“[T]he Solomon Amendment regulates conduct, not speech. It affects what law schools must do—afford equal access to military recruiters—not what they may or may not say.”
How later courts described this case
- “[T]he Solomon Amendment regulates conduct, not speech. It affects what law schools must do—afford equal access to military recruiters—not what they may or may not say.”
Written by the judges who cited it.
The opinion
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF OREGON
PORTLAND DIVISION
ANITA NOELLE GREEN,
Plaintiff, No. 3:19-cv-02048-MO
v.
MISS UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, OPINION AND ORDER
LLC, a Nevada limited liability corporation
d/b/a United States of America Pageants,
Defendant.
MOSMAN, J.,
In June 2020, this case came before me on Defendant Miss United States of America,
LLC’s (“Miss USA”) Motion to Dismiss [ECF 8] and Motion to Strike [ECF 15]. The subject of
both motions is an identical as-applied challenge to the Oregon Public Accommodations Act
(“OPAA”) as a violation of Miss USA’s rights under the First Amendment of the United States
Constitution and Article I, Section 8 of the Oregon Constitution. The analysis of those
constitutional questions is the same under either motion. After hearing oral argument, I ordered
the parties to engage in limited discovery and to submit supplemental briefing on the question of
whether Miss USA is an “expressive association” under First Amendment doctrine, thus
4 ADTRTITART ARTIAN ADATD
converting the motions to a summary judgment posture. Min. of Proceedings [ECF 28]. Miss
USA’s Motion for Summary Judgment [ECF 32] is now before me. For the reasons explained
below, | GRANT Miss USA’s motion.
BACKGROUND
Plaintiff Anita Noelle Green is “an openly transgender female—a person whose gender
identity as female differs from the gender [she] was assigned at birth.” Anita Noelle Green Decl.
[ECF 39] ¥ 2. Ms. Green frequently participates in beauty pageants. Jd. | 4-6. To her, beauty
pageants “play a vital role in boosting her confidence, improving her public speaking skills,
making her feel heard, giving her a public platform in which to discuss important social issues,
and allowing her to be a positive and inspiring example to all women.” Compl. [ECF 1] { 29.
Defendant Miss USA produces female beauty pageants throughout the country, including
in Oregon, “to encourage women to strive to ACHIEVE their hopes, dreams, goals, and
aspirations, while making them feel CONFIDENT and BEAUTIFUL inside and out!” Tanice
Smith Decl. [ECF 33] Ex. 2, at 1. Miss USA “focus[es] on women empowerment, promoting
positive self-image and advocating a platform of community service, which allows [its]
contestants to rise by lifting others.” Jd. While Miss USA is generally unselective in choosing -
participants for its pageants, it does have some eligibly requirements. Relevant here, Miss USA
limits its contestant pool to “natural born female[s].” Jd. Ex. 2, at 1-2. As defined by Miss USA,
that category does not include transgender women.
Ms. Green alleges that she applied to participate as a contestant in Miss USA’s Oregon
pageant but that her application was denied on account of her status as a transgender woman, due
to the “natural born female” rule. Compl. [ECF 1] 2, 30-34. She argues that her exclusion
from Miss USA’s pageant on account of her gender identity violates the OPAA, which makes it
2 — OPINION AND ORDER .
unlawful “for any person to deny full and equal accommodations, advantages, facilities and
privileges of any place of public accommodation” to an individual based on a protected status,
including an individual’s gender identity. Or. Rev. Stat. § 659A.403; Or. Rev. Stat. § 174.100(7).
Miss USA does not dispute that it is a place of public accommodation under OPAA or
that its “natural born female” rule denies Ms. Green a privilege because of her gender identity.
Instead, Miss USA argues that the forced inclusion of Ms. Green in its pageant would compel it
to express a message with which it disagrees: Ms. Green is a natural-born female. And it argues
that it is protected from such compelled expression by both the First Amendment of the United
States Constitution and Article I, Section 8 of the Oregon Constitution.
LEGAL STANDARD
Summary judgment is appropriate when “there is no genuine dispute as to any material
fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a). A party
seeking summary judgment bears the burden of establishing the absence of a genuine issue of
material fact. Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, 477 U.S. 317, 323 (1986).
DISCUSSION
Although Miss USA makes its argument under the Oregon Constitution in rather brief
fashion in its Motion to Dismiss [ECF 8] and Motion to Strike [ECF 15], and it does not raise the
argument at all in its Motion for Summary Judgment [ECF 32], principles of constitutional
avoidance require me to address any potentially dispositive state constitutional question before
turning to alleged violations of the federal constitution. Ellis v. City of La Mesa, 990 F.2d 1518,
1524 (9th Cir. 1993). I thus begin with Article I, Section 8 of the Oregon Constitution. But
because I hold that Miss USA’s argument there fails, I then turn to Miss USA’s arguments under
the First Amendment.
2 FT)YPTINTON ANT) ORTIYVER
Miss USA makes two independent arguments under the First Amendment, relying on two
overlapping but distinct doctrines. First, it argues that OPAA, as applied here, violates its free
speech rights under traditional First Amendment compelled-speech doctrine. Mot. Summ. J.
[ECF 32] at 19. Second, it argues that OPAA violates its right to freedom of association under
the “expressive association” doctrine. /d. at 11. For the reasons explained below, I hold that Miss
USA’s free speech rights do not trump application of OPAA here, but its freedom-of-association
rights do.
I Article I, Section 8 of the Oregon Constitution
When a law is challenged as violating Article I, Section 8, the analysis begins by
categorizing the law, on its face, into one of three categories. City of Eugene v. Miller, 871 P.2d
454, 458-59 (Or. 1994). The parties do not dispute that OPAA belongs in the third category:
“laws that ‘focus on forbidden effects, but without referring to expression at all.’” Jd. at 459
(alteration accepted) (quoting State v. Plowman, 838 P.2d 558, 563 (Or. 1992)).
To prove a violation, an as-applied challenge to a law in the third category must show
that the law (1) reaches privileged communications in a way that (2) impermissibly burdens the
protected expression. City of Eugene, 871 P.2d at 460. A claimant’s free speech rights are not
impermissibly burdened by “a permissible restriction on the time, place, and manner of their
expression.” State v. Babson, 326 P.3d 559, 575 (Or. 2014) (en banc). Oregon courts consider
three factors to determine whether restrictions are “reasonable limits” on the time, place, and
manner of expression: (1) whether the law discriminates on the basis of the speech’s content; (2)
whether the restriction advances a legitimate state interest without restricting substantially more
speech than necessary; and (3) whether ample alternative opportunities exist to communicate the
intended message. Id. ,
4 — OPINION AND ORDER
Here, on the question of whether OPAA reaches privileged communications, Miss USA
argues that “[b]jecause [it] engages in speech under the First Amendment, it also engages in
protected expression under the even broader clause of Oregon’s Constitution.” Mot. to Dismiss
[ECF 8] at 30. It then argues that Article I, Section 8 is broader than the First Amendment
because it covers “any” expression of opinion. Jd. (quoting State v. Henry, 732 P.2d 9, 11 (Or.
