Amicus Curiae Brief — Robert A. Rucho, et al., Appellants v. Common Cause, et al.
Supreme Court briefJan 16, 2018
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No. 17A745
In the
Supreme Court of the United
States
ROBERT RUCHO, ET AL.,
Applicants,
v.
COMMON CAUSE, ET AL.,
Respondents.
On Emergency Application for Stay of Order
Invalidating Congressional Districts Pending Appeal to the
Supreme Court of The United States
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE AMICUS BRIEF, MOTION
FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF ON 8 1/2 BY 11 INCH PAPER,
AMICUS BRIEF FOR PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE
PENNSYLVANIA SENATE, SENATOR JOSEPH SCARNATI AS
AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF APPLICANTS
To the Honorable John G. Roberts, Jr.
Chief Justice of the United States and
Circuit Justice for the Fourth Circuit
Jason Torchinsky
*Counsel of Record
Shawn Sheehy
HOLTZMAN VOGEL JOSEFIAK
TORCHINSKY PLLC
45 North Hill Drive, Suite 100
Warrenton, Virginia 20186
Phone: (540) 341-8808
Fax: (540) 341-8809
Email: jt@hvjt.law
Ssheehy@hvjt.law
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
Brian S. Paszamant
Jason A. Snyderman
John P. Wixted
BLANK ROME LLP
One Logan Square
130 N. 18th Street
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19103
Phone: (215) 569-5791
Fax: (215) 569-5555
Email: Paszamant@blankrome.com
Snyderman@blankrome.com
JWixted@blankrome.com
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES .......................................................................................... ii
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE AN AMICUS BRIEF ...............................................1
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF ON 8 ½ BY 11 INCH PAPER .....................4
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ................................................................................5
ARGUMENT ...................................................................................................................7
I.
THE COURT HAS NOT OFFERED A CLEAR, JUDICIALLY
MANAGEABLE STANDARD TO EVALUATE PARTISAN
GERRYMANDERING CLAIMS............................................................................7
II.
THE RAPID DESTABILIZATION OF PARTISAN
GERRYMANDERING JURISPRUDENCE ..........................................................9
III. IN THE ABSENCE OF CLEAR GUIDANCE, LOWER COURTS
WILL CREATE AND IMPOSE MULTIPLE, CONFLICTING
TESTS TO EVALUATE PARTISAN GERRYMANDERING
CLAIMS................................................................................................................ 12
IV. DENIAL OF A STAY PREJUDICES OTHER STATES,
LEGISLATORS AND VOTERS .......................................................................... 15
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 17
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE ..................................................................................... 19
i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Agre v. Wolf, No. 17-cv-04392 (E.D. Pa. Jan. 10, 2018) (ECF 210-213) ........... 5, 10, 16
Ala. Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, No. 12-691, 12-1081, 2017
U.S. Dist. LEXIS 168741 (M.D. Ala. Oct. 12, 2017) ........................................... 10
Ala. Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, 988 F. Supp. 2d 1285 (M.D.
Ala. 2013) ...............................................................................................................8
Benisek v. Lamone, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 136208 (D. Md. Aug. 24,
2017) .............................................................................................................6, 9, 10
Common Cause v. Rucho, No. 16-1026, 16-1164, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS
145590 (M.D.N.C. Sept. 8, 2017) ................................................................. passim
Cooper v. Harris, 137 S. Ct. 1455 (2017) ............................................................... 12, 13
Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U.S. 109 (1986) ....................................................... 7, 8, 15, 16
Diamond v. Torres, No. 17-5054 (E.D. Pa. Nov. 9, 2017) ........................................ 6, 11
Erfer v. Commonwealth, 794 A.2d 325 (Pa. 2002) ...................................................... 16
Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735 (1973) ............................................................. 7, 12
Ga. State Conference of the NAACP v. Brian Kemp, No. 17-1427 (N.D.
Ga. April 24, 2017) ............................................................................................... 10
Gill v. Whitford, 137 S. Ct. 2268 (2017) ................................................................ 2, 6, 9
Growe v. Emison, 507 U.S. 25 (1993).............................................................................7
League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399 (2006) .............................8
League of Women Voters v. Commonwealth, No. 159 MM 2017 (Pa.
