State ex rel. Ohioans for Reproductive Rights v. Ohio Ballot Bd.

[Until this opinion appears in the Ohio Official Reports advance sheets, it may be cited as State

ex rel. Ohioans United for Reproductive Rights v. Ohio Ballot Bd., Slip Opinion No. 2023-Ohio-

3325.]

NOTICE

This slip opinion is subject to formal revision before it is published in an

advance sheet of the Ohio Official Reports. Readers are requested to

promptly notify the Reporter of Decisions, Supreme Court of Ohio, 65

South Front Street, Columbus, Ohio 43215, of any typographical or other

formal errors in the opinion, in order that corrections may be made before

the opinion is published.

SLIP OPINION NO. 2023-OHIO-3325

THE STATE EX REL . OHIOANS UNITED FOR REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS ET AL. v.

OHIO BALLOT BOARD ET AL.

[Until this opinion appears in the Ohio Official Reports advance sheets, it

may be cited as State ex rel. Ohioans United for Reproductive Rights v. Ohio

Ballot Bd., Slip Opinion No. 2023-Ohio-3325.]

Mandamus—Elections—Initiative—Proposed constitutional amendment—Ballot

language—Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1—Writ sought to

compel Ohio Ballot Board to adopt new ballot language for proposed

amendment to Ohio Constitution—Writ granted in part and denied in part.

(No. 2023-1088—Submitted September 14, 2023—Decided September 19, 2023.)

IN MANDAMUS.

__________________

Per Curiam Opinion announcing the judgment of the court.

{¶ 1} On November 7, 2023, Ohio voters will vote on Issue 1, a constitutional

amendment proposed by initiative petition titled “The Right to Reproductive

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Freedom with Protections for Health and Safety.” This case involves the ballot

language adopted by respondent Ohio Ballot Board.

{¶ 2} Relator Ohioans United for Reproductive Rights is a coalition of

statewide reproductive health, rights, and justice organizations advocating passage of

Issue 1. Relators David Hackney, Nancy Kramer, Jennifer McNally, Ebony Speakes-

Hall, and Aziza Wahby (collectively, “the committee”) are individual members of

the committee that circulated the initiative petition to propose Issue 1. Relators

contend that the ballot language is misleading, contains material omissions, and is

improperly argumentative against the amendment. Relators seek a writ of mandamus

compelling respondent Secretary of State Frank LaRose to reconvene the Ohio Ballot

Board1 and directing the ballot board to either (1) adopt the full text of the proposed

amendment as the ballot language or (2) prescribe lawful ballot language.

{¶ 3} We agree with relators that the term “citizens of the State” in the ballot

language is misleading. We therefore grant a limited writ of mandamus ordering

the secretary to reconvene the ballot board forthwith and ordering the board to adopt

ballot language that accurately describes that the proposed amendment regulates

actions of the “State.” The writ is denied in all other respects.

I. FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND

{¶ 4} The committee submitted the proposed constitutional amendment to

Attorney General Dave Yost pursuant to R.C. 3519.01(A). And the committee

submitted the petition to the secretary of state’s office with sufficient signatures to

qualify for the November ballot. The proposed amendment’s qualification for the

ballot triggered the ballot board’s duty under Article II, Section 1g of the Ohio

Constitution to prescribe the language that voters will see on the ballot.

1. The individual members of the ballot board are respondents Secretary of State Frank LaRose (also

the chair of the board), Senator Theresa Gavarone, Senator Paula Hicks-Hudson, William Morgan,

and Representative Elliot Forhan.

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{¶ 5} Under Article II, Section 1g, the ballot board shall prescribe the ballot

language “in the same manner, and subject to the same terms and conditions, as

apply to issues submitted by the general assembly pursuant to Section 1 of Article

XVI of [the Ohio] constitution.” In turn, Article XVI, Section 1 provides:

The ballot language for such proposed amendments shall be

prescribed by a majority of the Ohio ballot board, consisting of the

secretary of state and four other members, who shall be designated

in a manner prescribed by law and not more than two of whom shall

be members of the same political party. The ballot language shall

properly identify the substance of the proposal to be voted upon.

The ballot need not contain the full text nor a condensed text of the

proposal. The board shall also prepare an explanation of the

proposal, which may include its purpose and effects, and shall

certify the ballot language and the explanation to the secretary of

state not later than seventy-five days before the election. The ballot

language and the explanation shall be available for public inspection

in the office of the secretary of state.

{¶ 6} The ballot board met to prescribe and certify the ballot language for

the proposed amendment. At the meeting, Secretary of State Frank LaRose, chair

of the board, proposed the ballot language, which was opposed by two members of

the ballot board. Ballot-board member Senator Paula Hicks-Hudson made a motion

for the board to “amend” the secretary’s proposed language and instead use the full

text of the proposed amendment, as proposed by the committee in a letter submitted

to the board. Board member Representative Elliot Forhan joined the motion and

spoke against the secretary’s proposed language, arguing that it was “rife with

misleading and defective language” and identifying several problems he saw with

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the proposed language. However, Senator Hicks-Hudson’s motion failed by a

three-to-two vote.

{¶ 7} Following the failure of her motion to use the amendment text as the

ballot language, Senator Hicks-Hudson made another motion, this time proposing

changes to the secretary’s proposed ballot language. She proposed three

amendments to the secretary’s proposed language: (1) substitute the phrase

“reproductive medical decisions” for “reproductive medical treatment”; (2) change

the phrase “the citizens of the State of Ohio” to just “the State of Ohio”; and (3)

replace the phrase “unborn child” with “unborn fetus.” Senator Hicks-Hudson’s

motion failed by a three-to-two vote.

{¶ 8} The secretary then moved for the ballot board to approve the ballot

language he had proposed. The board approved the secretary’s language by a three-

to-two vote.

{¶ 9} Relators filed this original action against the ballot board and its

members, seeking a writ of mandamus compelling the secretary to reconvene the

board. Relators also seek an order compelling the board either to (1) prescribe the

amendment’s full text as the ballot language or (2) direct the board to prescribe

lawful ballot language. With respect to the request for “lawful ballot language,”

relators identify ten features that the ballot language should either include or omit.

The parties have submitted evidence and merit briefs in accordance with the

expedited-election-case schedule in S.Ct.Prac.R. 12.08.

II. ANALYSIS

A. The Applicable Legal Standard

{¶ 10} To be entitled to a writ of mandamus against the ballot board,

relators must establish a clear legal right to the requested relief, a corresponding

clear legal duty on the part of the board to provide it, and the lack of an adequate

remedy in the ordinary course of the law. State ex rel. Voters First v. Ohio Ballot

Bd., 133 Ohio St.3d 257, 2012-Ohio-4149, 978 N.E.2d 119, ¶ 22. Relators must

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prove their case by clear and convincing evidence. State ex rel. Waters v. Spaeth,

131 Ohio St.3d 55, 2012-Ohio-69, 960 N.E.2d 452, ¶ 13.

{¶ 11} Relators lack an adequate remedy in the ordinary course of the law

because the November 7 election is less than 60 days away. See State ex rel. West

v. LaRose, 161 Ohio St.3d 192, 2020-Ohio-4380, 161 N.E.3d 631, ¶ 15. The

remaining mandamus requirements ask this court to determine whether the ballot

board engaged in fraud or corruption, abused its discretion, or clearly disregarded

applicable law. Id. at ¶ 16. Relators do not allege fraud or corruption here. Thus,

the dispositive issue before us is whether the ballot board abused its discretion or

clearly disregarded applicable law in adopting the ballot language, see Voters First

at ¶ 23.

{¶ 12} Article XVI, Section 1 of the Ohio Constitution requires that the ballot

language “properly identify the substance of the proposal to be voted upon.” This

court “shall not” hold that ballot language is invalid “unless it is such as to mislead,

deceive, or defraud the voters.” Id. Applying these constitutional requirements, we

examine whether the language tells voters what they are being asked to vote on and

whether the language is impermissibly argumentative, either in favor of or against

the issue. State ex rel. One Person One Vote v. Ohio Ballot Bd., __ Ohio St.3d __,

2023-Ohio-1928, __ N.E.3d __, ¶ 8, citing State ex rel. Bailey v. Celebrezze, 67

Ohio St.2d 516, 519, 426 N.E.2d 493 (1981). “If there are defects in ballot

language, we examine the defects as a whole and determine whether their

cumulative effect violates the constitutional standard.” Id.; see also Voters First at

¶ 26.