1987)).
Miss USA’s derivative argument is a problem for two reasons. First, Oregon courts have
held that they will not accept Article I, Section 8 claims that are purely derivative of First
Amendment claims. See Klein v. Or. Bureau of Labor and Indus., 410 P.3d 1051, 1074 (Or. App.
2017), vacated on other grounds, 138 S. Ct. 2713 (2019) (mem.). Miss USA’s a fortiori
argument that the Oregon Constitution necessarily protects everything protected by the First
Amendment is exactly the sort of derivative argument prohibited by Klein. Second, to accept
Miss USA’s argument I would have to conclude that the application of OPAA here reaches
expression protected by the First Amendment. To do that at this juncture would completely
undermine the requirements of constitutional avoidance which mandate that I adjudicate a state
constitutional claim before reaching any federal constitutional question. I will therefore defer my
analysis of this issue until I address Miss USA’s First Amendment argument infra.
But assuming arguendo that OPAA does reach privileged communications as applied
here, I also hold that OPAA does not impermissibly burden Miss USA’s expression as all three
“reasonable limits” factors weigh in Ms. Green’s favor. With respect to the first factor—whether
the law discriminates based on the speech’s content—the Oregon Supreme Court has clarified
that the inquiry is “whether the application [of the law] was directed at the content or the
expressive nature of an individual’s activities.” Babson, 326 P.3d at 575. That question is
5 — OPINION AND ORDER
generally asked when the state is seeking to enforce a criminal or regulatory code that affects
expression, and the concern is that the state is selectively enforcing the law because it disfavors
the defendant’s expression. See id. at 577. Thus, this factor is a bit inapposite here, where Ms.
Green is a private party secking the enforcement ofa state statute that is neutral on its face.
Regardless, Miss USA has not demonstrated that the operation or enforcement of OPAA
discriminates against it because of the content or subject of its speech; any impact on Miss
USA’s expression here is incidental.
With respect to the second factor, Miss USA makes only a conclusory argument that the
state’s interest in preventing discrimination based on gender identity is illegitimate under Oregon
law. Mot. to Dismiss [ECF 8] at 32. Oregon courts have held that OPAA serves a “compelling
interest both in ensuring equal access to publicly available goods and services and in preventing
the dignitary harm that results from discriminatory denials of service.” See Klein, 410 P.3d at
1073. They have also held that the state’s “interest is no less compelling with respect to the
provision of services for same-sex weddings.” Id. Miss USA has provided no authority that
. suggests Oregon courts would treat discrimination based on gender-identity as less than
compelling, let alone illegitimate. Nor have they argued that, under Oregon law, OPAA restricts
“substantially more speech than necessary” to achieve its legitimate end in preventing gender-
identity discrimination in accessing places of public accommodation.
Finally, the third factor also weighs in Ms. Green’s favor. Even if Miss USA must
include Ms. Green in its pageant, it retains “ample avenues to communicate” its message despite
OPAA’s restrictions. Babson, 326 P.3d at 575 (quoting Outdoor Media Dimension, Inc. v. Dep’t
of Transp., 132 P.3d 5, 14 (Or. 2006)). For example, it could hang banners and distribute
6 — OPINION AND ORDER
pamphlets that describe its belief that transgender women are not women, and which represent
that the messages and viewpoints expressed by the pageant contestants belong to the contestants.
In sum, Miss USA’s claim under Article I, Section 8 of the Oregon Constitution fails for
two reasons. First, Miss USA’s claim under the state constitution is purely derivative of its claim
under the federal constitution, and this sort of argument is prohibited by Klein. Second, OPAA,
as applied here, does not impermissibly burden Miss USA’s protected expression, and therefore
does not violate Miss USA’s rights under Article I, Section 8 of the Oregon Constitution.
II. Compelled Speech Under the First Amendment
The First Amendment protects “both the right to speak freely and the right to refrain from
speaking at all.” Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U.S. 705, 714 (1977). The government cannot compel
someone to speak and if someone chooses to speak, the speaker “has the autonomy to choose the
content of his own message.” Hurley v. Irish-Am. Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Grp. of Bos., 515
U.S. 557, 573 (1995). These protections apply not just to traditional forms of communication;
rather, “the Constitution looks beyond written or spoken words as mediums of expression.” Jd. at
569. Accordingly, conduct that is sufficiently expressive of an idea can receive First Amendment
protection. See id.; infra at 8-9.
In enforcing these principles, courts reserve their most exacting scrutiny for laws that
regulate speech based on “disapproval of the ideas expressed.” R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505
U.S. 377, 382 (1992). Courts thus apply strict scrutiny “to regulations that suppress,
disadvantage, or impose differential burdens upon speech because of its content.” Turner Broad.
Sys., Inc. v. F.C.C., 512 U.S. 622, 642 (1994), By contrast, “regulations that are unrelated to the
content of speech are subject to an intermediate level of scrutiny.” Jd.
7 — OPINION AND ORDER
This distinction is crucial when the government regulates a course of conduct which can
be used to express an idea. In O’Brien v. United States, the Supreme Court considered the
constitutionality of a law which made it a crime to knowingly destroy a draft registration card.
391 U.S. 367 (1968). The challenger, David Paul O’Brien, was convicted under that law after he
burned his draft card to protest the Vietnam War. Jd. at 369-70. He argued that the law, as
applied to him, was unconstitutional because his act of burning the draft card constituted
protected speech under the First Amendment. Jd. at 376.
The Court rejected his argument and held that, in certain circumstances, the government
may regulate conduct even when that conduct is sufficiently expressive to fall within the ambit
of the First Amendment. Specifically, it articulated that “when ‘speech’ and ‘nonspeech’
elements are combined in the same course of conduct, a sufficiently important governmental
interest in regulating the nonspeech element can justify incidental limitations on First
Amendment freedoms.” Jd. The Court further described that:
[A] government regulation is sufficiently justified if it is within the constitutional
power of the Government; if it furthers an important or substantial governmental
interest; if the governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free
expression; and if the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms
is no greater than is essential to the furtherance of that interest.