Jan. 17, 2018) ................................................................................................... 5, 11
League of Women Voters of Mich. v. Johnson, 17-14148 (E.D. Mich.
Dec. 22, 2017) ....................................................................................................... 10
Pope v. Blue, 809 F. Supp. 392 (W.D.N.C. 1992) ......................................................... 14
ii
Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006) ......................................................................... 17
Raleigh Wake Citizens Ass'n v. Wake Cnty. Bd. of Elections, 827 F.3d
333 (4th Cir. 2016) .................................................................................................8
Republican Party of North Carolina v. Martin, 980 F.2d 943 (4th Cir.
1992) .....................................................................................................................14
Shapiro v. McManus, 203 F. Supp. 3d 579, 594 (D. Md. 2016) ....................................8
Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993) .............................................................................. 13
Texas Democratic Party v. Abbot,
No. 17-680 (U.S. Nov. 6, 2017). …………………………………… ........................ 11
Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267 (2004) .......................................................... 7, 8, 12, 15
Washington v. Finlay, 664 F.2d 913 (4th Cir. 1981) ................................................... 14
Whitford v. Gill, 218 F. Supp. 3d 837 (W.D. Wis. 2016) ..................................... passim
CONSTITUTION
U.S. Const. art. I, § 4 ......................................................................................................7
iii
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE AN AMICUS BRIEF
Following the decision of a divided three-judge panel of the U.S.
District Court for the Western District of Wisconsin in Whitford v. Gill, 218
F. Supp. 3d 837 (W.D. Wis. 2016), which dramatically upset at least 30 years
of this Court’s precedent regarding partisan gerrymandering claims, a
number of other plaintiffs, including the ones here, filed a flurry of similar
challenges to state and congressional district maps across this country in the
hope of affecting the 2018 congressional elections. This is the case in
Pennsylvania.
Currently
pending
are
three
separate
legal
challenges
to
Pennsylvania’s congressional districts: one before the Supreme Court of
Pennsylvania; one before the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of
Pennsylvania; and the third to arrive shortly before this Court.1
Amicus Curiae, Senator Scarnati is a defendant in all three of these
pending cases. Additionally, as the leader of the Pennsylvania Senate,
Senator Scarnati would be directly involved in drafting new redistricting
1 In Agre v. Wolf, No. 17-04392, slip op. (E.D. Pa. Jan. 10, 2018) (three-judge
court) (ECF 210-213), a divided three-judge court ruled against the plaintiffs,
rejecting their partisan gerrymandering claims and awarding judgment to
defendants, including defendant Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III (“Senator
Scarnati”), the President Pro Tempore of the Pennsylvania Senate. Plaintiffs
have indicated they will file a jurisdictional statement to this Court in the
near future. Senator Scarnati, along with his co-defendant, Michael C.
Turzai, Speaker of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives will also file a
jurisdictional statement challenging the three-judge panel’s legislative
privilege ruling.
1
legislation, should any of these three cases result in the invalidation of
Pennsylvania’s congressional map.
The substantial legal uncertainty created by numerous, conflicting
lower court decisions and the temporary absence of clear guidance from this
Court have prejudiced Senator Scarnati as a defendant—to defend himself
and the work of the Pennsylvania legislature based on a known, clear, and
fixed standard, and may seriously prejudice Senator Scarnati as a
legislator—in his ability to draft congressional redistricting legislation based
on a known, clear, and fixed standard. Moreover, the timing of these
challenges, facilitated by lower courts’ disregard of the import of this Court’s
stay in Gill v. Whitford, 137 S. Ct. 2289 (2017), places at risk the orderly
administration
of
the
impending
2018
congressional
elections
in
Pennsylvania as well as in other states.
Accordingly, Senator Scarnati respectfully requests leave to file this
amicus brief to articulate to the Court the importance, to other litigants and
lawmakers across this country, of granting the Applicants’ stay application.