B. Does the Ballot Language Mislead the Voters?

{¶ 13} Relators argue that the board-approved ballot language is defective

in several ways. They contend that the ballot language misleads voters about (1)

the right the amendment would create, (2) whom the amendment would restrict, (3)

whether the amendment would protect an individual’s right to continue a

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pregnancy, (4) the scope of a treating physician’s discretion to determine “fetal

viability,” and (5) how the amendment would limit regulation by the state. For the

reasons explained below, we agree with relators that the ballot language approved

by the ballot board misleads the average voter about whose actions the amendment

restricts. But the ballot language is not defective in any other respect.

1. The right the amendment would create

{¶ 14} First, relators argue that the ballot language approved by the ballot

board improperly misleads voters about what right the proposed amendment would

create if approved. This issue relates to the following portions of the proposed

amendment and ballot language:

Proposed A. Every individual has a right to make and carry out one’s

Amendment own reproductive decisions, including but not limited to

decisions on:

1. contraception;

2. fertility treatment;

3. continuing one’s own pregnancy;

4. miscarriage care; and

5. abortion.

B. The State shall not, directly or indirectly, burden, penalize,

prohibit, interfere with, or discriminate against either:

1. An individual’s voluntary exercise of this right or

2. A person or entity that assists an individual

exercising this right[.]

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Ballot The proposed amendment would:

Language

• Establish in the Constitution of the State of Ohio an

individual right to one’s own reproductive medical

treatment, including but not limited to abortion;

• Create legal protections for any person or entity that

assists a person with receiving reproductive medical

treatment, including but not limited to abortion;

{¶ 15} Relators take issue with the ballot language’s substitution of

“reproductive medical treatment” for “reproductive decisions.” They argue that the

ballot board’s phraseology is misleading in that a “decision” is not the same as

“treatment.” According to relators, a reproductive decision connotes an

individual’s “considered determination about any matter related to producing

offspring” while the term “treatment” is the action or way of treating a patient

medically or surgically. Relators argue that the ballot language’s use of

“reproductive medical treatment” suggests that the proposed amendment would

grant a right to medical care, which significantly changes the amendment’s

meaning. Relators say that the phrase “reproductive medical treatment,” when read

in context, connotes “an affirmative right to government-provided ‘reproductive

medical treatment’ of any sort.” (Emphasis sic.)

{¶ 16} Relators’ argument focuses on the proposed amendment’s grant of a

right to make decisions involving reproduction. The amendment’s text states that

every individual has a right “to make and carry out one’s own reproductive

decisions.” (Emphasis added.) While relators emphasize the individual right to

“make” a decision, they ignore that the phrase “carry out” is at the heart of the

amendment’s grant of rights. If the amendment provided only a protection of the

individual’s right to “make” a decision, it would be a shell of a right; as respondents

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correctly note, “a person’s internal determinations lay well outside the State’s

regulatory authority,” and “[i]nforming voters that they continue to be free to make

their own decisions in their minds does not tell them what effect the amendment

would have in practice.” The amendment is not designed to protect just an

individual’s right to make a decision; it grants to the individual a right to “carry

out” that decision without state interference, which is the crux of the amendment’s

substance.

{¶ 17} The relevant question is whether the term “medical treatment” is

misleading in its description of an individual’s right to “carry out” a decision

involving reproduction. In our view, the ballot board’s use of the term

“reproductive medical treatment” is imprecise at worst. This imprecision, however,

does not render the ballot language misleading. The ballot language accurately tells

voters that the proposed amendment, if passed, would protect an individual’s right

to carry out such decisions by obtaining medical treatment free from government

interference. And although some decisions involving reproduction do not require

medical treatment, some do. The ballot language expresses the amendment’s intent

to prevent government interference with an individual’s pursuit of medical

treatment to carry out those decisions.

{¶ 18} Relators also argue that the term “medical treatment” is misleading

in that it gives the impression that passage of the proposed amendment would grant

an individual right to state-provided medical treatment. But the ballot language

says nothing about state-provided medical treatment. It states that the amendment

establishes “an individual right to one’s own reproductive medical treatment.”

(Emphasis added.) This describes an individual right with which the state cannot

interfere, not a benefit provided by the state.

{¶ 19} Relators also argue that the ballot language referring to “medical

treatment” is misleading because of omissions that “obscure the nature of the right

that the Amendment would create.” Specifically, relators emphasize that the ballot

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January Term, 2023

language mentions only one category of the proposed amendment’s listed

decisions—abortion—while the amendment covers at least five. Failing to mention

the four other categories is misleading, say relators, because it “falsely suggests

ambiguity about what categories of decision the overarching right ‘to make and

carry out one’s own reproductive decisions’ covers.” Relators argue that the ballot

language’s emphasis on abortion to the exclusion of other decisions reinforces the

impression that the amendment creates a right to state-provided abortions.

{¶ 20} Relators have not shown that the ballot language is misleading in this

respect. Any omission in ballot language “must not be material, i.e., its absence

must not affect the fairness or accuracy of the text.” Voters First, 133 Ohio St.3d

257, 2012-Ohio-4149, 978 N.E.2d 119, at ¶ 30. Nor may ballot language “omit any

‘essential part’ of the proposed amendment.” State ex rel. Cincinnati for Pension

Reform v. Hamilton Cty. Bd. of Elections, 137 Ohio St.3d 45, 2013-Ohio-4489, 997

N.E.2d 509, ¶ 58, quoting State ex rel. Minus v. Brown, 30 Ohio St.2d 75, 81, 283

N.E.2d 131 (1972). Here, while the ballot language might have been more

comprehensive if it included references to the other decisions listed in the proposed

amendment, the omission is not material when considering the amendment as a

whole.

{¶ 21} The proposed amendment’s grant of rights is expressly

nonexhaustive; it says that the individual right conferred by the amendment applies

to “one’s own reproductive decisions, including but not limited to” five specific

kinds of decisions, including abortion. (Emphasis added.) The ballot language

approved by the ballot board tracks the “including but not limited to” language that

is in the amendment. The fact that the ballot language enumerates only abortion

does not render it misleading when considering that an additional paragraph of the

amendment’s text addresses abortion specifically. While the amendment’s text

enumerates five types of decisions, it provides specific detail relating to only one

of them—namely, abortion. Indeed, the amendment describes the circumstances

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when abortion may be prohibited and defines “fetal viability”—a term that the

amendment uses only in its provision concerning abortion. Given that the

amendment largely concerns when an abortion may or may not be prohibited, the

board-approved ballot language’s focus on that aspect of the amendment is not

misleading.

2. Whom the proposed amendment would restrict

{¶ 22} Second, relators contend that the ballot language approved by the

ballot board “grossly misleads” voters about “the actor to which the Amendment’s

restrictions would apply.” This issue relates to the following portions of the

proposed amendment and ballot language:

Proposed B. The State shall not, directly or indirectly, burden, penalize,

Amendment prohibit, interfere with, or discriminate against either:

1. An individual’s voluntary exercise of this right or

2. A person or entity that assists an individual

exercising this right,

unless the State demonstrates that it is using the least

restrictive means to advance the pregnant individual’s health

in accordance with widely accepted and evidence-based

standards of care.

***

C. As used in this Section:

***

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2. “State” includes any governmental entity and any political

subdivision.

Ballot The proposed amendment would:

Language

***

• Prohibit the citizens of the State of Ohio from directly

or indirectly burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting

abortion before an unborn child is determined to be

viable, unless the State demonstrates that it is using

the least restrictive means.

***

• Only allow the citizens of the State of Ohio to prohibit

an abortion after an unborn child is determined by a

pregnant woman’s treating physician to be viable and

only if the physician does not consider the abortion

necessary to protect the pregnant woman’s life or

health;

{¶ 23} Relators argue that the ballot language’s use of the phrase “citizens

of the State of Ohio” instead of the “State”—as used and defined in the proposed

amendment itself—distorts the amendment’s text and meaning. They argue that by

using the phrase “citizens of the State,” the ballot language “converts a right held

by the citizens against the State into a restriction enforced by the State against the

citizens.” Moreover, relators contend that the term “citizens of the State” raises for

the average voter questions about how the amendment restricts citizens’ rights.

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That is, relators argue that the ballot language suggests that the amendment could

restrict certain activities of private citizens, such as protesting outside an abortion

clinic. Relators also raise the concern that the term could be interpreted to mean

that Ohio citizens would be forever barred from proposing by initiative petition

future amendments that would limit or restrict abortion.