Id, at 377. After setting out this test, the Court held that the law prohibiting destruction of draft
_ cards passed muster because it served legitimate and substantial governmental interests that were
unrelated to the suppression of expression, such as the facilitation of military mobilization. Id. at
378-80.
Of course, the government does not have to survive the O’Brien test every time it enacts
or enforces a conduct-regulating law. Any challenger must first show, as a threshold matter, that
their regulated conduct is sufficiently expressive to implicate the First Amendment. Because “[i]t
8 — OPINION AND ORDER
is possible to find some kernel of expression in almost every activity a person undertakes,” City
of Dallas v. Stanglin, 490 U.S. 19, 25 (1989), the Supreme Court has developed a two-prong test
to determine when conduct meets this expressive threshold. See Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S.
405, 410-11 (1974) (per curiam); Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 403-04 (1989). In examining
the relevant conduct, a court should determine if (1) “[a]n intent to convey a particularized
message was present,” and (2) “in the surrounding circumstances the likelihood was great that
the message would be understood by those who viewed it.” Spence, 418 U.S. at 410-11. In
Hurley y. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Group of Boston, the Court appeared to
soften the first prong of this test, holding that “a narrow, succinctly articulable message is not a
condition of constitutional protection, which if confined to expressions conveying a
‘particularized message’ would never reach the unquestionably shielded painting of Jackson
Pollock... .” 515 U.S. at 569 (internal citation omitted).' Conduct that passes this test—what I
will call the Spence test—is often labeled “expressive conduct.” See, e.g., Johnson, 491 U.S. at
403,
Importantly, in evaluating conduct under the Spence test, a court must ignore any
accompanying speech that purports to explain the conduct. Rumsfeld v. Forum for Acad. and
Institutional Rights (FAIR), 547 U.S. 47, 66 (2006) (“If combining speech and conduct were
enough to create expressive conduct, a regulated party could always transform conduct into
' The Courts of Appeals have differed on the exact effect Hurley had on the Spence test.
See Cressman v. Thompson, 719 F.3d 1139, 1150 (10th Cir. 2013) (collecting authority), As
Cressman notes, these differences seemingly extend to panels within the Ninth Circuit. Id.
(referencing Kaahumanu vy. Hawaii, 682 F.3d 789, 798 (9th Cir. 2012), and Anderson vy. City of
Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1060 (9th Cir. 2010)). Here, I will apply Hurley as a gloss on
the Spence test that softens the particularized message requirement such that the specificity of the
message is less important. Cf Holloman ex rel. Holloman v. Harland, 370 F.3d 1252, 1270 (11th
Cir. 2004).
9 — OPINION AND ORDER .
‘speech’ simply by talking about it.”). For example, consider someone who refuses to pay his
income taxes. Would that conduct—tefusing to pay taxes—pass the Spence test? Hardly. There
is no way to know whether that person is trying to send a message by refusing to pay his taxes,
let alone what that message might be. It is possible he just wants some extra cash to buy a new
car. But even if the reason he refuses to pay his income taxes is because he wants to express
disapproval of the IRS, he cannot transform his conduct into expressive conduct by announcing
his intentions. Jd.
In sum, when a conduct-regulating law is challenged by a litigant under the theory that its
proper application interferes with expression in violation of the First Amendment, the Supreme
Court has laid out a framework for analyzing such a claim. First, a court should determine
whether the regulated conduct, as applied, qualifies as “expressive conduct” under the Spence
test such that it is subject to First Amendment protection. If it does, then the court should analyze
the constitutionality of the law by applying the O’Brien test. If the law passes O’Brien, then it is
constitutional even if its application incidentally affects protected First Amendment expression.
Here, Miss USA’s challenge fits neatly under this framework. OPAA—like other state
public accommodations laws throughout the country—“does not, on its face, target speech or
discriminate on the basis of its content, the focal point of its prohibition being rather on the act of
discriminating against individuals in the provision of publicly available goods, privileges, and
services on the proscribed grounds.” Hurley, 515 U.S. at 572. In other words, it regulates
conduct, not speech. Cf FAIR, 547 U.S. at 60 (“[T]he Solomon Amendment regulates conduct,
not speech. It affects what law schools must do—afford equal access to military recruiters—not
what they may or may not say.”). Thus, the question here is whether the particular conduct that
10 — OPINION AND ORDER
OPAA prohibits or requires of Miss USA is expressive conduct, and if so, whether O’Brien is
satisfied or not.
But before analyzing the facts of this case under the above-described framework, I want
to address Miss USA’s main argument: the application of Hurley to this case changes everything.
See Mot. Summ. J. [ECF 32] at 20-21, 31 (arguing that strict scrutiny should apply here under
Hurley). It does not.
In Hurley, “a number of gay, lesbian, and bisexual descendants of the Irish immigrants
joined together with other supporters” to form an organization named GLIB. Hurley, 515 U.S. at
561. The members of GLIB wished to participate in Boston’s St. Patrick’s Day parade as a
distinct parade contingent carrying its own banner. Jd. at 572, 574. The organizers of the parade
refused to admit GLIB into the parade as its own contingent, ostensibly because they disagreed
with GLIB’s message of inclusion. Jd. at 561, 574-75. GLIB sued-under the state’s public
accommodations law, arguing that the parade organizers had excluded GLIB because of its
members’ sexual orientation. Jd. at 561-63. The state court ruled for GLIB. Jd.
The Supreme Court reversed. Jd. at 566. In a key passage explaining its decision, the
Court stated:
In the case before us . . . the [public accommodations| law has been applied in a
peculiar way. Its enforcement does not address any dispute about the
participation of openly gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals in various units
admitted to the parade. Petitioners disclaim any intent to exclude homosexuals as
such, and no individual member of GLIB claims to have been excluded from
parading as a member of any group that the Council has approved to march.
Instead, the disagreement goes to the admission of GLIB as its own parade
unit carrying its own banner. Since every participating unit affects the message
conveyed by the private organizers, the state courts’ application of the statute
produced an order essentially requiring petitioners to alter the expressive content
of their parade.
11 — OPINION AND ORDER
Id. at 572-73 (emphasis added) (internal citations omitted). This “peculiar” application of the
public accommodations law, the Court continued, “violates the fundamental rule of protection
under the First Amendment, that a speaker has the autonomy to choose the content of his own
message.” Id. at 573.