Granting this stay while this Court addresses the partisan gerrymandering
cases that are already pending before it will foster stability in the uncertain
legal landscape by sending a clear message to lower courts that they should
stay their hands while they await this Court’s valuable guidance. This
stability will permit Senator Scarnati to appropriately defend himself in state
and federal court against a standard that is known, clear, and fixed.
2
Additionally, in the event that a Pennsylvania court orders congressional
districts redrawn, Senator Scarnati will be able to properly exercise his
constitutionally vested role in drafting redistricting legislation.
Senator Scarnati therefore moves this Court for leave to file an amicus
brief in support of the Emergency Application for Stay.
Respectfully submitted on this 16th day in January, 2018.
_____________________
Jason Torchinsky
*Counsel of Record
Shawn Sheehy
HOLTZMAN VOGEL JOSEFIAK
TORCHINSKY PLLC
45 North Hill Drive, Suite 100
Warrenton, Virginia 20186
Phone: (540) 341-8808
Fax: (540) 341-8809
Email: jt@hvjt.law
Ssheehy@hvjt.law
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
/s/ Brian S. Paszamant
Brian S. Paszamant
Jason A. Snyderman
John P. Wixted
BLANK ROME LLP
One Logan Square
130 N. 18th Street
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19103
Phone: (215) 569-5791
Fax: (215) 569-5555
Email: Paszamant@blankrome.com
Snyderman@blankrome.com
JWixted@blankrome.com
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
3
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF ON 8 ½ BY 11 INCH PAPER
The
North
Carolina
legislature’s
deadline
for
redrawing
its
congressional districts, January 24, 2018, is imminent. See Common Cause v.
Rucho, Nos. 16-1026, 16-1164, slip op. at 189 (M.D.N.C. Jan. 9, 2018) (threejudge court). Recognizing this, this Court has expedited briefing and ordered
plaintiffs to respond to Applicants’ Emergency Application for Stay by
Wednesday, January 17, 2018. Because of the urgency and importance of this
matter, Senator Scarnati moves this Court for permission to file this short
brief on 8 ½ by 11 inch paper.
Respectfully submitted on this 16th day in January, 2018.
_____________________
Jason Torchinsky
*Counsel of Record
Shawn Sheehy
HOLTZMAN VOGEL JOSEFIAK
TORCHINSKY PLLC
45 North Hill Drive, Suite 100
Warrenton, Virginia 20186
Phone: (540) 341-8808
Fax: (540) 341-8809
Email: jt@hvjt.law
Ssheehy@hvjt.law
/s/ Brian S. Paszamant
Brian S. Paszamant
Jason A. Snyderman
John P. Wixted
BLANK ROME LLP
One Logan Square
130 N. 18th Street
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19103
Phone: (215) 569-5791
Fax: (215) 569-5555
Email: Paszamant@blankrome.com
Snyderman@blankrome.com
JWixted@blankrome.com
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
4
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE2
Amicus curiae, Senator Joseph Scarnati, III (“Senator Scarnati”), in his
official capacity as President Pro-Tempore of the Pennsylvania Senate, is a
defendant in three separate partisan gerrymandering lawsuits aimed at
invalidating Pennsylvania’s congressional districting plan before the 2018
elections. One is pending before the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, League
of Women Voters v. Commonwealth, No. 159 MM 2017 (Pa. Jan. 17, 2018)
(oral argument scheduled). Another before a three-judge panel of the U.S.
District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania just ended with
judgment in favor of the defendants. See Agre v. Wolf, No. 17-cv-04392, slip
op. (E.D. Pa. Jan. 10, 2018) (ECF 210-213). Both plaintiffs, and Senator
Scarnati and his co-defendant, Michael C. Turzai, in his official capacity as
the Speaker of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives (collectively,
“legislative defendants”), in that case have indicated publicly that they will
appeal the judgment with respect legislative privilege rulings issued by the
E.D. Pa to this Court. A third is pending before another three-judge panel of
the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. See Diamond
2 No
counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part, and no
counsel or party made a monetary contribution intended to fund the
preparation or submission of this brief. No person other than amicus curiae
made a monetary contribution to its preparation or submission. On January
14, 2018, undersigned counsel sought consent of the parties for the filing of
this brief. Later on that same day, Counsel for the Applicants granted
consent. On January 15, 2018, Counsel to Plaintiffs/Appellees also consented
to the filing of this amicus brief. On January 16, 2018, counsel to the State of
North Carolina provided blanket consent to the filing of amicus briefs.