{¶ 24} In defending the “citizens of the State” phraseology, respondents

rely on the bedrock principle found in Ohio Constitution, Article I, Section 2. That

provision states: “All political power is inherent in the people. Government is

instituted for their equal protection and benefit, and they have the right to alter,

reform, or abolish the same, whenever they may deem it necessary.” Thus,

respondents posit that it is not misleading to say that the proposed amendment

would prohibit “the citizens of the State” from taking certain action, because any

action taken by the state through a representative government is necessarily action

taken by the citizens of the state. See State ex rel. Milhoof v. Bd. of Edn., 76 Ohio

St. 297, 307, 81 N.E. 568 (1907) (stating the principle that government “is by the

people, through their chosen representatives”). In other words, respondents argue,

the “State” and the “citizens of the State” are synonymous from the standpoint of

the exercise of governmental power.

{¶ 25} Further, respondents argue, the ballot language contemplates that

laws may be passed through citizen initiative. Citizen-initiated statutes may be

passed by the General Assembly or be submitted to the voters for approval or

rejection under Article II, Section 1b of the Ohio Constitution. Therefore,

respondents say, the “citizens of the State” language recognizes that no law may

conflict with the Ohio Constitution, whether it be passed by the General Assembly

or by citizen initiative. The ballot language therefore informs the voter that passage

of the proposed amendment would mean that “the citizens of the State” may not

override the constitutional amendment through a citizen-initiated statute.

12

January Term, 2023

{¶ 26} We agree with relators that the term “citizens of the State of Ohio”

would be misleading to the average voter. See Markus v. Trumbull Cty. Bd. of

Elections, 22 Ohio St.2d 197, 203, 259 N.E.2d 501 (1970) (stating that ballot

language must “assure a free, intelligent and informed vote by the average citizen

affected”). Because of the way the word “citizens” is used, the average voter might

interpret the ballot language to mean that the proposed amendment would prohibit

individual citizens—i.e., private actors—from taking actions to burden, penalize,

or prohibit abortion. This is particularly true when considering the language of the

first bullet point quoted above: “Prohibit the citizens of the State of Ohio from

directly or indirectly burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting abortion before an

unborn child is determined to be viable, unless the State demonstrates that it is using

the least restrictive means.” (Emphasis added.) By using “citizens of the State” in

the prohibition clause and a different term—“the State”—in the later clause

describing who must demonstrate the least restrictive means, the language

confusingly suggests that “citizens of the State” means something different than

“the State.”

{¶ 27} Respondents identify no provision of the Ohio Constitution or the

Ohio Revised Code that uses “citizens of the State” interchangeably with “the

State.” The Ohio Constitution does not ever use the phrase “citizens of the State.”

However, the Constitution does contain provisions that differentiate between

government and individual citizens. For example, Article I, Section 2 provides that

“political power is inherent in the people” and that “[g]overnment is instituted for

their equal protection and benefit.” (Emphasis added.) And in declaring a

constitutional limitation on the use of the initiative power to pass constitutional

amendments that would work as a restraint of trade, Article II, Section 1e(B)(1)

provides that the “[r]estraint of trade or commerce [is] injurious to this state and its

citizens.” (Emphasis added.) Thus, “citizens” and “the State” are not necessarily

synonymous in the Ohio Constitution.

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{¶ 28} Moreover, a search of the Revised Code reveals that the term

“citizens of the state” is often used in reference to citizens being the ones for whose

benefit the state or local government is required to act, not as persons exercising

governmental power. See, e.g., R.C. 181.24(A) (Ohio Criminal Sentencing

Commission shall recommend a sentencing structure “that is readily

understandable by the citizens of the state”); R.C. 1531.04(D) (among the duties of

the Division of Wildlife of the Ohio Department of Natural Resources is to

“educate, and inform the citizens of the state about conservation”); R.C.

2744.01(C)(1)(b) (defining “governmental function” as a function of a political

subdivision that “is for the common good of all citizens of the state”); R.C.

3334.02(A) (creating Ohio’s college-savings program “to promote a well-educated

and financially secure population to the ultimate benefit of all citizens of the state”);

R.C. 5119.37(O) (criminal proceedings may be requested against a community

addiction-services provider when “necessary for the protection of the citizens of the

state”).

{¶ 29} Accordingly, the ballot language approved by the ballot board would

not accurately tell the voters what they are being asked to vote on. Instead of

describing a proposed amendment that would establish a right to carry out

reproductive decisions free from government intrusion, the ballot language’s use of

the term “citizens of the State” would mislead voters by suggesting that the

amendment would limit the rights of individual citizens to oppose abortion. We

therefore agree with relators that the board-approved ballot language’s use of the

term “citizens of the State” in lieu of “the State” violates the constitutional standard

in Article XVI, Section 1 requiring the ballot language “to properly identify the

substance of the proposal.”

3. The right to continue a pregnancy

{¶ 30} Third, relators argue that the ballot language approved by the ballot

board is misleading about whether the proposed amendment protects a woman’s

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January Term, 2023

right to continue a pregnancy. According to relators, the ballot language implies

that if an individual wants to proceed with a pregnancy against medical advice, she

will not be permitted to do so. This issue relates to the following portions of the

amendment and ballot language:

Proposed A. Every individual has a right to make and carry out one’s

Amendment own reproductive decisions, including but not limited to

decisions on:

***

3. continuing one’s own pregnancy;

***

B. The State shall not, directly or indirectly, burden, penalize,

prohibit, interfere with, or discriminate against either:

1. An individual’s voluntary exercise of this right * * *

***

However, abortion may be prohibited after fetal viability. But

in no case may such an abortion be prohibited if in the

professional judgment of the pregnant patient’s treating

physician it is necessary to protect the pregnant patient’s life or

health.

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Ballot The proposed amendment would:

Language

***

• Prohibit the citizens of the State of Ohio from directly

or indirectly burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting

abortion before an unborn child is determined to be

viable, unless the State demonstrates that it is using the

least restrictive means.

***

• Only allow the citizens of the State of Ohio to prohibit

an abortion after an unborn child is determined by a

pregnant woman’s treating physician to be viable and

only if the physician does not consider the abortion

necessary to protect the pregnant woman’s life or

health; and

• Always allow an unborn child to be aborted at any stage

of the pregnancy, regardless of viability if, in the

treating physician’s determination, the abortion is

necessary to protect the pregnant woman’s life or health.

{¶ 31} Whereas the proposed amendment’s text confers “a right to make

and carry out one’s own reproductive decisions,” relators contend that the ballot

language suggests that the physician’s decision may override the patient’s wishes.

That is, relators argue that the ballot language implies that a pregnant woman could

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be forced to obtain an abortion she does not want if her treating physician deems

an abortion necessary to protect her life or health.

{¶ 32} This argument lacks merit because it is an inaccurate

characterization of the ballot language. The ballot language says that the proposed

amendment would always allow an abortion when a physician decides that an

abortion is necessary to protect the life or health of the pregnant woman, even after

viability. The language does not imply that the pregnant woman would be required

to obtain an abortion. The ballot language is more naturally understood as meaning

that the pregnant woman would be allowed to obtain a postviability abortion if

necessary to protect her life or health.

{¶ 33} Accordingly, we conclude that the ballot language approved by the

ballot board does not mislead voters about an individual’s right to continue one’s

own pregnancy.

4. Physician’s discretion

{¶ 34} Fourth, relators argue that the ballot language approved by the ballot

board “misleads voters about the degree of a physician’s discretion.” This issue

relates to the following portions of the amendment and ballot language:

Proposed C. As used in this Section:

Amendment

1. “Fetal viability” means “the point in a pregnancy

when, in the professional judgment of the pregnant

patient’s treating physician, the fetus has a significant

likelihood of survival outside the uterus with reasonable

measures. This is determined on a case-by-case basis.”

Ballot The proposed amendment would:

Language

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***

• Grant a pregnant woman’s treating physician the

authority to determine, on a case-by-case basis, whether

an unborn child is viable;

{¶ 35} According to relators, the ballot language is misleading because it

“suggests a physician has entirely unfettered authority to determine fetal viability

as the physician sees fit in each particular case.” In fact, according to relators, the

proposed amendment’s language constrains a physician’s discretion by defining

specifically what “fetal viability” means and by requiring the physician to exercise

professional judgment in deciding whether the definition is met on a case-by-case

basis. By omitting the amendment’s definition of “fetal viability” and the

requirement that a physician exercise professional judgment, relators argue, the

ballot language falsely suggests that physicians have unfettered discretion when

making viability determinations.