Understanding what was “peculiar” about Hurley distinguishes it from this case and
reinforces—rather than upends—traditional First Amendment doctrine. The state court’s
application of the public accommodations law was peculiar because it was not applied to redress
a circumstance where individuals had been denied privileges because of their protected status;
rather, it was applied to directly require a speaker to host a particular message because of that
message’s content.
Consider an analogy. A group of people, mainly comprised of Black individuals, wishes
to participate in a similar parade. They name their group “Black Lives Matter” and request to
participate in the parade as a distinct unit to express their support for racial equality and criminal
justice reform. The parade organizers, for whatever reason, object to the message that the Black
Lives Matter group wishes to express, and they deny their application to participate in the parade
as a distinct unit. The organizers do not, however, exclude Black individuals or any other racial
group from participating in any of the approved parade units (nor treat anyone differently at all
on account of their race). If the Black Lives Matter group sued the parade organizers under a
similar public accommodations law, then the case would be on all fours with Hurley and the
parade organizers would likely prevail. To the contrary, if the parade organizers tried to prohibit
Black persons from participating in the parade on an equal footing with individuals of other
racial identities, then the public accommodations law would squarely apply, and Hurley would
not be the most relevant precedent.
12 — OPINION AND ORDER
In short, the state court in Hurley misapplied the public accommodations law in a way
that transformed it from a conduct-regulating, content-neutral law that did not target speech into
a law that directly regulated speech based on its content. It was as if the state court, rather than
applying the text of the public accommodations law, applied a different law that stated: “Any
place of public accommodation which includes others in expressive activities cannot exclude a
message that is supportive of gay, lesbian, and bisexual rights.” Such a law would target speech
based on its content and would have to survive strict scrutiny. By contrast, a public
accommodations law like OPAA, applied in the manner contemplated by its text, affects
expression only incidentally, if at all. Such laws face the lesser scrutiny of O’Brien.
This understanding of Hurley preserves longstanding First Amendment doctrine,
explained above, which separates content-based laws that specifically target speech from
content-neutral and conduct-regulating laws. When applied as written, the former receives strict
scrutiny, while the latter receives a lesser, intermediate form of scrutiny. The Hurley Court did
not directly state that it was applying strict scrutiny, nor did it discuss O Brien, but I interpret its
holding as affirming traditional First Amendment framework, rather than significantly modifying
it without ever saying so.
That being said, it is not necessarily the case that the proper application of a public
accommodations law will never implicate the First Amendment expression of a regulated entity.
It is theoretically possible, in certain contexts, that the conduct of including or excluding an
individual of a particular status can express a message or an idea. Miss USA argues that this is
such a case. The presence of Ms. Green in a pageant expressly reserved for females, it argues,
sends a very specific message: Ms. Green—a transgender women—is female. Maybe so. But if
application of OPAA compels such a message, it does so only incidentally because of its
13 — OPINION AND ORDER
regulation of nonspeech conduct. Thus, the proper First Amendment framework for such a
scenario is the two-step analysis of Spence and O’Brien, which I will now apply.”
A. The Spence Test
Stated here again, the Spence test is as follows. To determine if regulated conduct is
“expressive conduct,” a court should examine the conduct and ask whether (1) “[a]n intent to
convey a particularized message was present,” and (2) “in the surrounding circumstances the
likelihood was great that the message would be understood by those who viewed it.” Spence, 418
U.S. at 410-11. As described above, Hurley appeared to water-down the “particularized
message” requirement such that the specificity of the message is less important, and FAJR
cautioned that the relevant conduct must be understood on its own terms, ignoring any
accompanying speech which would explain the expressive purpose of the conduct. See supra at
9-10.
* Miss USA’s particular argument is that its conduct of selecting contestants is a
constituent part of its pageant, which is itself “pure speech.” Mot. Summ. J. [ECF 32] at 20-23.
It thus reasons that its selection of contestants should be treated as purely expressive activity,
rather than expressive conduct. Jd. at 20—21 (citing Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1061-62 (9th Cir.
2010)). The implication is that as a purported regulation of purely expressive activity, the
application of OPAA here is subject to strict scrutiny, rather than intermediate or O’Brien
scrutiny. Jd. But Miss USA misapplies Anderson. Anderson considered a facial challenge to a
municipal zoning ordinance which directly prohibited the operation of tattoo parlors. 621 F.3d at
1057. The court held that because the business and process of tattooing were constituent acts of
creating tattoos, which the court likened to pure speech, the zoning ordinances had to be
analyzed as a time, place, or manner restriction on the means of speech. Jd. at 1060-64. In doing
so, it rejected the lower court’s application of rational basis review. Jd. at 1058. Nothing in
Anderson would change the analysis, under O’Brien, of a conduct-regulating law that
incidentally affected the process of tattooing, such as a law that generally regulated the safe
disposal of needles that had been contaminated with blood.
14 — OPINION AND ORDER
Here, the conduct being regulated is the exclusion? of Ms. Green as a contestant in Miss
USA’s pageant. There is no real dispute that through excluding Ms. Green and other transgender
women from its pageant, Miss USA intends to send a message about its views on womanhood,
that only “natural born females,” as it defines that phrase, are to be considered female. Thus, the
first prong of Spence is satisfied.
I also think the second prong is met here. Someone viewing the decision to exclude
transgender women (and cisgender males) from a beauty pageant would likely understand that
the pageant organizers wished to convey some message about the meaning of gender and
femininity, and would probably also grasp the specific implication that the pageant organizers
did not believe transgender women qualified as female. Although, given Hurley’s dismissal of
the “particularized message” requirement, it is probably enough just that the observer
understands that a more general message about gender norms or sexual identity is being
expressed.
Key to my reasoning here is that I think beauty pageants are commonly understood to be
bound up with notions of gender and sexual identity. No doubt, the variety of pageants in
existence has expanded to encapsulate a wide range of ideas about gender, sexuality, and other .
conceptions of identity, moving beyond the traditional norms that more exclusively shaped the
agendas of pageants in the past. See, e.g., Mot. to Dismiss [ECF 8] at 28-29 (describing other
.types of pageants). But pageants remain a particular sort of institution, and J think they supply
the context—“‘‘the surrounding circumstances”—which make it likely that someone viewing Miss
USA’s decision here would understand the intended message.
3 The effect of OPAA here can be expressed as either prohibiting Miss USA from
excluding Ms. Green, or as compelling Miss USA to include Ms. Green. Whether OPAA
prohibits or compels expressive conduct is merely two sides of the same coin.