5
v. Torres, No. 17-cv-5054 (E.D. Pa. Nov. 22, 2017) (First Amended Complaint
filed) (ECF 42).
Further, should any of these three cases result in the invalidation of
Pennsylvania’s congressional map, Senator Scarnati, as leader of the
Pennsylvania Senate would be directly involved in drafting and enacting new
redistricting legislation at breakneck speed before February 13, 2018, when
Pennsylvania begins circulating nominating petitions for congressional
candidates.
The substantial legal uncertainty caused by numerous, conflicting
lower court decisions and temporary lack of guidance from this Court
concerning the appropriate standard to evaluate partisan gerrymandering
claims (if any) harms Senator Scarnati, as a defendant in these actions, by
forcing him to defend himself and Pennsylvania’s congressional districting
legislation without a known, clear, and fixed standard. The roiling legal
landscape also make it impossible for Senator Scarnati and the rest of the
Pennsylvania General Assembly to know what is and what is not permissible
in any court-ordered redrawing of the map should that become necessary.
Senator Scarnati urges this Court to stay the three-judge court’s ruling
in the instant case to allow this Court to consider and issue rulings in Gill v.
Whitford (No. 16-1161) and Benisek v. Lamone (No. 17-333), and thereby offer
lower courts definitive and uniform guidance. A stay pending appeal will
send a strong and clear message to lower courts to defer any unguided
6
experimentation that threatens to create a patchwork of conflicting legal
regimes and throw into chaos the 2018 congressional elections across the
country. A stay pending appeal will also foster stability for defenders of the
Pennsylvania congressional districting plan, Pennsylvania legislators, and
most importantly, Pennsylvania voters during the 2018 congressional
election season.
ARGUMENT
I.
THE COURT HAS NOT OFFERED A CLEAR,
JUDICIALLY MANAGEABLE STANDARD TO EVALUATE
PARTISAN GERRYMANDERING CLAIMS
The Constitution vests the various state legislatures with the primary
responsibility for drawing congressional districts, see U.S. Const. art. I, § 4,
and this Court has repeatedly confirmed the primary role state legislatures
play in drawing congressional districts. See, e.g., Growe v. Emison, 507 U.S.
25, 34 (1993). Because the Constitution vests a political branch of
government with the primary responsibility of drawing districts, the Court
has recognized that politics inevitably plays a role in the crafting of districts.
See, e.g., Gaffney v. Cummings, 412 U.S. 735, 753 (1973); Vieth v. Jubelirer,
541 U.S. 267, 285 (2004) (plurality op.); id. at 307 (Kennedy, J., concurring);
id. at 358, 360 (Breyer, J., dissenting).
Consequently, this Court has struggled to ascertain a judiciallymanageable standard to evaluate when partisan gerrymandering claims
violate the Constitution; from the four separate opinions in Davis v.
Bandemer, 478 U.S. 109 (1986), to the five separate opinions in Vieth, 541
7
U.S. 267, to the six separate opinions in League of United Latin Am. Citizens
v. Perry (“LULAC”), 548 U.S. 399, 514 (2006), this Court has produced 15
separate opinions, none of which produced a judicially manageable rule or
standard to determine if and when an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander
has occurred.
This Court’s struggle with this difficult question over the past three
decades led district courts to the prevailing wisdom that partisan
gerrymandering claims are, at best, justiciable in theory, but may be futile in
fact given the absence of any coherent standard. See, e.g., Raleigh Wake
Citizens Ass'n v. Wake Cnty. Bd. of Elections, 827 F.3d 333, 348 (4th Cir.