{¶ 36} The ballot language’s statement that a pregnant woman’s treating

physician has the authority to determine viability “on a case-by-case basis” is an

accurate summary of the proposed amendment’s text. That the ballot language does

not specify that a physician must exercise professional judgment does not render

the ballot language inaccurate, misleading, deceptive, or fraudulent. To accept

relators’ argument would assume that voters would not know that physicians

exercise professional judgment. But this assumption defies common experience:

the average voter who seeks a physician’s assistance does so because the physician

exercises professional judgment. It is therefore not surprising that Ohio law

requires physicians to meet professional standards of care, to safeguard the

expectation that they will exercise professional judgment. See R.C. 4731.22(B)(6)

(subjecting physicians to discipline for departing from the “minimal standards of

care of similar practitioners under the same or similar circumstances”) and (B)(18)

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January Term, 2023

(subjecting physicians to discipline for violating ethical codes of national

professional associations); Bouquett v. Ohio State Med. Bd., 123 Ohio App.3d 466,

473, 704 N.E.2d 583 (10th Dist.1997) (“R.C. 4731.22(B) was enacted under the

state’s police powers in order to protect the public’s safety and welfare”).

{¶ 37} For these reasons, the ballot language approved by the ballot board

does not mislead voters about the discretion granted to physicians in the proposed

amendment.

5. How the proposed amendment would limit state regulation

{¶ 38} Fifth, relators argue that the ballot language approved by the ballot

board misleads voters about “the circumstances in which the State may regulate

reproductive decision-making.” Relators’ argument focuses on the differences

between how the proposed amendment’s text and the ballot language use the term

“least restrictive means.” This issue relates to the following portions of the

amendment and ballot language:

Proposed B. The State shall not, directly or indirectly, burden, penalize,

Amendment prohibit, interfere with, or discriminate against either:

1. An individual’s voluntary exercise of this right or

2. A person or entity that assists an individual

exercising this right,

unless the State demonstrates that it is using the least restrictive

means to advance the pregnant individual’s health in

accordance with widely accepted and evidence-based standards

of care.

Ballot The proposed amendment would:

Language

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***

• Prohibit the citizens of the State of Ohio from directly

or indirectly burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting

abortion before an unborn child is determined to be

viable, unless the State demonstrates that it is using the

least restrictive means;

{¶ 39} Relators argue that the proposed amendment’s text permits state

interference with an individual’s right to make and carry out reproductive decisions

so long as the state uses the “least restrictive means to advance the pregnant

individual’s health in accordance with widely accepted and evidence-based

standards of care.” Relators argue that the ballot language does not explain what

interest the least restrictive means must advance to be valid.

{¶ 40} For their part, respondents argue that the ballot language has the

“sensical and ordinary meaning” that the state “cannot burden, penalize, or prohibit

abortion prior to viability unless it does so by means that are the least restrictive on

the pregnant woman.” (Emphasis added.) In other words, even though the ballot

language does not specify that the phrase “least restrictive means” applies to the

pregnant woman’s health, respondents argue that the language makes sense only if

that is the case. But respondents do not explain how a voter would naturally read

the phrase “least restrictive means” as applying to the pregnant woman, much less

the pregnant woman’s health.

{¶ 41} However, whether the ballot board could have employed better

language is not the issue before us. “[T]he sole issue is whether the board’s

approved ballot language ‘is such as to mislead, deceive, or defraud the voters.’ ”

Voters First, 133 Ohio St.3d 257, 2012-Ohio-4149, 978 N.E.2d 119, at ¶ 26,

quoting Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1; see also Bailey, 67 Ohio St.2d

at 519, 426 N.E.2d 493. Thus, the ballot board’s language is not invalid simply

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because this court “might have used different words to describe the language used

in the proposed amendment,” Bailey at 519. The ballot language approved by the

ballot board accurately conveys that if the amendment is approved by the voters,

previability abortions generally may not be prohibited. While a description of what

the “least restrictive means” applies to would be helpful, its absence does not

mislead, deceive, or defraud voters.

C. Is the Ballot Language Improperly Argumentative?

{¶ 42} When assessing ballot language under Article II, Section 1g of the

Ohio Constitution, this court also considers whether the language is improperly

argumentative in favor of or against the issue. One Person One Vote, __ Ohio St.3d

__, 2023-Ohio-1928, __ N.E.3d __, at ¶ 8; see also Voters First at ¶ 26, quoting

Bailey at 519. Relators argue that the ballot language attempts to persuade voters

to oppose the proposed amendment by using the term “unborn child” instead of

“fetus,” the term used in the proposed amendment’s text.

{¶ 43} Relators argue that the term “unborn child” is improperly

argumentative because it injects the ballot-board majority’s “ethical judgment or

personal view” into the ballot language. According to relators, “[o]ne’s judgment

about the developmental stage at which the ethical status of ‘unborn child’ attaches

has obvious implications for whether and how one believes abortion should be

regulated.” Relators argue that the terms “fetus” or “fetal viability,” which appear

in the proposed amendment’s text, are scientifically accurate and do not carry the

same moral judgment as “unborn child.”

{¶ 44} We reject relators’ argument. Importantly, relators do not argue that

the term “unborn child” is factually inaccurate. To the contrary, their argument

asserts that “unborn child” is a divisive term that elicits a moral judgment whereas

the terms “fetus” and “fetal viability” are more neutral and scientific. But this

argument does not establish that the ballot board’s language constitutes improper

persuasion. “[I]f ballot language is factually accurate and addresses a subject that

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is in the proposed amendment itself, it should not be deemed argumentative.” State

ex rel. Cincinnati Action for Hous. Now v. Hamilton Cty. Bd. of Elections, 164 Ohio

St.3d 509, 2021-Ohio-1038, 173 N.E.3d 1181, ¶ 26, citing State ex rel. Cincinnati

for Pension Reform v. Hamilton Cty. Bd. of Elections, 137 Ohio St.3d 45, 2013-

Ohio-4489, 997 N.E.2d 509, ¶ 49.

{¶ 45} Relators also contend that the “ballot language improperly attempts

to persuade voters by using absolute terms where they do not apply.” They point

to the ballot language stating that the proposed amendment would:

• Only allow the citizens of the State of Ohio to prohibit an

abortion after an unborn child is determined by a pregnant

woman’s treating physician to be viable and only if the

physician does not consider the abortion necessary to protect

the pregnant woman’s life or health; and

• Always allow an unborn child to be aborted at any stage of

pregnancy, regardless of viability if, in the treating

physician’s determination, the abortion is necessary to

protect the pregnant woman’s life or health.

(Emphasis added.) Relators argue that by twice using the adverb “only,” the ballot

language “implies that the Amendment imposes unreasonably strict limits on state

authority” to prohibit abortion after viability. Likewise, by leading with the term

“always” in the next bullet point, relators argue, the language gives the impression

that the amendment would allow abortions before and after viability without any

restrictions. Relators also argue that the second bullet point quoted above repeats

information addressed in other parts of the ballot language and was therefore

included only to motivate voters to vote against the amendment.

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{¶ 46} We disagree with relators because the ballot language is factually

accurate. While relators do not like the way in which the language is phrased, the

structure of the statements is not improperly argumentative. As stated above, this

court will not deem language to be argumentative when it is accurate and addresses

a subject in the proposed amendment. Cincinnati Action for Hous. Now at ¶ 26.

D. A Limited Writ is Warranted

{¶ 47} In One Person One Vote, this court stated that it examines any

“defects [in ballot language] as a whole and determine[s] whether their cumulative

effect violates the constitutional standard.” __ Ohio St.3d __, 2023-Ohio-1928, __

N.E.3d __, at ¶ 8. Relators argue that the cumulative effect of the defects they

identify are such that the ballot language is constitutionally defective.

{¶ 48} For the reasons stated above, we conclude that the term “citizens of

the State” is misleading in that it suggests to the average voter that the proposed

amendment would restrict the actions of individual citizens instead of the

government. While this is the lone defect in the ballot language, its effect violates

the constitutional standard. Because of this defect, the ballot language as approved

by the ballot board would not accurately tell the voters what they are being asked

to vote on. We therefore grant a limited writ of mandamus ordering the ballot board

and the secretary of state to reconvene forthwith and adopt ballot language that

accurately conveys that the amendment regulates the ability of the state, as defined

by the amendment, to burden, penalize, or prohibit abortion. The writ is denied in

all other respects; in particular, in response to relators’ request that the ballot board

be ordered to adopt the amendment’s full text as the ballot language, it is noted that

the Ohio Constitution commits the drafting of ballot language to the ballot board

and does not require that the ballot contain the full text of a proposed amendment.

See Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1, paragraph 2.