15 — OPINION AND ORDER
To be clear, in applying the second prong of Spence here, I have ignored Miss USA’s
eligibility rules and statements which describe that it limits its pageants to “natural born
females.” I agree with Ms. Green that to consider such statements as explanatory context would
run afoul of FAIR’s admonition that speech cannot be used to explain the expressive nature of
conduct. Resp. to Mot. to Dismiss [ECF 21] at 21. For example, it would be less apparent that a
message is being expressed by a café owner’s refusal to serve transgender women. There is
nothing in the surrounding circumstances that make it likely that someone viewing that decision
would understand the café owner to be expressing a message, let alone what that message might
generally be. And the café owner cannot solve this problem for purposes of the Spence test by
hanging a sign in the window that says he serves only “natural born females.”
In short, I think Miss USA’s conduct of excluding Ms. Green from its beauty pageant
qualifies as “expressive conduct” under the Spence test. Therefore, the next step is to apply
O’Brien.
B. O’Brien
As explained above, “when ‘speech’ and ‘nonspeech’ elements are combined in the same
course of conduct, a sufficiently important governmental interest in regulating the nonspeech
element can justify incidental limitations on First Amendment freedoms.” O’Brien, 391 U.S. at
376. Specifically, the regulation must (1) be within the constitutional powers of the government,
(2) further an important or substantial governmental interest, and (3) be unrelated to the
suppression of free expression. Jd. at 377. Additionally, (4) any “incidental restriction on alleged
First Amendment freedoms” must be “no greater than is essential to the furtherance of that
interest.” Id.
16 — OPINION AND ORDER
Here, the regulated conduct—the exclusion of Ms. Green from the pageant—has both
speech and nonspeech elements. As just described above, Miss USA’s act of excluding Ms.
Green is expressive conduct that sends a message about womanhood. But that same act also
contains a nonspeech element which OPAA is designed to regulate: the denial of the privileges
guaranteed to all Oregonians in places of public accommodation based on a variety of protected
categories, including gender identity. Thus, this is the type of regulation of conduct that O Brien
contemplates. And the government’s interest in regulating the nonspeech element of the conduct
meets all four of the requirements of O’Brien.
First, the Supreme Court has held that public accommodations laws like OPAA “are well
within the State’s usual power to enact when a legislature has reason to believe that a given
group is the target of discrimination.” Hurley, 515 U.S. at 572. Here, Ms. Green has provided
ample evidence that LGBTQ persons, including transgender individuals, have historically faced
discrimination in Oregon, and that history motivated the Oregon legislature to enact OPAA and
include protections based on gender identity. Resp. to Mot. to Dismiss [ECF 21] at 38-42.
Second, the Court has also held that eliminating discrimination based on race or sex is a
compelling state interest, see Roberts v. U.S. Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609, 623 (1984), and it has
appeared to implicitly support the idea that there is a strong state interest in eliminating
discrimination based on sexual orientation, see Paul M. Secunda, The Solomon Amendment,
Expressive Associations, and Public Employment, 51 UCLA L. Rev. 1767, 1795 n.182 (2007)
(“Although Dale appears to imply that the state has a strong interest in eradicating sexual
orientation discrimination, the Court did not come out and say so explicitly, as it did in previous
cases dealing with gender discrimination.”’) (citing Boy Scouts of Am. v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640, 658
(2000)). Given these rulings, and the evidence of historical discrimination against individuals
17 — OPINION AND ORDER
based on gender identity, I think the state’s interest in ending gender-identity discrimination in
places of public accommodation is at least important or substantial.
Third, OPAA is unrelated to the suppression of free expression. See Hurley, 515 U.S. at
572 (holding that Massachusetts’ similar public accommodations law “does not, on its face,
target speech or discriminate on the basis of its content, the focal point of its prohibition being
rather on the act of discriminating against individuals in the provision of publicly available
goods, privileges, and services on the proscribed grounds”).
And fourth, OPAA incidentally restricts Miss USA’s expressive conduct in a way no
further than essential to achieve its interest in eliminating discrimination based on gender
identity. The facts here present a binary choice. Either Ms. Green participates in the pageant, or
she doesn’t. To achieve Oregon’s interest in making sure individuals have equal access to the
privileges of a place of public accommodation without regard for their gender identity, OPAA
compels Miss USA to include Ms. Green. That has the incidental but unavoidable effect of
affecting Miss USA’s expressive conduct.
In sum, although the application of OPAA to include Ms. Green in Miss USA’s pageant
will incidentally affect Miss USA’s expressive conduct, it is permissible under O’Brien.
III. Expressive Association under the First Amendment
Separate from the right to free speech, the freedom of association is a fundamental right
also protected by the First Amendment. See NAACP y. Ala. ex rel. Patterson, 357 U.S. 449, 460
(1958). Its protection includes what has come to be called the right to “expressive association.”
Roberts, 468 U.S. at 621-22. In explaining that right, the Supreme Court has described that
“t]he forced inclusion of an unwanted person in a group infringes the group’s freedom of
18 — OPINION AND ORDER
expressive association if the presence of that person affects in a significant way the group’s
ability to advocate public or private viewpoints.” Dale, 530 U.S. at 648.
For a group to show that it has a constitutional right to exclude someone under the
expressive association doctrine, it must show the following: (1) the group is an “expressive
association,” (2) the forced inclusion of an unwanted member would affect the group’s “ability
to express its viewpoints,” and (3) the group’s “interest in expressive association outweighs the
state’s interest in eradicating discrimination.” See Apilado v. N. Am. Gay Amateur Athletic All.,
792 F. Supp. 2d 1151, 1160 (W.D. Wash 2011) (citing Dale, 530 U.S. at 648-59).
Here, Miss USA argues that the inclusion of Ms. Green in its pageant would violate its
right to expressive association. I therefore must consider whether Miss USA has made all three
of the above showings. I take each question in turn.
A. Whether Miss USA is an Expressive Association
According to the Supreme Court:
To determine whether a group is protected by the First Amendment’s
expressive associational right, we must determine whether the group engages in
“expressive association.” The First Amendment’s protection of expressive
association is not reserved for advocacy groups. But to come within its ambit, a
group must engage in some form of expression, whether it be public or private.
Date, 330 U.S. at 648.
