary
or joint-primary carer of the children involved. This can
be compared with 72% in 2008 and 68% in 2003.” Nigel
Lowe & Victoria Stephens, A Statistical Analysis of
Applications Made in 2015 Under the Hague Convention
of 25 October 1980 on the Civil Aspects of International
Child Abduction – Global Report 8 (2018).
In other words, domestic violence has played an increasing role in Hague Convention cases in recent years.
The incidence of domestic violence in families in which a
child was later removed—over 50 percent—is “unusually
high” compared to the rate of domestic violence in the
general population, which is around 25 percent. Geoffrey
L. Greif & Rebecca L. Hegar, When Parents Kidnap: The
Families Behind the Headlines 30 (1992). Another study
found that approximately one-third of all published and
unpublished U.S. Hague Convention cases mentioned violence within the home. Sudha Shetty & Jeffrey L. Edleson, Adult Domestic Violence in Cases of International
Parental Child Abduction, 11 Violence Against Women
115, 120 (2005); see also Miranda Kaye, The Hague
fleeing abuse, the taking is perhaps more accurately described as a
“removal.” We will accordingly use this term throughout the brief.
6
Convention and the Flight from Domestic Violence: How
Women & Children are Being Returned by Coach &
Four, 13 Int’l J.L., Pol’y & Fam. 191, 193 (1999) (“[I]n at
least half of the instances of parental abduction [in the
United States], violence was a relevant presence in the
parental relationship.”). In fact, “seven of nine [Hague]
Convention cases that reached an appeals court in the last
half of 2000 involved an abducting mother who claimed
she was a victim of domestic violence.” Shetty & Edleson,
supra, at 120 (citing Merle Weiner, The Potential and
Challenges of Transnational Litigation for Feminists
Concerned About Domestic Violence Here and Abroad, 11
Am. U. J. of Gender, Soc. Pol’y, & L. 749 (2003)).
Hague Convention-contracting states have been
carefully tracking this shift. The final report of the Third
Meeting of the Special Commission on the Practical Operation of the 1980 Hague Child Abduction Convention
noted that “the majority of children . . . were taken away
from their country of habitual residence by their mothers,
who not infrequently alleged that they or the children had
suffered hardship and domestic violence at the hands of
the father.” Lord Chancellor’s Dep’t, Child Abduction
Unit, Report on the Third Meeting of the Special Commission to Discuss the Operation of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction 1 (1997). In a questionnaire preceding the Fifth
Meeting of the Special Commission, “country after country, including the United States, recognized that domestic
violence is frequently raised as an issue by the respondent
in Hague proceedings.” Merle H. Weiner, Half-Truths,
Mistakes, & Embarrassments: The United States Goes to
the Fifth Meeting of the Special Commission to Review
the Operation of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, 1 Utah L. Rev.
221, 223 n.5 (2008). In discussing domestic violence, participants raised concerns about the way the Convention
7
was “being used by abusive (usually male) parents to seek
the return of children and primary carers . . . and that the
Convention is moving away from what it was meant to deter.” Id. at 282 (citation omitted).
By the Sixth Meeting of the Special Commission in
2011, state participants had begun to consider domestic
violence an important factor in many Hague Convention
cases. See Hale, supra, at 10. The Special Commission
specifically “noted the higher profile and priority now being attached to domestic violence in a number of jurisdictions.” Id. Many contracting states expressed concern
that the operation of the Hague Convention was harming
parents fleeing domestic violence—so much so, in fact,
that “there was a very real risk that some countries would
pull out of the Convention altogether.” Hale, supra, at 11.
Lady Hale, herself a member of a working group created
to tackle the issue of domestic violence, concluded:
There was and remains a very real concern in some
states that their primary carer nationals were being
required to choose between returning with the child
to a situation where they would face a real risk of violence or abuse or refusing to return so that the child
would have to go alone to a new situation. In either
case there was a real risk of harm to the child.
Id.
B. The Convention’s Purpose of Protecting Children
is Often Best Served by Not Returning Them to
the Countries From Which They Were Taken
The Hague Convention was designed to protect “the
best interests of the child.” Perez–Vera Report at ¶ 25;
see also id. at ¶ 24 (explaining that the Hague Convention’s “philosophy” is that the “struggle” to remedy child
removals “must always be inspired by the desire to protect children and should be based upon an interpretation
of their true interests”). The Hague Convention’s goal is
8
not necessarily to reverse every removal, but rather to
remedy the “harms resulting from” a removal. Abbott v.