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IV. CONCLUSION

{¶ 49} By using the term “the citizens of the State,” the ballot language

approved by the ballot board might mislead the voters into thinking that the

proposed amendment regulates nongovernmental conduct, when it does not. We

therefore grant a limited writ of mandamus ordering Secretary of State LaRose and

the Ohio Ballot Board to reconvene forthwith and adopt ballot language that

accurately conveys that the proposed amendment limits the ability of the state, as

defined by the amendment, to burden, penalize, or prohibit abortion. The writ is

denied in all other respects.

Writ granted in part

and denied in part.

FISCHER, J., concurs.

DONNELLY, J., concurs, with an opinion.

STEWART, J., concurs in part and dissents in part, with an opinion.

BRUNNER, J., concurs in part and dissents in part, with an opinion.

DETERS, J., concurs in part and dissents in part, with an opinion joined by

KENNEDY, C.J., and DEWINE, J.

_________________

DONNELLY, J., concurring.

{¶ 50} Here, respondent Ohio Ballot Board has one duty: to approve the

language that will appear on the November election ballot as Issue 1. The statutory

scheme that governs that duty grants the board two options: provide the full text or

a condensed text. See R.C. 3505.06(E). But see Ohio Constitution, Article XVI,

Section 1 (which states, among other things, that the “ballot language need not

contain the full text nor a condensed text of the proposal”).

{¶ 51} It’s unfortunate that advocacy seems to have infiltrated a process that

is meant to be objective and neutral. See opinion concurring in part and dissenting

in part of Brunner, J. (describing how some members of the board are using their

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position on the board to skew the language of the amendment to advocate for the

position they favor). Nevertheless, I am confident that the voters will be fully

informed about the proposed amendment when they enter the voting booth.

_________________

STEWART, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part.

{¶ 52} Respondent Ohio Ballot Board has a clear and defined constitutional

duty—prescribe ballot language that properly identifies the substance of the proposal

to be voted on. Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1. The board failed to meet

that duty here. Instead, it crafted partisan ballot language designed to do any number

of things, but not simply designed to do its job—that is, inform voters of the substance

of the proposed amendment. The proposed amendment in this case is clear and

succinct and uses neutral language to accurately describe the full scope of rights the

amendment would protect. There is no reason whatsoever for the board to use any

language other than what is included in the proposed amendment. In fact, the board’s

rendition is more wordy and less clear, and it appears to be politically charged. As

evidenced by the multiple opinions generated by this case, the board’s language does

anything but simply identify the substance of the proposed amendment. I concur in

the portion of the judgment that grants the requested writ of mandamus in part and

orders respondents to change the ballot language from “the citizens of the State of

Ohio” to “the State of Ohio,” but I would go further and grant the requested writ in

its entirety. Therefore, I concur in part and dissent in part.

_________________

BRUNNER, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part.

{¶ 53} The power of initiative petition to amend the Ohio Constitution is

the most significant power of self-governance held by the people. See State ex rel.

One Person One Vote v. Ohio Ballot Bd., ___ Ohio St.3d ___, 2023-Ohio-1928,

___ N.E.3d ___, ¶ 40 (Brunner, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). This

power grants to the people of Ohio “the ultimate decision on what the Constitution

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should say and how it should say it,” State ex rel. DeBlase v. Ohio Ballot Bd., ___

Ohio St.3d ___, 2023-Ohio-1823, ___ N.E.3d ___, ¶ 39 (Kennedy, C.J., concurring

in judgment only). The Ohio Constitution explicitly prioritizes this form of direct

democracy: “The first aforestated power reserved by the people is designated the

initiative.” (Emphasis added.) Ohio Constitution, Article II, Section 1a.

{¶ 54} Unquestionably, what our Constitution says—the actual words

used—is paramount in understanding the rights it confers and protects. Discerning

the intent of the people is the “ ‘polestar in the construction of constitutional * * *

provisions,’ ” State ex rel. Wallace v. Celina, 29 Ohio St.2d 109, 111-112, 279

N.E.2d 866 (1972), quoting Castleberry v. Evatt, 147 Ohio St. 30, 67 N.E.2d 861

(1946), paragraph one of the syllabus. Therefore, when asked to review ballot

language for a proposed constitutional amendment, this court must ensure that

voters know what they are being asked to vote on.

{¶ 55} A majority of respondent Ohio Ballot Board’s members2 shirked

their responsibility to uphold this principle. They obfuscated the actual language

of the proposed state constitutional amendment by substituting their own language

and creating out of whole cloth a veil of deceit and bias in their desire to impose

their views on Ohio voters about what they think is the substance of the proposed

amendment. And they did this by completely recrafting simple and straightforward

amendment language into a version that contains more words than the amendment

itself. The evidence in the record makes clear that it was their intent to use their

positions on the board to influence the outcome of the election with the ballot

language the board certified for the proposed amendment.

2. The individual members of the ballot board are respondents Secretary of State Frank LaRose (also

the chair of the board), Senator Theresa Gavarone, Senator Paula Hicks-Hudson, William Morgan,

and Representative Elliot Forhan.

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{¶ 56} The board’s decision threatens to divest Ohioans of their

fundamental right to decide what the Constitution should say and how it should be

said—a right held by the people of Ohio, in whom “[a]ll political power is

inherent,” Ohio Constitution, Article I, Section 2. For a constitutional amendment

is just that—words that are added or changed within the state’s most elemental and

basic governing document. By completely rewriting the proposed amendment into

ballot language that is wordier and less substantive (e.g., the ballot language does

not mention contraceptives, miscarriage, or the continuation of a pregnancy) than

the amendment itself, the board miserably fails to fairly present the issue to Ohio

voters according to its constitutional duty.

{¶ 57} And while I agree with the lead opinion regarding the technical

problems with the ballot language substituting “citizens of the State of Ohio” for

“the State,” I would go further and would find that there is clear evidence in the

record that the board has defrauded the voters, attempting to deprive them of their

right of self-determination in amending their Constitution in the manner set forth

in Article II, Section 1a.

{¶ 58} As the lead opinion states:

Article XVI, Section 1 of the Ohio Constitution requires that

the ballot language “properly identify the substance of the proposal to

be voted upon.” This court “shall not” hold that ballot language is

invalid “unless it is such as to mislead, deceive, or defraud the voters.”

Id. Applying these constitutional requirements, we examine whether

the language tells voters what they are being asked to vote on and

whether the language is impermissibly argumentative, either in

favor of or against the issue. State ex rel. One Person One Vote v.

Ohio Ballot Bd., __ Ohio St.3d __, 2023-Ohio-1928, __ N.E.3d __,

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¶ 8, citing State ex rel. Bailey v. Celebrezze, 67 Ohio St.2d 516, 519,

426 N.E.2d 493 (1981).

Lead opinion, ¶ 12; see also Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1 and Article

II, Section 1g. The board has created misleading, argumentative language that goes

beyond the full text of the proposed amendment, both structurally and

substantively. The prescribed ballot language does not condense or accurately

summarize the full text of the proposed amendment, and the evidence in the record

shows that the ballot language was informed and motivated by an effort to defeat

the initiative.

{¶ 59} We are duty bound to invalidate the language and require new,

constitutional ballot language. Because the language of the proposed amendment

is clear and straightforward, there is no need to interpret, reword, or embellish it. It

says what it says. Ohioans deserve the right to read it on their ballots. That a voter

may find a copy of the proposed amendment’s language hanging on a wall in his or

her polling place is not adequate or sufficient. Because “[t]he powers of initiative

and referendum should be liberally construed to effectuate the rights reserved,”

State ex rel. Hodges v. Taft, 64 Ohio St.3d 1, 5, 591 N.E.2d 1186 (1992), the board

has failed Ohio voters, who should have the right to have placed before them on

their ballots the actual text of the proposed amendment.

I. Background

{¶ 60} In July 2023, relators, Ohioans United for Reproductive Rights and

several individual members of the committee that circulated the petition to propose

Issue 1 (“the committee”),3 submitted signatures from over 700,000 Ohioans in

support of a proposed amendment to Article I of the Ohio Constitution. The petition

specified that the proposed amendment was titled “The Right to Reproductive

3. Relators David Hackney, Nancy Kramer, Jennifer McNally, Ebony Speakes-Hall, and Aziza Wahby

are individual members of the committee that circulated the initiative petition to propose Issue 1.

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January Term, 2023

Freedom with Protections for Health and Safety” and included the following

proposed language, which constitutes the entire proposed amendment and which,

if adopted by the voters, would be added to the Ohio Constitution:

A. Every individual has a right to make and carry out one’s

own reproductive decisions, including but not limited to decisions

on:

1. contraception;

2. fertility treatment;

3. continuing one’s own pregnancy;

4. miscarriage care; and

5. abortion.