In Dale, the Boy Scouts of America (“BSA”) wished to exclude an openly gay assistant
scoutmaster, in violation of New Jersey’s public accommodations law. Jd. at 644-45. In
determining whether BSA was an expressive association, the Court focused on the fact that BSA
sought to “instill values in young people” and that scoutmasters “inculcate” scouts with the scout
values “both expressly and by example.” /d. at 649-50. The Court concluded that “[i]t seems
indisputable that an association that seeks to transmit such a system of values engages in
19 — OPINION AND ORDER
expressive activity.” Jd. at 650. In stating its conclusion, the Court cited Justice Sandra Day
O’Connor’s concurrence in Roberts, which described that “[e]ven the training of outdoor
survival skills or participation in community service might become expressive when the activity
is intended to develop good morals, reverence, patriotism, and a desire for self-improvement.”
Roberts, 468 U.S. at 636 (O’Connor, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment).
While the Court’s discussion on this first question is brief, it is hard to read Dale as doing
anything other than drawing a wide boundary around what it means to “engage in some form of
expression.” 530 U.S. at 648. And here, Miss USA seems to clear that relatively low bar. Miss
USA seeks “to encourage women to strive to ACHIEVE their hopes, dreams, goals, and
aspirations, while making them feel CONFIDENT and BEAUTIFUL inside and out!” Smith
Decl. [ECF 33] Ex. 2, at 1. Miss USA focuses on “women empowerment, promoting positive
self-image and advocating a platform of community service, which allows our contestants to rise
by lifting others.” /d. These goals appear similar to BSA’s goals of instilling values and
_ promoting self-improvement, and they qualify as private (if not public) expression. Furthermore,
as discussed in more detail below, Miss USA actively works to protect its message by ensuring
that contestants act consistent with the competition’s message and mission. FE. g., id. § 129 (Miss
USA “regularly review[s] the prospective contestants’ social media pages to evaluate whether
the prospective contestant communicates messages consistent with [Miss USA’s] rules, goals,
mission, and message.”); id. Ex. 22, at 1-2 (revoking contestant’s title for posting photograph
“inconsistent with [Miss USA’s| vision and message”).
Thus, were the analysis to stop with Dale, I would consider Miss USA an “expressive
association” because it quite clearly engages in expressive activity. There is, however, another
consideration in play here that was not at issue in Dale. In her same concurrence in Roberts that
20 — OPINION AND ORDER
was cited by the Dale majority, Justice O’Connor set forth a distinction between expressive
associations and commercial associations, the latter of which do not enjoy the same associational
rights. Roberts, 468 U.S. at 634-35 (O’Connor, J., concurring in part and concurring in the
judgment). While Supreme Court concurrences generally lack precedential effect, the Ninth
Circuit has adopted the expressive-commercial distinction as described by Justice O’ Connor, as
have most other circuits. IDK, Inc. v. Clark County, 836 F.2d 1185, 1195 (9th Cir. 1988); see
also James D, Nelson, The Freedom of Business Association, 115 Colum. L. Rev. 461, 464
(2015) (“Although the Supreme Court has never explicitly endorsed the distinction between
expressive associations and commercial associations, that basic dichotomy is commonly |
accepted in the law.”).
Put simply, the distinction holds that groups that engage in a certain level of commercial
activity have a diminished right to control their membership, even if they engage in expressive
activities. But while the principle is simply stated, the test for separating commercial from
expressive associations is not. As described by Justice O’Connor:
Many associations cannot readily be described as purely expressive or
purely commercial. No association is likely ever to be exclusively engaged in
expressive activities .... And innumerable commercial associations also engage in
some incidental protected speech or advocacy. The standard for deciding just how
much of an association’s involvement in commercial activity is enough to suspend
the association’s First Amendment right to control its membership cannot,
therefore, be articulated with simple precision. Clearly the standard must accept the
reality that even the most expressive of associations is likely to touch, in some way
or other, matters of commerce. The standard must nevertheless give substance to
the ideal of complete protection for purely expressive association, even while it
readily permits state regulation of commercial affairs.
Roberts, 468 U.S. at 635 (O’Connor, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment).
After articulating the difficulty in drawing clean lines, Justice O’Connor went on to
describe how she would go about parsing the distinction:
21 — OPINION AND ORDER
In my view, an association should be characterized as commercial, and
therefore subject to rationally related state regulation of its membership and other
associational activities, when, and only when, the association’s activities are not
predominantly of the type protected by the First Amendment. It is only when the
association is predominantly engaged in protected expression that state regulation
of its membership will necessarily affect, change, dilute, or silence one collective
voice that would otherwise be heard. An association must choose its market. Once
it enters the marketplace of commerce in any substantial degree it loses the
complete control over its membership that it would otherwise enjoy if it confined
its affairs to the marketplace of ideas.
Id. at 635-36.
Justice O’Connor describes a fact-intensive inquiry, aimed at determining whether an
association is “predominantly engaged” in expressive activity. In JDK, Inc., the Ninth Circuit
“concede[d] that distinguishing between associations that are primarily expressive and those that
are primarily commercial will not always be easy.” 836 F.2d at 1195. There, the court held that
the escort services before it were primarily commercial enterprises for three reasons. First, the
court made the rather obvious point that escort services and dating are not expressly mentioned
in the First Amendment. Jd. Second, as compared to associations that are clearly expressive, such
as political parties, a “couple out on the town is not an overtly expressive association.” Jd.
“Third, and most important, the escort services ma[d]e no claim that expression is a significant
or necessary component of their activities.” Jd. “Unlike publishers, concert promoters, and cable
television franchisers, the escort services do not control the content of expression or ensure that
any expression occurs.” Jd.
I did not think that the complaint and the factual lay of the land at the motion-to-dismiss
_ Stage provided sufficient information to conduct such a granular inquiry. I thus ordered the
parties to engage in limited discovery and to submit additional briefing on the question of
whether Miss USA should be treated as a primarily expressive association or as a commercial
22 — OPINION AND ORDER
association. Tr. [ECF 29] at 32. The parties have completed that process, and I now have
sufficient facts at hand to make the appropriate determination.
Like many associations, Miss USA cannot be described as purely expressive or purely
commercial. Below, I describe first the commercial aspects of the group, then its expressive
aspects. I conclude that Miss USA is predominantly engaged in expressive activity.
i. Commercial Aspects
Miss USA, a for-profit organization, “receives revenue from its national pageant in the
form of contestant entries, advertisements, ticket admissions, [and] payments to view the pageant
livestreamed.” Smith Decl. [ECF 33] { 108. Miss USA also receives revenue from “People’s
Choice voting where members of the public can pay to vote for a contestant with a portion of
those proceeds going to the top getters charity of choice and the remaining portion going to
[Miss USA].” Id. Miss USA “also receives licensing fees from state directors who purchase a
license .. . to conduct state pageants.” Jd. J 109.
