Opinion

Louisiana State Conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People v. State of Louisiana

Court
District Court, M.D. Louisiana
Filed
Jul 13, 2022
Cited by
0 cases
Authority
More cited than 22.5%

The opinion

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

MIDDLE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA

LOUISIANA STATE CONFERENCE OF

THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR

THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED

PEOPLE, ET AL.

CIVIL ACTION

VERSUS

NO. 19-479-JWD-SDJ

STATE OF LOUISIANA, ET AL.

RULING AND ORDER

This matter comes before the Court on two motions made by Intervenors John L. Weimer,

Greg Champagne, Mike Tregre, and Craig Webre, in their individual capacities as voters from

Louisiana Supreme Court District Six (the “Intervenor Voters”) and John L. Weimer, in his

capacity as a candidate for Louisiana Supreme Court Justice from District Six (the “Intervenor

Candidate”) (collectively, the “Intervenors”). The first motion was made in the Motion to

Intervene (Doc. 109). There, Intervenors asked the Court to modify its May 4, 2022, order staying

all Louisiana Supreme Court elections indefinitely, (Doc. 101) (“Consent Stay Order”), so that the

upcoming election in Louisiana Supreme Court District Six can proceed, (Doc. 109 at 1). The

Court will refer to this part of the Motion to Intervene as the Motion to Lift Stay.

The second motion was the Motion for Temporary Restraining Order to Maintain the

Status Quo (Doc. 114) (“Motion for TRO”). In that motion, Intervenors seek “a temporary

restraining order to maintain the status quo to permit qualifying of a candidate for District Six to

proceed notwithstanding the Consent Stay order, and then . . . a preliminary injunction modifying

the Consent Stay to permit the District Six election to proceed on November 8, 2022, pursuant to

existing election laws and the State Constitution.” (Id. at 6.)

These motions are opposed in part by the other parties in this case. Specifically, Defendant

Secretary of State R. Kyle Ardoin expressed at a status conference that he had no position on these

motions and that he would conduct the elections as directed by the Court and Louisiana law.

Plaintiffs have orally opposed Intervenors’ motions, but, as far as written briefs go, Plaintiffs filed

only a short response to the Motion to Intervene, (Doc. 121), and nothing in response to the Motion

for TRO.

Rather, the main opposition to Intervenors’ requests has come from the State of Louisiana,

as represented by Attorney General Jeff Landry and his office. The State has opposed these

motions at status conferences, (see Docs. 113, 128), and it has filed a brief to oppose the Motion

for TRO, (Doc. 126). Intervenors filed a reply to this brief. (Doc. 127.)

Oral argument was heard at prior status conferences. (See Doc. 113, 128.) Although the

Court set a hearing on the Motion for TRO for Friday, July 15, 2022, the Court has reconsidered

and finds that further argument is not necessary and that no hearing is required in light of this

ruling.

The Court has carefully considered the law, the facts in the record, and the arguments and

submissions of the parties and is prepared to rule. For the following reasons, the Motion to Lift

Stay is granted, and the Motion for TRO is denied as moot.

I. Relevant Background

A. The Lawsuit and Appeal

In September of 2021, the Fifth Circuit concisely summarized the basis of Plaintiffs’ claims

in this lawsuit:

The seven members of the Louisiana Supreme Court are currently

elected from these seven single-member districts:

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See LA. S.. CT., Maps of Judicial Districts,

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Aug. 24, 2021).

Plaintiffs claim this system unlawfully dilutes black votes. So, in

2019 they sued in the Middle District of Louisiana under section 2

of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 52 U.S.C. § 10101 ef seq.

(“VRA”). See generally Brnovich v. Democratic Nat'l Comm., —

U.S. —,, 141 S. Ct. 2321, 2330-33, 210 L. Ed. 2d 753 (2021).

They allege Louisiana's demography would support two majority-

black districts. But Louisiana has only one—District 7—created as

a result of the “Chisom decree,” a 1992 consent decree arising out

of prior VRA litigation. Plaintiffs thus seek to create a second

majority-black district, alleging it could be drawn in District 5,

which includes East Baton Rouge Parish and surrounding parishes.

Allen vy. Louisiana, 14 F 4th 366, 369 (Sth Cir. 2021).

The State had moved to dismiss this case for lack of subject matter jurisdiction. /d. at 368.

The basis of the State’s motion was that “a federal consent decree—the *‘Chisom decree’—created

Louisiana's one majority-black supreme court district.” Jd. The State argued that “the Chisom

decree centralize[d] perpetual federal control over all supreme court districts in the Eastern District

of Louisiana, which issued the decree.” /d.

But, according to the Fifth Circuit, this Court “rejected that reading for good reason: it is

plainly wrong. . . . Louisiana would inflate the Chisom decree beyond its terms and the lawsuit

that spawned it. The present suit, however, addresses a different electoral district untouched by the

decree.” Id. The Fifth Circuit thus affirmed the Court’s decision on this issue. Id.

The case was not stayed by this Court pending the interlocutory appeal. (Doc. 58.) Thus,

after the mandate was issued, (Doc. 79), and following discussions with the Magistrate Judge over

deadlines, (Docs. 87–88), on March 15, 2022, a scheduling order was entered setting a discovery

deadline of May 20, 2022, expert discovery due by July 1, 2022, and a trial starting on September

19, 2022. (Doc. 91.)