2016) (“We recognize that the Supreme Court has not yet clarified when
exactly partisan considerations cross the line from legitimate to unlawful.”);
Shapiro v. McManus, 203 F. Supp. 3d 579, 594 (D. Md. 2016) (three-judge
court) (“Taken together, the combined effect of Bandemer, Vieth, and LULAC
is that, while political gerrymandering claims premised on the Equal
Protection Clause remain justiciable in theory, it is presently unclear
whether an adequate standard to assess such claims will emerge.”); Ala.
Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, 988 F. Supp. 2d 1285, 1296 (M.D. Ala.
2013) (“The Black Caucus plaintiffs conceded at the hearing on the pending
motions that the standard of adjudication for their claim of partisan
gerrymandering is ‘unknowable.’”) (three-judge court).
That prevailing wisdom persisted until November 2016.
8
II.
THE
RAPID
DESTABILIZATION
OF
GERRYMANDERING JURISPRUDENCE
PARTISAN
In November of 2016, a divided three-judge panel of the U.S. District
Court for the Western District of Wisconsin unsettled this long line of
precedent by becoming the first court in 30 years to rule that a legislature
violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause with an
alleged partisan gerrymander. See Whitford v. Gill, 218 F. Supp. 3d 837
(W.D. Wis. 2016) (three-judge court) (“Whitford”). This Court, however, issued
a stay pending appeal. Gill v. Whitford, 137 S. Ct. 2289 (2017). In noting
probable jurisdiction, this Court also indicated that it was postponing
jurisdictional questions to the merits. See Gill v. Whitford, 137 S. Ct. 2268
(2017).
Since this Court issued the stay in Whitford, however, various district
courts have treated the Whitford decision and this Court’s stay order in
disparate manners, sowing confusion. Whereas some courts have properly
read this Court’s stay order to tread carefully, others have brushed it aside
and bolted headlong into reevaluating their own state’s congressional
districts in advance of the 2018 elections.
First, a divided three-judge court in Maryland issued a stay and denied
a preliminary injunction in light of this Court’s order in Gill. See No. 13-3233,
Benisek v. Lamone, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 136208 (D. Md. Aug. 24, 2017)
(three-judge court). The court issued the stay because “the [U.S. Supreme]
Court's analysis [in Gill v. Whitford] undoubtedly will shed light on critical
9
questions in this case, and the parties and the panel will be best served by
awaiting that guidance.” Id. at *36.
Then, on September 8, 2017, the United States District Court for the
Middle District of North Carolina denied a stay in the instant action and
ordered a trial in October. See Common Cause v. Rucho, Nos. 16-1026 and 161164 (M.D.N.C. Sept. 8, 2017) (three-judge court) (ECF 87).
In Pennsylvania, a few weeks later on October 10, 2017, the United
States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania ordered an
expedited proceeding that resulted in a four-day trial less than sixty days
after the Complaint was filed in Agre v. Wolf. No. 17-cv-04392 (E.D. Pa.
Oct. 10, 2017) (ECF 20) (scheduling trial for the week of December 4, 2017).
The court specifically set this schedule to permit the ordering of relief in time
for the 2018 Pennsylvania congressional elections.
Two days after that, a three-judge panel in Alabama dismissed a
partisan gerrymandering claim after concluding that the plaintiffs failed to
identify a standard to evaluate their partisan gerrymandering claims. See
Ala. Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, No. 12-691, 12-1081, 2017 U.S.
Dist. LEXIS 168741, *22-23, (M.D. Ala. Oct. 12, 2017) (three-judge court).
Similar cases are also pending in Georgia, Ga. State Conference of the
NAACP v. Brian Kemp, No. 17-1427 (N.D. Ga. April 24, 2017) (Complaint
filed) (ECF 1), and in Michigan, League of Women Voters of Mich. v. Johnson,
17-14148 (E.D. Mich. Dec. 22, 2017) (three-judge court) (Complaint filed)
10
(ECF 1) (challenging congressional and state legislative districts). In fact,
since Whitford’s divided decision in November of 2016, at least nine partisan
gerrymandering claims have been or are being pursued across six states.3
Indeed, since the Whitford decision, a total of 46 congressional districts, or
11% of the total, are being challenged as unconstitutional partisan
gerrymanders.4
The rapid multiplication of partisan gerrymandering claims has placed
partisan gerrymandering jurisprudence into a state of flux. But what is
troubling is not the sheer number of these claims, but that, in the absence of
clear guidance from this Court, lower courts have demonstrated a willingness
to conduct their own disorderly legal experiments and impose a chaotic
patchwork of conflicting requirements on states, legislators, and voters.