In Oregon, Miss USA charges contestants a $595 entry fee. Kaylene Rogers Decl. [ECF
40] Ex. A, at 8. Miss USA requires contestants to sell full-page advertisements for the program
book. Jd. Ex. A, at 9. If a contestant fails to sell a full-page advertisement, worth $299, then the
contestant must come up with the money on her own. Jd. § 12. Miss USA encourages contestants
to sell more advertisements by offsetting expenses and awarding the contestant who sells the
most. Id. Ex. A, at 9. Miss USA also incentivizes contestants to recruit new competitors, growing
the pageant and increasing revenue. Id.; see also id. § 14.
There is evidence that, at least in its early years and at least in Oregon, Miss USA was not
overly selective on who could compete but was mainly focused on growth. See, e.g., Marsha
Lawson Decl. [ECF 41] 447, 10-12. To that end, Miss USA hired a promotions director, Marsha
23 — OPINION AND ORDER
Lawson, in Oregon, whose responsibilities included “recruiting new contestants, coaching and
teaching contestants to sell advertisement pages, [and] getting businesses to sponsor the
pageant.” Id. ¥ 5.
Clearly, there is a commercial component to the Miss USA pageants.
ii. Expressive Aspects
Miss USA is also concerned about its message. Tanice Smith, Miss USA’s national
director and sole managing member, has ordered state directors to reject would-be contestants for
having posed nude in the past or submitting material contrary to Miss USA’s message. Smith
Decl. [ECF 33] Exs. 9-10. Accepted applicants at both the state and national level must sign
contracts guaranteeing they are a “natural born female,” promising “to be of good moral
character,” and agreeing that they “have not been involved at any time in any act of moral
turpitude or behavior that is, or could be, perceived by [Miss USA] as contrary to the mission of
the organization.” Jd, Ex. 14, at 2-3; see also id. { 84 (noting that state directors use these
contracts). The applicants also agree to let Miss USA “monitor and regulate the content of [their]
personal social media accounts.” Jd, Ex. 14, at 4. The applicants promise to avoid “messages or
images inconsistent with the positive images and/or good will with which [Miss USA] wishes to
associate.” Id.
Ms. Smith “regularly review[s] the prospective contestants’ social media pages to
evaluate whether the prospective contestant communicates messages consistent with [Miss
USA’s] rules, goals, mission, and message.” Jd. § 129. She reviews and approves the platforms
of national contestants. Id. § 59; id. Ex. 15. She has revoked the titles from two former winners
for acting contrary to the pageant’s message. Id. {§] 76-82. She revoked the title of one national
winner for social media posts that “caused irrevocable damage to our brand which have tarnished
24 — OPINION AND ORDER
and impugned our integrity within the pageant community and the general public.” Jd. Ex. 21, at
1. She revoked the title of a state winner in part for posting a picture of herself on social media in
a thong. Jd. Ex. 22, at 1-2. In the revocation letter, Miss USA wrote: “This photograph is
inconsistent with [our] vision and message and does not coincide with [Miss USA’s] efforts to
promote body positivity and positive self-images and produce community role models and
leaders who can encourage others and inspire women to be confident.” Jd. State directors have
also disciplined contestants for, among other things, posting content on social media that
contained profanity or promoted alcohol. Jd. Ex. 23, at 2.
Additionally, Ms. Smith has prohibited a judge from appearing as his female alter ego “to
avoid confusion on what [Miss USA’s]| stance is on what it means to be a woman.” Smith Suppl.
Decl. [ECF 49] Ex. 51. Similarly, Ms. Smith once rejected an advertisement “because it featured
an image of a man dressed as a woman which contradicted [Miss USA’s| message of
empowering biological women.” Smith Decl. [ECF 33] 4 106; id. Ex. 30.
iii, Conclusion
I find that Miss USA is predominantly engaged in expressive activity. Unlike the escort
services in JDK, Inc., Miss USA claims that expression is a significant and necessary component
of its activities, and it seeks to control the content of expression in those activities. The record
adequately supports those claims. Miss USA surveils and polices its contestants from the
moment they sign up for a pageant, and, at least for the winners, even after the pageant is over. If
a potential contestant has acted inconsistent with Miss USA’s message, that contestant is barred
from competing. If a winner acts inconsistent, she is stripped of her title. National contestants
must have their platforms approved. Miss USA also tailors other aspects of its pageant to reflect
its message, rejecting advertisements and controlling the conduct of judges. Put simply, Miss
25 — OPINION AND ORDER
USA “is predominantly engaged in protected expression [such] that state regulation of its
membership will necessarily affect, change, dilute, or silence one collective voice that would
otherwise be heard.” Roberts, 468 U.S. at 635-36 (O’Connor, J., concurring in part and
concurring in the judgment).
Although Miss USA certainly has some commercial aspects, I do not believe it has
entered the marketplace of commerce to such a “substantial degree” it has lost “the complete
control over its membership that it would otherwise enjoy if it confined its affairs to
marketplace of ideas.” Jd. at 636. Miss USA’s focus on growth does not convince me otherwise,
as it cuts both ways. On the one hand, growth increases revenue, helping Miss USA, a for-profit
company, achieve profit. On the other hand, a desire for growth is not inconsistent with Miss
USA’s expressive goals: growth allows Miss USA to spread its message further. Although Miss
USA has actively worked to grow its pageant, it appear's to work even harder to protect its
message—sometimes undercutting its bottom line to do so. For example, Miss USA has rejected
potential contestants who have acted inconsistent with its message, thereby losing out on the
entry fee and other contestant-driven revenue.
At bottom, Miss USA is predominantly engaged in expressive activity. As I explained
above, beauty pageants are commonly understood to be bound up with notions of gender and
sexual identity, and someone viewing a Miss USA pageant would be hard pressed to miss the
intended message, at least broadly speaking. See supra at 15. Miss USA’s stance on who is a
“natural born female” might be subtle to a casual viewer, but, according to Miss USA, its stance
is an important component of its overarching message, and it works hard to protect that message.
Its efforts are at least the equivalent of BSA’s efforts in Dale. I find that the record supports Miss
USA’s assertions.
96... NMpnaTM Ann nvonep
B. Whether the forced inclusion of Ms. Green in Miss USA’s pageant would
significantly affect Miss USA’s ability to advocate its viewpoints
Because Miss USA is an expressive association, the next question is whether the forced
inclusion of Ms. Green in Miss USA’s pageant would significantly affect Miss USA’s ability to
advocate its public or private viewpoints. Dale, 530 U.S. at 650.