B. The State shall not, directly or indirectly, burden,

penalize, prohibit, interfere with, or discriminate against either:

1. An individual’s voluntary exercise of this right or

2. A person or entity that assists an individual exercising

this right,

unless the State demonstrates that it is using the least restrictive

means to advance the pregnant individual’s health in accordance

with widely accepted and evidence-based standards of care.

However, abortion may be prohibited after fetal viability.

But in no case may such an abortion be prohibited if in the

professional judgment of the pregnant patient’s treating physician it

is necessary to protect the pregnant patient’s life or health.

C. As used in this Section:

1. “Fetal viability” means “the point in a pregnancy when,

in the professional judgment of the pregnant patient’s treating

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physician, the fetus has a significant likelihood of survival outside

the uterus with reasonable measures. This is determined on a case-

by-case basis.”

2. “State” includes any governmental entity and any

political subdivision.

D. This Section is self-executing.

The foregoing proposed amendment language is 197 words.4

{¶ 61} On August 24, 2023, the Ohio Ballot Board met for the purpose of

carrying out its duties under Article XVI, Section 1 of the Ohio Constitution, which

specifies that “[t]he ballot language for such proposed amendments shall be

prescribed by a majority of the Ohio ballot board.” The board, in a three-to-two

vote, retitled the proposed amendment “A Self-Executing Amendment Relating to

Abortion and Other Reproductive Decisions”5 and adopted the following ballot

language to explain what the proposed amendment would do:

• Establish in the Constitution of the State of Ohio an

individual right to one’s own reproductive medical treatment,

including but not limited to abortion;

• Create legal protections for any person or entity that assists

a person with receiving reproductive medical treatment, including

but not limited to abortion;

4. This word count does not include the subsection numbering or lettering, and it treats hyphenated

words as separate words.

5. For purposes of comparison, the two titles may be easily compared here:

• Petitioners’ proposed title: “The Right to Reproductive Freedom with Protections for

Health and Safety”;

• Ohio Ballot Board’s title: “A Self-Executing Amendment Related to Abortion and Other

Reproductive Decisions.”

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January Term, 2023

• Prohibit the citizens of the State of Ohio from directly or

indirectly burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting abortion before an

unborn child is determined to be viable, unless the State

demonstrates that it is using the least restrictive means;

• Grant a pregnant woman’s treating physician the authority

to determine, on a case-by-case basis, whether an unborn child is

viable;

• Only allow the citizens of the State of Ohio to prohibit an

abortion after an unborn child is determined by a pregnant woman’s

treating physician to be viable and only if the physician does not

consider the abortion necessary to protect the pregnant woman’s life

or health; and

• Always allow an unborn child to be aborted at any stage of

pregnancy, regardless of viability if, in the treating physician’s

determination, the abortion is necessary to protect the pregnant

woman’s life or health.

If passed, the amendment will become effective 30 days after

the election.

The foregoing ballot language is 201 words.6

{¶ 62} The committee had asked in a letter for the board to adopt the full

text of the proposed amendment as it had appeared on the petitions, which over

700,000 Ohioans signed. Two members of the board moved to take that action, but

the motion was defeated three to two. Two other members of the board explained

6. Again, this word count does not include the subsection bulleting, and it treats hyphenated words

as separate words.

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why they would not endorse placing the full text of the proposed amendment on the

ballot. Respondent Senator Theresa Gavarone made the following statement:

The language of this amendment is written very broadly.

And that’s no mistake on the part of the drafters. This summary

accurately reflects that really broad language of the amendment, and

that’s what we’re tasked with here today.

No one should be fooled by the clever writing of this

proposed amendment. It’s designed to be broad, so broad that

should it pass, it is unequivocally true that access to painful, late-

term abortions will be written into Ohio’s Constitution.

This amendment is a bridge too far, even for pro-choice

women. Should this be inserted into our founding document, Ohio

citizens will allow an abortionist, a person who profits from

performing an abortion, to be the sole determiner if the “health of

the mother” is at risk.

Health of the mother has been defined by the U.S. Supreme

Court in Doe v. Bolton [410 U.S. 179, 93 S.Ct. 739, 35 L.Ed.2d 201

(1973)] to include all factors, physical, emotional, psychological,

familial, and the woman’s age relevant to the wellbeing of the

mother.

If the abortionist says the health of the mother is at risk, even

if there is scant evidence to support that medical determination, then

fully healthy, viable babies at seven, eight, and even nine months

can and absolutely will be aborted.

And all of that is before we get to the elimination of the basic

health and safety standards that the general assembly has

implemented over many decades, such as requiring that abortions be

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performed in person by a licensed doctor who has the ability to

transfer a woman to a hospital if something goes wrong with the

abortion and also the assault on parental rights that this proposed

amendment includes.

At this point, board member and respondent Senator Paula Hicks-Hudson requested

a point of order, and the chair of the board, respondent Secretary of State Frank

LaRose, allowed Senator Gavarone to continue:

The truth about this dangerous proposed amendment is

hidden by overly broad language. As a woman and a mother I

consider it an abomination that we’re even talking about amending

our constitution to allow for painful, late-term abortions. An

abomination.

This is a dangerous amendment that I’m going to fight

tirelessly to defeat. But that’s not why we’re here today.

We’re here to create ballot language that accurately

describes the proposed amendment as written.

I wish the language would’ve been more specific to the

voters as to what this proposed amendment actually means, and the

disastrous consequences on women and families, as I’ve been urging

up through today.

But I’m thankful to have played a part in setting the record

straight. And I’m proud to help deliver the truth to Ohioans about

this dangerous proposal.

{¶ 63} Board chair Secretary LaRose also commented as to why the full text

of the amendment should not be placed on the ballot:

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And of course the written text of a 250-plus word

Constitutional Amendment creates what I consider a number of very

substantial changes to [the] Ohio Constitution.

We tried to summarize that the best way we can and make it

a clear statement here in the ballot language of what this amendment

would actually do.

And then, of course, for any voter who wishes to read the

ballot language in its entirety, it’s presented right there at every

polling location in the state, as well.

Relators filed this mandamus action seeking to invalidate the language created and

adopted by the board. They claim that the ballot language is defective because it

misleads the voters and amounts to improper argument against the proposed

amendment.

{¶ 64} Relators ask that we invalidate the board’s language and issue a writ

of mandamus ordering Secretary LaRose to reconvene the board and directing the

board to either adopt the full text of the proposed amendment or prescribe lawful

ballot language correcting the specified defects.

II. Analysis

A. Review of ballot language

{¶ 65} When a party challenges ballot language prescribed by the board,

this court may not invalidate the language unless we find that it “is such as to

mislead, deceive, or defraud the voters.” Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section

1. When applying this constitutional directive, we look to whether the board

engaged in fraud or corruption, abused its discretion, or clearly disregarded

applicable law in prescribing the ballot language. One Person One Vote, __ Ohio

St.3d __, 2023-Ohio-1928, __ N.E.3d __, at ¶ 7; see State ex rel. Ohioans for Secure

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& Fair Elections v. LaRose, 159 Ohio St.3d 568, 2020-Ohio-1459, 152 N.E.3d 267,

¶ 14. The relator must establish that it is entitled to a writ through clear and

convincing evidence. State ex rel. Doner v. Zody, 130 Ohio St.3d 446, 2011-Ohio-

6117, 958 N.E.2d 1235, ¶ 57.

{¶ 66} Recently, in upholding another decision of the board involving this

same initiative, we explained that “[a]n abuse of discretion connotes an

unreasonable, arbitrary, or unconscionable attitude.” DeBlase, __ Ohio St.3d __,

2023-Ohio-1823, __ N.E.3d __, at ¶ 27. With respect to following the applicable

law, Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1 (as referred to in Article II, Section

1g) requires the board to “properly identify the substance of the proposal to be voted

upon.” We have explained that the ballot language “ ‘must fairly and accurately

present the question or issue to be decided in order to assure a free, intelligent and

informed vote by the average citizen affected.’ ” State ex rel. Bailey v. Celebrezze,

67 Ohio St.2d 516, 519, 426 N.E.2d 493 (1981), quoting Markus v. Bd. of Elections,

22 Ohio St.2d 197, 259 N.E.2d 501, paragraph four of the syllabus.

{¶ 67} Finally, our analysis is premised on the fundamental principle that

voters have the right to know what they are being asked to vote on. See Jurcisin v.