Accordingly, this Court should stay the district court’s opinion in the
instant matter so that this Court can provide guidance and stability as to
how courts should evaluate partisan gerrymandering claims.
3 Additional cases are: League of Women Voters v. Commonwealth, No. 159
MM 2017 (Pa. June 15, 2017) (Complaint filed) and Diamond v. Torres, No.
17-5054 (E.D. Pa. Nov. 9, 2017) (Complaint Filed); Texas Democratic Party v.
Abbot, No. 17-680 (U.S. Nov. 6, 2017) (Dismissed for want of jurisdiction).
4 These include North Carolina’s 13 congressional districts, Pennsylvania’s 18
congressional districts, Michigan’s 14 congressional districts, and Maryland’s
1 challenged congressional district, which potentially may require all of
Maryland’s congressional districts to be redrawn.
11
III.
IN THE ABSENCE OF CLEAR GUIDANCE, LOWER
COURTS WILL CREATE AND IMPOSE MULTIPLE,
CONFLICTING TESTS TO EVALUATE PARTISAN
GERRYMANDERING CLAIMS
The instant case proves an illustrative example.
Here, the three-judge panel in North Carolina denied a request for a
stay because of what it determined were substantive factual and legal
differences between this case and Whitford. See Common Cause v. Rucho, No.
16-1026, 16-1164, 2017 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 145590 at *17-19 (M.D.N.C. Sept. 8,
2017). Then it ruled on the merits that North Carolina’s congressional
district plan is an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander on three separate
grounds (Equal Protection Clause, Free Speech and Association Clause, and
the Elections Clause). See Common Cause, Nos. 16-1026, 16-1164, slip op.
(M.D.N.C. Jan. 9, 2018) (three-judge court) (ECF 118).
The court arrived at this conclusion by rejecting long-standing
recognition
by
this
Court
that
legislatures
have
lawfully
injected
partisanship into redistricting legislation since the founding and that
partisanship is to be expected in redistricting. See id. at 58-59, 64; but see,
e.g., Vieth, 541 U.S. at 274-75 (plurality op.); Gaffney, 412 U.S. at 753; Cooper
v. Harris, 137 S. Ct. 1455, 1488 (2017) (Alito, J., Roberts, C.J., and Kennedy,
J., dissenting). The court seems to suggest that no partisanship may be
injected into redistricting plans and that any districting plan must afford the
political parties approximate proportional representation in congressional
12
seats based on aggregate statewide votes from each of the single-member
elections. See Common Cause, slip op. at 57.
Accordingly, the court adopted two radically new tests to evaluate
partisan gerrymandering claims:
Per the district court, a plan violates the Equal Protection Clause if it
favors one political party to the disadvantage of another without an
“adequate” justification. See id. at 80-81. Unlike racial gerrymandering
claims, a plaintiff need not show that partisanship was the predominant
intent behind the plan. Rather, a plaintiff need only show that the legislature
acted with any intent to disadvantage one political party to the advantage of
the other. See id. at 86; compare with Cooper, 137 S. Ct. at 1463-64; see also
Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 650 (1993) (“But nothing in our case law compels
the conclusion that racial and political gerrymanders are subject to precisely
the same constitutional scrutiny. In fact, our country's long and persistent
history of racial discrimination in voting—as well as our Fourteenth
Amendment jurisprudence, which always has reserved the strictest scrutiny
for discrimination on the basis of race ... would seem to compel the opposite
conclusion.”). Then, to prove discriminatory effect, the court held that a
plaintiff must prove that the partisan bias in the redistricting plan will
“likely” persist during the life of the redistricting plan “such that an elected
representative from the favored party will not feel a need to be responsive to
13
constituents who support the disfavored party.” Common Cause, slip op. at
120.