Abbott, 560 U.S. 1, 21 (2010) (emphasis added). In other
words, protecting a child from danger takes precedence
over returning her to her home country. See Perez-Vera
Report, at ¶ 29. Because a treaty’s text must be interpreted in light of the treaty’s object and purpose, see infra
Sec. II.A, this Court should interpret the phrase “habitual
residence” to best protect children from harm, including
by preventing children from being returned to abusive environments.
The alternative leads to often-devasting consequences. First, a return order in a domestic violence case
will force the fleeing parent (and victim) to make an impossible choice: she can either return with her child,
thereby again placing herself in danger, or she can separate from her child and cause irreparable trauma. Second, and most importantly, a return order will send the
child back to an abusive environment, which is inherently
harmful. In this way, “[t]he remedy of return uniquely
disadvantages” the abused parent, as “it reverses the accomplishment of the victim’s flight by returning the child”
to the abusive environment from which the victim fled.
Weiner, International Child Abduction, supra, at 634.
Returning a child to an abusive environment is seldom, if ever, in her best interests. As an initial matter, the
child may already be, or may become, subject to abuse.
Because domestic violence “is instrumental, directed at
subjugating, controlling and isolating,” when a victim of
domestic violence finally acquires independence from her
abuser, research demonstrates that the batterer can
“turn to abuse and subjugation of the children as a tactic
of . . . control.” Evan Stark & Anne H. Flitcraft, Women
and Children at Risk: A Feminist Perspective on Child
Abuse, 18 Int’l J. of Health Servs. 97–119 (1988) (emphasis
added).
9
Furthermore, it is beyond dispute that it is not in a
child’s best interest to live in an abusive environment,
even when the abuse is not specifically directed at the
child. See Hale, supra, at 7. Children exposed to frequent
domestic violence in the home demonstrate lower cognitive functioning, reduced resilience, and emotional and
mood disorders that are not significantly different from
children who were themselves physically abused. Taryn
Lindhorst & Jeffrey L. Edleson, Battered Women, Their
Children, and Int’l Law 109 (Northeastern Univ. Press
2012). These children “suffer increased physical and psychological illnesses that undermine their health, social
and emotional development, and interpersonal behaviors.” Lynn Hecht Schafran, Evaluating the Evaluators:
Problems with “Outside Neutrals,” 42 The Judges’ Journal 10, 13 (2003). Without adequate response from a caregiver, they may also experience frequent activation of
their physiologic stress response system. Heather C.
Forkey, Children Exposed to Abuse and Neglect: The Effects of Trauma on the Body and Brain, 30 J. Am. Acad.
Matrimonial L. 307, 311 (2018). Such “toxic stress” leads
to “alterations in neurodevelopment, gene translation,
and immune response, resulting in predictable behavioral,
learning, and health issues.” Id.
This analysis applies even if the child does not actually witness the domestic abuse. “Children are intuitive,
and they are aware of and impacted by such abuse when
they witness household tensions or a mother’s emotional
distress.” Simpson, supra, at 857.
Any brief removal of a child from an abusive environment is soon forgotten upon return. Fortunately, many
children who appear to have profound and clinically significant problems can rebound—quickly and dramatically—after experiencing even a relatively short period of
safety and security. Carolyn A. Kubitschek, Failure of
the Hague Abduction Convention to Address Domestic
10
Violence and its Consequences, 9 J. Comp. L. 111, 116
(2014). Such gains, however, are lost if the child is returned to the traumatic situation that prompted the
child’s removal in the first place. This is particularly true
when the return places the child’s primary caretaker back
in the control of her abuser. Indeed, returning a child to
an abusive situation “is rarely an appropriate judicial response to domestic violence,” even where the abuser has
not directly harmed the child. Id. at 115. A batterer may
be “severely controlling” and use a “harsh, rigid disciplinary style” “caus[ing] the reawakening of traumatic memories, setting back post-separation healing.” Id. at 115-16
(quotation omitted).