In Dale, the court divided that larger question into two parts: (1) what was the nature of
BSA’s expression, specifically with respect to its teachings on homosexuality; and (2) whether
Dale’s inclusion as an openly gay assistant scoutmaster “significantly burden[ed]” that
expression. Jd. at 650-54. In answering those questions, the Court showed substantial deference
to BSA’s own representations of what constituted their expression and what might impair that
expression. The Court accepted BSA’s assertion in its briefing that BSA did “‘not want to
promote homosexual conduct as a legitimate form of behavior,” id. at 651 (quoting Pet’r’s Reply
Br. at 5), and stated that it “need not inquire further to determine the nature of the Boy Scouts’
expression with respect to homosexuality,” id. And, in addition to deferring to the association’s
representations on what its expressive views were, the Court further held that it would “give
deference to an association’s view of what would impair its expression.” Jd. at 653. With this
deference in the background, the Court examined the nature of Dale’s role in BSA and concluded
that his “presence in the Boy Scouts would, at the very least, force the organization to send a
message, both to the youth members and the world, that the Boy Scouts accepts homosexual
conduct as a legitimate form of behavior.” Jd. Ultimately, the Court concluded “that the forced
inclusion of Dale would significantly affect [BSA’s] expression.” Jd. at 656.
Here, Miss USA has been unequivocal both in its briefing for this case and in its
eligibility rules for its pageants that it views the concept of womanhood to be limited to “natural
born” or “biological” women, which does not include transgender women like Ms. Green. See,
e.g., Mot. to Dismiss [ECF 8] at 15 (“[T]o communicate that women are biological females,
[Miss USA] only allows natural born females to participate in its pageant, compete for [its] title,
and be promoted through [its] platform.”). That is the nature of its expression which it claims is
affected by Ms. Green’s inclusion. In Miss USA’s words, it “cannot authentically or persuasively
promote its message of empowering biological women if [Miss USA] is forced to celebrate and
promote biological men who identify as women.” Jd. at 25.
Simply put, Miss USA, through its pageant, seeks to promote a particular conception of
female identity which does not include transgender women. It does not require much deference
to understand that including contestants at odds with that concept of womanhood—perhaps
crowning such a contestant champion—would burden Miss USA’s chosen expression. But
especially in light of the deference I must give to Miss USA under Dale, I hold that the forced
inclusion of Ms. Green would significantly affect Miss USA’s ability to advocate its viewpoints
on female identity and womanhood, which is the core expressive purpose of its pageants.
C. Miss USA’s interest in expressive association versus the state’s interest in
preventing discrimination based on gender-identity
Because Miss USA is an expressive association and because the forced inclusion of Ms.
Green in its pageant would significantly affect its ability to express its viewpoints, the only
remaining question is whether Miss USA’s interest in expressive association outweighs Oregon’s
interest in preventing discrimination based on gender identity.
The Supreme Court has long held that the freedom of expressive association “could be
overridden ‘by regulations adopted to serve compelling state interests, unrelated to the
suppression of ideas, that cannot be achieved through means significantly less restrictive of
associational freedoms.’” Dale, 530 U.S. at 648 (quoting Roberts, 468 U.S. at 623). In other
°}8£YDTRITOWNTI ARITY CYRDTYED
words, courts traditionally were to apply something like strict or heightened scrutiny to a state
law that interfered with a group’s expressive association.*
The Dale Court, however, described this scrutiny as more akin to a balancing test. It
stated that “after finding a compelling state interest,” a court should go on “to examine whether
or not the application of the state law would impose any ‘serious burden’ on the organization’s
rights of expressive association.” Jd. at 658. “|T]he associational interest in freedom of
expression has been set on one side of the scale, and the State’s interest on the other.” Jd. at 658—
59,
But while the Dale Court describes the interests to be balanced, it provides very little
guidance on how to go about balancing them. In Dale, the Court explained only that:
We have already concluded that a state requirement that the Boy Scouts retain Dale
as an assistant scoutmaster would significantly burden the organization’s right to
oppose or disfavor homosexual conduct. The state interests embodied in New
Jersey’s public accommodations law do not justify such a severe intrusion on the
Boy Scouts’ rights to freedom of expressive association. That being the case, we
hold that the First Amendment prohibits the State from imposing such a
requirement through the application of its public accommodations law.
Id. at 659. It is unclear if the balancing test came out in BSA’s favor because (1) the state’s
interest in prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation was less than compelling
(the Court never explicitly stated how substantial it found the state’s interest to be in this
respect); (2) the state could achieve its compelling interest through significantly less restrictive
means; or (3) whenever there is a “serious burden” on expressive associational rights, the interest
in those rights will outweigh the state’s interest, even if it is compelling.
“In Dale, the Court specifically rejected application of O’Brien in the expressive
association context because it held that the “public accommodations law directly and
immediately affects associational rights.” Dale, 530 U.S. at 659.
Lacking guidance on how to apply this balancing test, the best course here is to closely
analogize the facts of this case to the facts of Dale. When doing so, I see no way to distinguish
the circumstances here from those in Dale that would result in the balancing test coming out in
Ms. Green’s favor. First, however significant the state’s interest is in preventing discrimination
based on sexual orientation, Ms. Green has supplied no authority which would suggest that
preventing discrimination based on gender identity commands a higher state interest than
eliminating discrimination based on sexual orientation. Second, given that the application of the
New Jersey public accommodations law in Dale and the application of OPAA here are materially
similar in that they both enforce a blanket prohibition against discrimination based on a protected
status, it is hard to see how one or the other is more or less restrictive in achieving the state’s
interest in preventing discrimination. Third, and finally, I do not think there is a meaningful
difference between the “significant burden” that Dale’s inclusion placed on BSA’s expressive
association and the burden that Ms. Green’s inclusion would place on Miss USA’s expressive
association.
Because this case cannot be distinguished from Dale in these key respects, I hold that
Miss USA’s interest in expressive association outweighs Oregon’s interest in preventing gender-
identity discrimination in places of public accommodation, as applied to the facts of this case.
// .
//
//
//
CONCLUSION
For the reasons stated herein, GRANT Miss USA’s Motion for Summary Judgment
[ECF 32]. I DENY as moot all other pending motions.
IT IS SO ORDERED.
DATED this 8 day of April, 2021.
i f 4 OP
AWM fico
MICHAEL W. MOSMAN
United States District Judge
INADTAITSYRAT ARITA SAMTATTOYN