The court also articulated a wholly new and separate test under the
First Amendment. 5 According to the court, a plaintiff may independently
invalidate a districting plan under the First Amendment if she proves
(1) that the challenged districting plan was intended to
favor or disfavor individuals or entities that support a
particular candidate or political party, (2) that the
districting plan burdened the political speech or
associational rights of such individuals or entities and (3)
that a causal relationship existed between the
government actor’s discriminatory motivation and the
First Amendment burdens imposed by the districting
plan.
Id. at 162-63. As with the court’s Fourteenth Amendment test, a plaintiff can
apparently satisfy the first, intent prong if she shows that the legislature was
motivated by any partisan intent. A plaintiff can satisfy the second prong by
showing anything more than a de minimis chilling effect or burden on any
First Amendment activity. See id. at 164-67. And a plaintiff easily fulfills the
third, causation requirement if any portion of the non-de minimis effect is
attributable to the minimal partisan intent, i.e. but for the existence of
partisan intent, no burden on plaintiff’s First Amendment activity would
Courts have consistently held that there is no independent partisan
gerrymandering claim under the First Amendment without a concurrent
violation of the Fourteenth Amendment. See, e.g., Whitford, 218 F. Supp. 3d
at 884; Republican Party of North Carolina v. Martin, 980 F.2d 943, 959 n.28
(4th Cir. 1992); Washington v. Finlay, 664 F.2d 913, 927-28 (4th Cir. 1981);
Pope v. Blue, 809 F. Supp. 392, 398-99 (W.D.N.C. 1992).
5
14
exist. See id. at 173-74. As Judge Osteen noted, this test “would in effect
foreclose all partisan considerations in the redistricting process.” Id. at 201.
Needless to say, these tests are not only a radical departure from this
Court’s precedent—including the demanding standard articulated by this
Court’s plurality opinion in Bandemer and the conclusion of the plurality in
Vieth that all partisan gerrymandering claims are nonjusticiable—but also a
departure from the standard articulated by the Whitford district court, which
requires plaintiffs to prove that a redistricting plan “(1) is intended to place a
severe impediment on the effectiveness of the votes of individual citizens on
the basis of their political affiliation, (2) has that effect, and (3) cannot be
justified on other, legitimate legislative grounds.” 218 F. Supp. 3d at 884
(emphasis added).
Absent this Court granting a stay, confusion will persist within both
the federal district courts and state courts, as lower courts (such as the one
here), continue to view the post-Whitford legal landscape as an open
invitation to conduct their own, unguided legal experiments at the expense of
states, legislators, and voters.
IV.
DENIAL OF A STAY PREJUDICES OTHER STATES,
LEGISLATORS AND VOTERS
As the situation in Pennsylvania clearly demonstrates, a denial of a
stay in this action will prejudice other states, legislators, and voters.
Because new tests, purporting to determine whether an alleged
partisan gerrymander violates the Constitution, are emerging each day,
15
Senator Scarnati cannot adequately defend himself and Pennsylvania’s
congressional districting plan in court. Senator Scarnati simply cannot
possibly know which standard the courts will ultimately apply to evaluate the
claims arrayed against him: in effect, Senator Scarnati must be prepared to
simultaneously defend himself and Pennsylvania’s congressional districting
plan against the Bandemer plurality’s standard that the Supreme Court of
Pennsylvania has adopted, Erfer v. Commonwealth, 794 A.2d 325, 331-32 (Pa.
2002); the Whitford district court standard, 218 F. Supp. 3d at 884; now the
Common Cause standard, Common Cause, slip op. at 80-81, 86, 120; and
whatever new standard that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court or the U.S.
District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania may ultimately
divine. See, e.g., Agre, slip op. at 117 (E.D. Pa. Jan. 10, 2018) (Baylson, J.,
dissenting) (ECF 213) (articulating new “visual test” arising solely from the
Elections Clause of the U.S. Constitution).