Both Congress and the Permanent Bureau of the
Hague Conference have recognized the severe trauma
that children undergo in abusive homes. Congress has declared that “spouse abuse is relevant to child abuse in
child custody disputes,” because “children are emotionally traumatized by witnessing physical abuse of a parent”
and may experience “actual and potential emotional . . .
harm [and] the negative effects of exposure to an inappropriate role model.” H. Con. Res. 172, 101st Cong. 1990.
For its part, the Permanent Bureau has concluded that
“there are correlations between a child’s exposure to domestic violence, whether direct or indirect, and contemporaneous childhood and later problems in adult life.”
Hague Conference on Private International Law,
Domestic and Family Violence and the Article 13 “Grave
Risk” Exception in the Operation of the Hague
Convention of 25 October 1980 on the Civil Aspects of
International Child Abduction: A Reflection Paper ¶ 22
(Preliminary Document No 9 of May 2011) (Permanent
Bureau 2011). This includes “higher rates of aggressive
and antisocial and fearful and inhibited behaviours among
children, lower social competence, and higher than
11
average rates of anxiety, depression, trauma symptoms
and temperament problems.” Id. (quotation omitted).
To accord with the Hague Convention’s purpose and
to protect the best interests of removed children, this
Court should interpret “habitual residence” in the way
that best protects them from their return to environments
rife with domestic violence and abuse.
II. The “Actual Agreement” Standard for “Habitual
Residence” Best Ensures That Children Will Not Be
Returned to Abusers
A.
The Term “Habitual Residence,” Like the Hague
Convention as a Whole, Must Be Interpreted in
Light of the Best Interests of the Child
A removal is “wrongful” under the Hague Convention
only if it was done “in breach of rights of custody . . . under the law of the State in which the child was habitually
resident.” Hague Convention, art. 3(a). If the removal
was not wrongful, a parent cannot seek the return of the
child under the Hague Convention or its implementing
legislation, see the International Child Abduction Remedies Act (“ICARA”), 22 U.S.C. § 9001, et seq., and any custody dispute will be decided by the courts of the removedto country. For this reason, “[h]abitual residence is the
central—often outcome-determinative—concept on which
the entire system [of Hague Convention rules] is
founded.” Mozes v. Mozes, 239 F.3d 1067, 1072 (9th Cir.
2001).
Neither the Hague Convention nor ICARA defines
“habitual residence.” As a result, it is imperative for this
Court to interpret the concept “in the light of [the Hague
Convention’s] object and purpose”—namely, the protection of children. See Restatement (Third) of Foreign Relations Law § 325(1) (1987); see also United States v. Stuart, 489 U.S. 353, 368 (1989) (“[A] treaty should generally
be construed . . . to give effect to the purpose which
12
animates it.” (internal quotation marks omitted) (citing
Bacardi Corp. of America v. Domenech, 311 U.S. 150, 163
(1940)).
B. An “Actual Agreement” Standard for “Habitual
Residence” Places the Proper Amount of
Emphasis on the Subjective Mental State of the
Fleeing Parent
In this case, the Sixth Circuit affirmed the District
Court’s habitual-residence finding even though it was undisputed that Monasky had a “stated desire” to flee Italy
“as soon as possible,” Pet. App. 93a–94a. The Sixth Circuit held that the record was actually “two-sided” on the
question of Monasky’s intent, because Monasky had “set
up routine checkups for [her child] in Italy” and, together
with her husband, “purchased several items necessary for
raising [her child] in Italy,” including a stroller and a bassinet. Id. at 10a–11a.
The assumption underlying the Sixth Circuit’s decision is that a person’s public-facing actions presumptively,
perhaps conclusively, indicate speak for the motivations
behind them. For victims of domestic violence, however,
that holding could not be more wrong—or more dangerous.
In many cases, observable actions can be used to determine a person’s motivations and to support a finding of
shared intent. However, in cases involving domestic violence, the fleeing parent’s observable actions often run
counter to her actual intent—and deliberately so. District
courts should not be hamstrung by a purportedly “objective” standard that elevates observable behavior over
common sense in circumstances in which an abuse victim
would have sound reasons to act in ways that disguise, rather than reveal, her true intentions.