Cuyahoga Cty. Bd. of Elections, 35 Ohio St.3d 137, 141, 519 N.E.2d 347 (1988),

citing Bailey at 519. Therefore, language that is in the nature of a persuasive

argument in favor of or against a proposed amendment is prohibited. Id., citing

Beck v. Cincinnati, 162 Ohio St. 473, 475, 124 N.E.2d 120 (1955).

{¶ 68} Under these principles of review, the record here shows clearly and

convincingly that the ballot board disregarded applicable law and acted

unreasonably and arbitrarily when it prescribed ballot language that neither

condenses the proposed amendment nor presents the voters with a fair and accurate

description of the issue they are being asked to vote on. The clear disdain of the

majority of the board—which is apparent in the record—for the substance of the

amendment evidences an unconscionable attitude resulting in an abuse of discretion

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in prescribing ballot language that is a complete rewrite of the language of the

amendment, making the ballot language both misleading and longer than the text

of the amendment itself. The board’s language is dishonest. It is born of board

action motivated by privately held and arbitrary views, not constitutional duty. It

should be invalidated in its entirety.

B. The board’s rejection of the full text was unreasonable and arbitrary

{¶ 69} The clearest and most prudent method of ensuring that voters know

what they are being asked to vote on is to place the full text of the proposed

amendment on the ballot. Time and again, we have recognized that “[i]n the larger

community, in many instances, the only real knowledge * * * voter[s] obtain[] on

the issue for which [they are] voting comes when [they] enter[] the polling place

and read[] the description of the proposed issue set forth on the ballot.” Schnoerr

v. Miller, 2 Ohio St.2d 121, 125, 206 N.E.2d 902 (1965). Using the full text of the

proposed amendment would ensure constitutional compliance, because nothing

could more “ ‘fairly and accurately present the question or issue’ ” than the full text

of the proposed amendment. See Bailey, 67 Ohio St.2d at 519, 426 N.E.2d 493,

quoting Markus, 22 Ohio St.2d 197, 259 N.E.2d 501, at paragraph four of the

syllabus.

{¶ 70} As justification for not putting the full text of the proposed

amendment on the ballot, the chair of the board suggested that voters may “read the

ballot language in its entirety” by seeking it out at a polling location. As noted, that

option is inadequate and insufficient, because R.C. 3505.06(E) requires simply this:

If other than a full text is used, the full text of the proposed question,

issue, or amendment together with the percentage of affirmative

votes necessary for passage as required by law shall be posted in

each polling place in some spot that is easily accessible to the voters.

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January Term, 2023

That means that in a polling place, which may contain more than one precinct of up

to 1,400 voters per precinct,7 there is but one copy of the proposed amendment.

This should not be the preferred method for voters to have access to the full text of

a proposed amendment when the full text can easily be placed on the ballot.

{¶ 71} But here, the board did not identify any reason why the full text could

not be placed on the ballot. Rather, Secretary LaRose and Senator Gavarone

focused on why, in their view, it should not be placed on the ballot. Although

Article XVI, Section 1 states that the ballot “need not contain the full text nor a

condensed text,” it is difficult to understand why a substitute text, that is neither

full nor condensed, would ever be constitutional. The parties do not offer this court

any case in which we have been called on to examine circumstances such as these

before now.

{¶ 72} Thus, it behooves us to examine State ex rel. Voters First v. Ohio

Ballot Bd., 133 Ohio St.3d 257, 2012-Ohio-4149, 978 N.E.2d 119, a case in which

we invalidated the board’s decision to prescribe a condensed text of a proposed

amendment as prepared by the secretary of state’s staff because the condensed text

failed to properly identify the substance of the amendment. The secretary in that

case expressed that the full text of the amendment would have been preferred but

would have “doubled the cost” of sending mail-in ballots for voters and the state.

Id. at ¶ 11. We acknowledged that the alternative was a condensed text, explaining

that if, instead of using the full text, the board approves condensed text, any

omissions may not “affect the fairness or accuracy of the text.” Id. at ¶ 30. We

thus recognized that the actual text is the most accurate ballot language and pointed

out that any other version, condensed or not, had to properly identify the substance

of the proposed amendment.

7. See R.C. 3501.18(A); Ohio Secretary of State, “Election Official Manual” 2-45 (Feb. 3, 2021),

available at https://www.ohiosos.gov/globalassets/elections/directives/2021/eom/eom_fullversion

_2021-02.pdf (accessed Sept. 18, 2023) [https://perma.cc/XJ24-T3P5].

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{¶ 73} If the most fair and accurate presentation of the issue is the full text

of the proposed amendment, why did the board here need to create new language

at all? The board’s language does not condense the language of the proposed

amendment. And there is no indication that the board’s chair was concerned about

the cost of postage or anything of a practical nature. To protect the inherent political

power of the people, we need to examine why the board chose to prescribe not a

full text, and not a condensed text, but a different text altogether.

{¶ 74} First, Secretary LaRose stated that the amendment (that had been on

every part-petition circulated to obtain in excess of 700,000 signatures) created

what he considered to be very substantial changes to the Ohio Constitution. He

also explained that he had tried to “summarize” the amendment and explain what

it “would actually do.” But this reasoning is disingenuous, because what the

amendment “would actually do” depends more on the actual text than the chair’s

explanation of it. Simply put, the chair of the board may express his opinion about

the amendment when he casts his vote on election day, just like every other Ohioan.

But he may not vote to reject placing the full text of the amendment on the ballot

in favor of his own language explaining what he believes the amendment “would

actually do.” Such a decision is arbitrary, unreasonable, and deceitful. His

explanation is a pretext for placing his desire to communicate his views on the

amendment above his constitutional duty to “properly identify the substance of the

proposal to be voted upon” pursuant to Article XVI, Section 1.

{¶ 75} Another unabashedly opinionated member of the board, Senator

Gavarone, went beyond disingenuous and straight into outrageous when she

expressed her clear disdain for the substance of the proposed amendment, calling it

“dangerous” and “an abomination.” The idea that she would “fight tirelessly to

defeat” the amendment equates her vote to deny the full text of the proposed

amendment with a vote to deny the amendment entirely. Her constitutional duty is

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to prescribe accurate ballot language—not to argue against the adoption of the

proposed amendment. See Jurcisin, 35 Ohio St.3d at 141, 519 N.E.2d 347.

{¶ 76} Senator Gavarone either disregarded or misunderstood her duty,

stating that the board was tasked to “create ballot language that accurately describes

the proposed amendment as written.” (Emphasis added.) The board is not and

never has been tasked with creating or describing anything. The board’s duty is

simply to prescribe the language for the ballot and to “properly identify the

substance of the proposal to be voted upon.” Ohio Constitution, Article XVI,

Section 1. It has no duty to create anything.

{¶ 77} Even if we view Secretary LaRose’s and Senator Gavarone’s

justifications for not adopting the full text in the most benign sense—based on their

perception that the amendment is too broadly written—this rationale is arbitrary

and unreasonable. The board has no authority to determine how a proposed

amendment should have been written. Even if it can be said that the drafters wrote

the amendment to apply broadly, it is the voters and not the board who decide

whether that is what the Constitution should say.

{¶ 78} When the full text of the proposed amendment is used as the ballot

language, there can be no doubt that it “properly identif[ies] the substance of the

proposal to be voted upon,” Ohio Constitution, Article XVI, Section 1. Because

“[t]he powers of initiative and referendum should be liberally construed to

effectuate the rights reserved,” Hodges, 64 Ohio St.3d at 5, 591 N.E.2d 1186, we

should find that the board offers no plausible, nonargumentative explanation for

failing to place the full text of the proposed amendment on the ballot, showing its

decision to be arbitrary, unreasonable, and unconscionable.

C. The board’s proposed ballot language is otherwise defective

{¶ 79} In examining the critical defects raised by relators, I recognize that

the board is not required to prescribe ballot language that contains the same “nouns

and verbs” that appear in the proposed amendment, State ex rel. Cincinnati for

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Pension Reform v. Hamilton Cty. Bd. of Elections, 137 Ohio St.3d 45, 2013-Ohio-

4489, 997 N.E.2d 509, ¶ 52. However, until now, we have applied this principle in

the context of reviewing a board’s condensing of the proposed amendment’s

language for the ballot, such as in Cincinnati for Pension Reform, in which the

board had condensed a three-page amendment to six paragraphs.

{¶ 80} When this court examines condensed text, it can evaluate the

omissions as compared to the full text. But this new practice of explaining an

amendment asks us to compare different versions of what is represented to be the

same thing. We should recognize the inappropriateness in this case of endorsing

ballot language that presents a version of the proposed amendment that is not

representative of the amendment’s actual text, especially in the presence of the

abject hostility toward the full text of the proposed amendment that blankets the

evidentiary record.