And the possibility that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and the U.S.
District Court for the Eastern of Pennsylvania will pronounce different and
mutually conflicting standards and requirements cannot be overlooked. In
that case, state legislators such as Senator Scarnati will be left utterly lost as
to how they can draw a constitutionally permissible remedial map if so
ordered.
All this comes at a critical time, with the submission of nominating
petitions for Pennsylvania’s congressional primaries set to open in less than a
16
month, on February 13, 2018. At this point, any disruption of Pennsylvania’s
congressional districts will row chaos in Pennsylvania’s legislature and
among Pennsylvania’s electorate. See Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4-5
(2006) (“Court order affecting elections, especially conflicting orders, can
themselves result in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain
away from the polls. As an election draws closer, that risk will increase.”).
This Court must grant a stay in the instant action to prevent the
already confusing array of district court decisions from metastasizing, and to
send a clear message to lower courts to tread carefully while awaiting this
Court’s further guidance. The proper adjudication of numerous partisan
gerrymandering actions and orderly administration of the 2018 congressional
elections across this country depend on it.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, this Court should issue a stay of all
proceedings before the three-judge panel in the U.S. District Court for the
Middle District of North Carolina pending this Court’s disposition of
Applicants’ Jurisdictional Statement.
17
Respectfully submitted on this 16th day in January, 2018.
_______________________
Jason Torchinsky
*Counsel of Record
Shawn Sheehy
HOLTZMAN VOGEL JOSEFIAK
TORCHINSKY PLLC
45 North Hill Drive, Suite 100
Warrenton, Virginia 20186
Phone: (540) 341-8808
Fax: (540) 341-8809
Email: jt@hvjt.law
Ssheehy@hvjt.law
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
/s/ Brian S. Paszamant
Brian S. Paszamant
Jason A. Snyderman
John P. Wixted
BLANK ROME LLP
One Logan Square
130 N. 18th Street
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19103
Phone: (215) 569-5791
Fax: (215) 569-5555
Email: Paszamant@blankrome.com
Snyderman@blankrome.com
JWixted@blankrome.com
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
Senator Joseph B. Scarnati, III
18
No. 17A745
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
ROBERT RUCHO, ET AL.,
Applicants,
v.
COMMON CAUSE, ET AL.,
Respondents.
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I, Jason Torchinsky, a member of the Supreme Court Bar, hereby certify that
three copies of the attached Amicus Brief and Motions in support of
Applicants’ Emergency Application for Stay, filed by hand-delivery to the
United States Supreme Court, were served via Next-Day Service and on the
following parties listed below on this 16th day of January, 2018. An electronic
pdf of the Application has been sent to the following counsel via e-mail:
ALLISON JEAN RIGGS
SOUTHERN COALITION FOR
SOCIAL JUSTICE
1415 W. Hwy. 54, Suite 101
Durham, NC 27707
(919) 323-3380 ext. 117
allison@southerncoalition.org
Counsel for League of Women Voters, et al.
EMMET J. BONDURANT
BONDURANT MIXSON & ELMORE, LLP
1201 W. Peachtree St., N.W.
Suite 3900
Atlanta, GA 30309
(404) 881-4100
bondurant@bmelaw.com
EDWIN M. SPEAS, JR.
POYNER SPRUILL, LLP
301 Fayetteville Street, Ste. 1900
Raleigh, NC 27601
(919) 783-6400
espeas@poynerspruill.com
Counsel for Common Cause, et al.
PAUL D. CLEMENT
Counsel of Record
ERIN E. MURPHY KIRKLAND & ELLIS
LLP
655 Fifteenth Street, NW
Washington, DC 20005
(202) 879-5000
paul.clement@kirkland.com
Counsel for Robert Rucho, et al.
19
JASON TORCHINSKY
Counsel of Record
HOLTZMAN VOGEL JOSEFIAK
TORCHINSKY PLLC
45 North Hill Drive
Suite 100
Warrenton, VA 20186
(540) 341-8808
jt@hvjt.law
1
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.