Indeed, victims of domestic violence are unlikely to
ever overtly show that they plan to leave their abuser. Research and amici’s combined decades of experience make
13
clear that the most dangerous time for an abuse victim is
when she leaves. See, e.g., Weiner, International Child
Abduction, supra, at 626. Victims are often “most vulnerable to stalking, assault, abuse, and homicide” at the
moment that they leave their partners. Kaye, supra, at
193. Indeed, battered women are 75 percent more likely
to be murdered when they try to flee. Sarah M. Buel,
Fifty Obstacles to Leaving, a.k.a., Why Abuse Victims
Stay, 28 The Colorado Lawyer 19, 19 (1999). Individuals
who plan to leave the web of control of their abusers need
to be especially careful imminently before they leave because it is precisely “[a]t the moment of separation or attempted separation” that “the batterer’s quest for control
often becomes most acutely violent and potentially lethal.” Martha R. Mahoney, Legal Images of Battered
Women: Redefining the Issue of Separation, 90 Mich. L.
Rev. 1, 5–6 (1991).
As a result, while a victim may seek out social support, make safety plans, or set limits on the relationship,
these are subtle shifts that “[a]re not always visible to the
casual observer.” Deborah K. Anderson & Daniel G.
Saunders, Leaving an Abusive Partner, 4 Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 163, 176 (2003). Abuse victims often need
their abuser to believe that they will stay under their
abuser’s power and control—and in the country—to ensure their safety and the safety of their children. Indeed,
many women stay with partners who batter them while
preparing to leave surreptitiously. As the World Health
Organization has noted, “most abused women are not
passive victims;” and “what might be interpreted” later by
a judge as a mother’s “inaction may in fact be the result of
a calculated assessment about how to protect herself and
her children.” World Health Org., Understanding and
Addressing Violence Against Women: Intimate Partner
Violence 3 (2012).
14
If a victim’s plan is uncovered before the victim is
ready to leave, she may never have the chance to seek
safety. This is why amici and other domestic violence service providers work closely with clients considering leaving their abusers to create safety plans to help victims and
their children leave quietly and confidentially. It is also
why, in cases involving domestic violence, what are often
characterized as objective indicia of intent to reside in a
country indefinitely (such as enrolling a child in school)
are such poor indicators of actual intent. On the surface,
life must go on until all measures are in place to ensure a
domestic violence victim’s best possible chance of leaving
her abuser safely.
Amici therefore support the adoption of an “actual
agreement” standard for determining the habitual residence of children too young to have acclimated to any one
country. Even when an abuse victim acts in a manner that
would appear to evince an intent to stay with her abuser,
she still retains the thought of fleeing the moment the opportunity arises. The “actual agreement” standard would
therefore allow parents to explain their intentions in staying, their fear of their batterers, and their concerns for
their own and their child’s safety. Such evidence would
better reveal the actual intent of the parent and should
thus be an essential element of the analysis of “shared parental intent” in such cases.
C.
The “Actual Agreement” Standard Provides
American Courts With Greater Discretion to
Make Repatriation Decisions.
The Sixth Circuit rejected the “actual agreement”
standard on the grounds that it may lead to findings of “no
habitual residence for children, leaving the population
most vulnerable to [removal] the least protected.” Pet.
App. 13a (emphasis added). But as the principal dissent
correctly recognized in this case, the “assumption that
every child must have” a habitual residence is a “faulty”
15
one. Id. at 30a. “[I]f an attachment to a State does not
exist, it should hardly be invented.” In re A.L.C., 607 F.
App’x 658, 662 (9th Cir. 2015) (quotation omitted). Moreover, this notion does not accurately reflect the reality of
Hague Convention cases today. See supra Sec. I.A.
An “actual agreement” standard would actually increase protections for children. The standard would provide American courts with more discretion to evaluate the
dynamics between parents based on their demeanor in the
neutral environment of the courtroom—rather than
based on their outward behavior in an environment where
the removing parent was forced to obscure her intentions.
Such a standard therefore reduces the likelihood that domestic violence cases will end in the return of a child to an
abuser. That result is in line with the purpose of the Convention: to protect the best interests of the child.
Considering whether parents actually had a “meeting of the minds” when determining a child’s habitual residence in cases involving domestic abuse may make a
court’s fact-finding more difficult, but it better reflects
these situations’ reality. More importantly, this analysis
better positions the court to protect a child’s safety. As a
practical matter, it may in some cases increase the likelihood that a child has no habitual residence. However,
such a finding does not end the inquiry; it simply means
that custody will be adjudicated by the jurisdiction to
which the child was removed.