{¶ 81} For the following reasons, I would find that the board’s decision was

contrary to law because the ballot language it adopted fails to properly identify the

substance of the proposal to be voted on and is misleading, argumentative, and

deceitful.

1. The right created by the amendment

{¶ 82} The proposed amendment establishes the right of every Ohioan to

“make and carry out [their] own reproductive decisions.” It specifies that the right

includes, but is not limited to, “contraception, fertility treatment, continuing one’s

own pregnancy, miscarriage care, and abortion.” Conversely, the board’s language

explains the proposal as establishing a right “to one’s own reproductive medical

treatment” and omits all the categories specifically included except for abortion.

The board’s removal of the enumerated categories could change the voters’

understanding about the scope of the rights being conferred. By the chair’s own

standards, these omissions do nothing to convey a “clear statement of what this

amendment would actually do.”

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{¶ 83} Consider the voter who is concerned about guaranteeing access to

contraception and is not sure about his or her feelings about abortion, or the voter

who is concerned about in vitro fertilization and how the use of embryos could be

criminalized. The ballot language mentions nothing of these aspects of the

proposed amendment. And what about the concerns of physicians who are ethically

obligated to provide medical treatment to patients having a miscarriage and at risk

of bleeding to death, but who may be prosecuted for providing that medical

treatment when the fetus is still viable? There is nothing in the ballot language

about miscarriage. Why are these issues left out of the ballot language?

{¶ 84} Because the board’s language omits important terms while failing to

actually condense or summarize the language at all, the ballot language is

misleading and deprives voters of language that properly reflects the substance of

the proposed amendment. The board’s argumentative justification for crafting this

language—language that is different from the proposed amendment’s full text—

supplies clear and convincing evidence of careful intention that is unreasonable or

arbitrary or arises from an unconscionable attitude. See DeBlase, ___ Ohio St.3d

___, 2023-Ohio-1823, ___ N.E.3d ___, at ¶ 27.

2. “The State” vs. “the citizens of the State of Ohio”

{¶ 85} Secretary LaRose and Senator Gavarone claimed that the full text of

the amendment was broad and that the board’s language was necessary to clarify

the amendment for the voters. But the board’s substitution of “the citizens of the

State of Ohio” for “the State” is confusing, inaccurate, and unnecessary. The full

text of the amendment prohibits “the State” from burdening or interfering with the

rights created therein. The full text also provides a definition of the “State,” so

there can be no question of what entity is being restricted.

{¶ 86} The board’s language is confusing and inaccurate and insinuates that

citizens as individuals, not the government, are prohibited from interfering with the

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rights being created. This language is confusing, if not outright misleading—

especially when the actual text is available, concise, and clear.

3. “Fetus” vs. “unborn child”

{¶ 87} The term “unborn child” is unnecessary and argumentative against

the amendment. Given the statements made during the board’s hearing and in the

absence of any reasonable or rational explanation, it is unsurprising that the board

changed the terminology to fit the majority of the board’s stance against the

amendment, rather than either presenting as ballot language the full text of the

proposed amendment or simply condensing it.

4. The board’s title of the amendment is misleading

{¶ 88} Relators titled the amendment “The Right to Reproductive Freedom

with Protections for Health and Safety.” The board retitled the amendment “A Self-

Executing Amendment Relating to Abortion and Other Reproductive Decisions.”

The board’s language again focuses on only one category of the rights protected,

that being the most contentious: abortion. Further, the board’s title adds the term

“self-executing,” which appears at the end of the proposed amendment’s text;

above the title, it does nothing to explain the substance of the amendment and would

be confusing to the average voter. Given the backdrop of hostility the board has

toward the substance of the amendment, these changes are misleading.

III. Conclusion

{¶ 89} The Ohio Ballot Board’s decision to adopt ballot language that is

different from the language in the proposed amendment, that is not condensed, that

is wordier than the actual text of the proposed amendment, and that does not

properly represent the substance of the proposal was an abuse of discretion and

contrary to law. The board should be ordered to reconvene and adopt constitutional

ballot language, which should be the full text of the amendment, especially under

the facts presented in this case. Because the majority does not agree, except to

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change “the citizens of the State of Ohio” to “the State,” I respectfully concur in

part and dissent in part.

_________________

DETERS, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part.

{¶ 90} I agree with much of the lead opinion’s analysis. Where I part ways,

however, is with the opinion’s characterization of respondent Ohio Ballot Board’s

use of the term “citizens of the State.” The majority concludes that the term is

misleading. It is not. Nothing in the ballot language would lead the average voter

to understand that the proposed amendment would curb his or her individual right

to object to abortion. So while I concur with the majority’s judgment denying the

writ in most respects, I dissent from the majority’s judgment granting a limited writ

to relators, Ohioans United for Reproductive Rights and several individual

members of the committee that circulated the petition to propose the constitutional

amendment at issue.

{¶ 91} The Ohio Constitution constrains this court’s review of ballot

language: “ballot language shall not be held invalid unless it is such as to mislead,

deceive, or defraud the voters.” Article XVI, Section 1, Ohio Constitution. “When

assessing ballot language, we typically examine whether the language tells voters

what they are being asked to vote on and whether the language impermissibly

amounts to persuasive argument for or against the issue.” State ex rel. One Person

One Vote v. Ohio Ballot Bd., __ Ohio St.3d __, 2023-Ohio-1928, __ N.E.3d __,

¶ 8.

{¶ 92} The lead opinion correctly concludes that most of relators’ claims

that the ballot language is misleading are without merit. And it determines that the

language is not improperly argumentative against the amendment. Where the

opinion goes wrong is in concluding that the use of the term “citizens of the State”

is misleading because the term “suggest[s] that the amendment would limit the

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rights of individual citizens to oppose abortion.” Lead opinion, ¶ 29. Read in

context, the term does nothing of the sort.

{¶ 93} The term that the majority finds misleading appears in two bullet

points in the ballot board’s language:

• Prohibit the citizens of the State of Ohio from directly or

indirectly burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting abortion before an

unborn child is determined to be viable, unless the State

demonstrates that it is using the least restrictive means.

***

• Only allow the citizens of the State of Ohio to prohibit an

abortion after an unborn child is determined by a pregnant woman’s

treating physician to be viable and only if the physician does not

consider the abortion necessary to protect the pregnant woman’s life

or health[.]

{¶ 94} It is notable that both bullet points refer to “citizens” rather than “a

citizen.” The word choice can be contrasted with other phrases that describe the

effect of the proposed amendment on individuals: “a pregnant woman’s treating

physician” is granted authority; a determination is to be made whether “an unborn

child” is viable; “the pregnant woman’s life or health” is protected. When the

phrase “citizens of the State” is contrasted with those phrases, it seems unlikely that

a voter would conclude that the bullet points using the term “citizens of the State”

describe the amendment’s effect on his or her individual rights.

{¶ 95} Moreover, the actions that the ballot language explains would be

prohibited or permitted are not actions that can be taken by an individual. In the

first bullet point quoted above, the “citizens of the State” are prohibited from

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“burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting abortion.” A voter would not understand

that language to mean that he or she currently had a right to burden, penalize, or

prohibit abortion and that the right would be taken away by the amendment. And

if there were any confusion on this point, the latter half of the bullet point—“unless

the State demonstrates that it is using the least restrictive means”—makes clear that

the burdening, penalizing, or prohibiting referred to involve state action.

{¶ 96} Likewise, the second bullet point quoted above speaks to allowing

“citizens of the State” to prohibit an abortion in limited circumstances. A voter

would not think this means that so long as the amendment doesn’t pass, he or she

possesses an individual right to prohibit an abortion. The majority’s conclusion

that the language “suggests,” lead opinion at ¶ 26, any limit on the right of an

individual voter to oppose abortion is simply not supported by the words chosen by

the ballot board.

Conclusion

{¶ 97} This court’s role in reviewing ballot language is constrained by the

Ohio Constitution. The Ohio Ballot Board’s language does not mislead, deceive,

or defraud voters. Because the majority concludes otherwise, I respectfully concur

in part and dissent in part.

KENNEDY, C.J., and DEWINE, J., concur in the foregoing opinion.

_________________

McTigue & Colombo, L.L.C., and Donald J. McTigue; and Elias Law

Group, L.L.P., and Ben Stafford, Emma Olson Sharkey, and Samuel T. Ward-

Packard, for relators.

Dave Yost, Attorney General, and Julie M. Pfeiffer, Ann Yackshaw,

Michael A. Walton, and Stephen Tabatowski, Assistant Attorneys General, for

respondents.

_________________

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