D. The “Actual Agreement” Standard Is in Line
With International Consensus
In enacting ICARA, Congress recognized “the need
for uniform international interpretation of the Convention.” 22 U.S.C. § 9001(b)(3)(B). The U.S. Department of
State similarly expressed a desire that ICARA would “ensure greater uniformity in the Convention’s implementation and interpretation.” H.R. Rep. No. 525, 100th Cong.,
2d Session 1988, 1988 U.S.C.C.A.N. 386, 399.
16
Accordingly, this Court has long held that “[a] uniform, text-based approach ensures international consistency in interpreting the [Hague] Convention,” Abbott,
560 U.S. at 12. Uniformity helps “deter[] child abductions
by parents who attempt to find a friendlier forum for deciding custodial disputes.” Id. at 20. To further the
Hague Convention’s goal of deterring forum shopping,
then, “it is necessary, as much as reasonably possible, to
ensure that the response given by the courts in all [Contracting States] to an individual abduction will be the
same.” Br. for Perm. Bureau of the Hague Conference on
Private Int’l Law as Amici Curiae Supporting Petitioner
at 9, Abbott v. Abbott, 560 U.S. 1 (2010) (No. 08-645).
Courts in the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada,
and Hong Kong have held or recognized that the settled
or shared intent of the child’s parents to reside in a particular state for an appreciable period of time is a critical
factor in determining the child’s habitual residence. E.g.,
Dep’t of Family and Cmty. Servs. v. Kayasinghe [2018]
FamCA 697 (Austl.); Kong v. Song, 2018 BCSC 1691
(Can.); MJB v. CWC, [2018] HKEC 1741 (C.F.I.) (H.K.);
Re D. (A Child) (Jurisdiction: Habitual Residence) 2016
EWHC 1689 (Fam) (U.K.). Here, by contrast, the Sixth
Circuit en banc affirmed the District Court’s holding that
Monasky’s subjective intent to flee Italy was not dispositive. See Pet. App. 12a–13a. Vacating the Sixth Circuit’s
decision is therefore necessary to ensure the “uniform”
application of the Hague Convention internationally. Abbott, 560 U.S. at 12.
E. The Convention’s “Grave Risk” Exception Is Not
Sufficient to Prevent the Return of Children to
Abusive Parents
Article 13(b) of the Hague Convention states that the
return of a child is not required if the parent opposing return establishes that “there is a grave risk that [the
child’s] return would expose the child to physical or
17
psychological harm.” Hague Convention, art. 13(b). Under U.S. law, the parent opposing return must establish a
“grave risk” by “clear and convincing evidence.” 22
U.S.C. § 9003(e)(2)(A).
Courts routinely construe the “grave risk” standard
narrowly, which renders it inapplicable in many circumstances where return would place a child in a volatile and
dangerous environment. See, e.g., Souratgar v. Lee, 720
F.3d 96, 103 (2d Cir. 2013); Soto v. Contreras, 880 F.3d
706, 712–713 (5th Cir. 2018); Baxter v. Baxter, 423 F.3d
363, 373–374 (3d Cir. 2005). Indeed, “[f]indings of grave
risk are rare.” Soto, 880 F.3d at 710 (5th Cir. 2018) (citing
Delgado v. Osuna, No. 4:15-CV-00360-CAN, 2015 WL
5095231, at *13 (E.D. Tex. Aug. 28, 2015), aff'd, 837 F.3d
571 (5th Cir. 2016)).
In many cases—such as the one at issue here—courts
disregard domestic violence as evidence that a child will
be in danger upon return, because the abuse in question
was not specifically directed at the child. Similarly, courts
have discounted the notion that an abusive partner may
be an abusive parent. See, e.g., Belay v. Getachew, 272 F.
Supp. 2d 553, 560 (D. Md. 2003) (finding the “grave risk”
exception inapplicable because, “to the extent that any
abuse did occur, it is evident that it will never occur again”
because the parents had since divorced). Some courts
have even read this exception to mean that “the court is
not to make a determination of the child’s best interest.”
March v. Levine, 136 F. Supp. 2d 831, 843–44 (M.D. Tenn.
2000) (emphasis added). Commentators have therefore
long considered the grave risk exception “insufficient” to
protect victims of domestic violence and their children.
Weiner, International Child Abduction, supra, at 704.
The District Court’s decision in this case is particularly illustrative. The District Court specifically found
that Taglieri physically and verbally abused Monasky on
numerous occasions. Pet. App. 105a. The Court
18
nonetheless declined to apply the “grave risk” exception
on the grounds that Taglieri “was [n]ever physically violent towards [their child].” Id. (emphasis added). The
District Court’s holding, however, minimizes the fact that
a child can become a victim of domestic abuse once the
previously abused parent is out of the picture, and can suffer severe psychological harm from simply being raised in
an abusive home. See supra Sec. I.B.
Numerous courts have unfortunately echoed the District Court’s refusal to invoke the “grave risk” exception
in the face of blatant and horrific evidence of abuse:
The First Circuit found that there was no “grave
risk” of harm in a case where the fleeing spouse
“described incidents of brutality that . . . paint a
disturbing portrait of a physically, sexually, and
emotionally abusive and controlling husband”—
allegations that “were not to be taken lightly.”
Mauvais v. Herisse, 772 F.3d 6, 18 (1st Cir. 2014).
The Western District of Kentucky found that
there was no “grave risk” of harm in a case where
a husband had raped his wife on three separate
occasions and pushed her twice while she was
holding their child. He had countered his wife’s
allegations by pointing to a lack of photographic
evidence documenting the abuse “aside from several photographs showing light, minor bruising”
on both the mother and child. Pliego v. Hayes, 86
F. Supp. 3d 678, 699–703 (W.D. Ky. 2015).
The District of Massachusetts found that there
was no “grave risk” of harm in a case where a clinical psychologist had expressly determined that
the children had been “frequently exposed to situations that put them at serious risk for current
and future psychological harm.” McManus v.
McManus, 354 F. Supp. 2d 62, 69 (D. Mass. 2005)
(quotation omitted). The court held that a
19
“serious risk” of harm did not rise to the level of a
“grave risk” of harm. Id. at 70 (emphasis added).
The District of Maryland found that there was no
“grave risk” of harm in a case where the abused
spouse needed to visit a shelter for battered
women and testified that her daughter “had to
bear witness to the marital abuse” firsthand. Belay v. Getachew, 272 F. Supp. 2d 553, 556 (D. Md.
2003).
The Northern District of Illinois found that there
was no “grave risk” of harm in a case where the
abusive spouse had “slapped [the fleeing parent]
at least three times, hit her on the head with his
fist at least twice, grabbed at her waist and threw
her down at least once, allegedly choked her
briefly, and hit her in the face with his arm.”
Tabacchi v. Harrison, No. 99 C 4130, 2000 WL
190576, at *12 (N.D. Ill. Feb. 10, 2000).
The Supreme Court of Kansas found that there
was no “grave risk” of harm in a case where the
abusive spouse attacked the fleeing spouse in
front of the children—pulling her hair and kicking
her—and struck the children with a belt during
meals. Dalmasso v. Dalmasso, 269 Kan. 752, 761,
9 P.3d 551, 558 (2000).
The Court of Appeals of Kentucky found that
there was no “grave risk” of harm in a case where
the abusive spouse once “went into a violent rage,
destroyed items in the house, and pushed [the
children] to the floor,” and “on one occasion . . .
pulled [his child’s] hair so violently during a quarrel that she was hospitalized with severe neck injuries.”
Janakakis-Kostun v. Janakakis, 6
S.W.3d 843, 850 (Ky. Ct. App. 1999).
20
In short, “the courts’ appropriate concern that the
[“grave risk” exception] not be permitted to swallow the
return rule has . . . developed into an improper disregard
for the Convention’s intended protections against danger.” Carol S. Bruch, The Unmet Needs of Domestic Violence Victims and Their Children in Hague Child Abduction Convention Cases, 38 FAM. L.Q. 529, 535 (2004).
The exception, standing alone, fails to sufficiently safeguard children from being returned to abusive homes.
For this reason, “habitual residence” must be interpreted
in a manner to prevent these sorts of returns.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, amici urge the Court to
vacate the decision below.
Respectfully submitted.
MICHAEL A.F. JOHNSON
Counsel of Record
DIRK C. PHILLIPS
KATELYN A. HORNE
AVISHAI D. DON
SHIRA V. ANDERSON
ARNOLD & PORTER
KAYE SCHOLER LLP
601 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20001
(202) 942-5000
michael.johnson@arnoldporter.com
AUGUST 2019
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.