B. The Instant Motion

On April 19, 2022, this Court conducted a status conference in this matter to hear an update

from the parties and get their position on settlement. (Doc. 97 at 1.) According to the Minute

Entry, following this update, the Court stated that it would “stay and administratively close this

case to allow the parties [ ] time to attempt to resolve the matter.” (Id.) The Court then “reserve[d]

entering the stay order at [that] time to allow the parties to file a Motion to Stay the upcoming

Louisiana Supreme Court elections,” with appropriate authority. (Id.)

Following Defendant’s motion, (Doc. 100), the Court entered the following Consent Stay

Order:

ORDER

Considering the foregoing Consent Motion to Stay all

Louisiana Supreme Court elections filed by all parties in this matter,

IT IS HEREBY ORDERED that all Louisiana Supreme

Court elections are stayed until the State’s Supreme Court voting

districts have been reapportioned subject to the ability of either Party

to seek to terminate the stay if the parties are unable to reach

agreement, the Legislature does not approve districts agreed upon

by the Parties, or the voters refuse to approve any proposed

constitutional amendments.

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that every 45-days, the parties

will submit to the Magistrate Judge Under Seal a joint statement of

the actions taken, and progress made in the resolution of the case.

(Doc. 101.)

II. Discussion

A. Parties’ Arguments

In short, Intervenors have asked the Court to modify or lift the Consent Stay Order to allow

the upcoming elections in District Six to proceed. They do so in light of their right to vote in the

upcoming Supreme Court election and Intervenor Candidate’s right to seek judicial office in that

district. According to Intervenors, a “consent order relating to one District does not govern ‘the

other six Districts,’ and a possible need to redraw lines in one district to achieve a remedy in

another district does not extend a court’s subject matter jurisdiction to another district.” (Doc. 114-

1 at 12 (quoting Allen v. State of Louisiana, No. 20-30734, slip op. at 1, 12 (5th Cir. Sept. 17,

2021)).)

The State, on the other hand, characterizes this Consent Stay Order as either a consent

decree or a preliminary or permanent injunction. In the State’s view, this order either cannot or

should not be altered by the Court. The State lodges a number of other objections, including

untimeliness and a lack of changed circumstances.

Both sides expressly claim they will suffer prejudice—the Intervenors from the loss of their

rights, the Intervenor Candidate from the possibility that he will be unable to seek office in the

future, and the State from the effect any lift would have on efforts to settle. Further, both

Intervenors and the State maintain that ruling against them will result in a cloud over and

uncertainty with future elections.

B. Applicable Law

“[C]onsent decrees are contractual in nature, so parties may fairly expect such orders to be

enforced as both a contract and a judicial decree.” Moore v. Tangipahoa Par. Sch. Bd., 864 F.3d

401, 407 (5th Cir. 2017) (cleaned up). “As a judicial decree, such injunctions are subject to the

rules generally applicable to other judgments and decrees, including modification.” Id. (cleaned

up). “Further, individuals and entities subject to injunctions must have fair notice of the terms of

the injunction and any modifications that take place.” Id. (cleaned up). “Upon proper notice, the

district court may modify the terms of an injunction sua sponte.” Id.

“[S]ound judicial discretion may call for the modification of the terms of an injunctive

decree if the circumstances, whether of law or fact, obtaining at the time of its issuance have

changed, or new ones have since arisen.” Id. at 406. That is, “[t]he district court ha[s] the authority

to modify the terms of the injunction when faced with changed circumstances.” Id. at 407.

“Decrees entered after litigation and those entered by consent are treated in the same

fashion on a motion to modify or vacate.” 11 Mary Kay Kane, Federal Practice & Procedure

(Wright & Miller) § 2961 (3d ed. 2022). The Fifth Circuit has said in the context of ordinary

injunctions:

It is often loosely stated that the purpose of a preliminary injunction

is to preserve the status quo. . . . It must not be thought, however,

that there is any particular magic in the phrase ‘status quo.’ The

purpose of a preliminary injunction is always to prevent irreparable

injury so as to preserve the court's ability to render a meaningful

decision on the merits. It often happens that this purpose is furthered

by preservation of the status quo, but not always. If the currently

existing status quo itself is causing one of the parties irreparable

injury, it is necessary to alter the situation so as to prevent the injury,

either by returning to the last uncontested status quo between the

parties, by the issuance of a mandatory injunction, or by allowing

the parties to take proposed action that the court finds will minimize

the irreparable injury. The focus always must be on prevention of

injury by a proper order, not merely on preservation of the status

quo.

. . .

There is no doubt that the district court has continuing jurisdiction

over a preliminary injunction. In the exercise of that jurisdiction, the

court is authorized to make any changes in the injunction that are

equitable in light of subsequent changes in the facts or the law, or

for any other good reason.

Canal Auth. of State of Fla. v. Callaway, 489 F.2d 567, 576, 578 (5th Cir. 1974). See also Wright

& Miller, at § 2961 (recognizing that there is a “universally recognized principle that a court has

continuing power to modify or vacate a final decree”). And a leading treatise has recognized:

Inasmuch as an injunctive decree is drafted in light of what the court

believes will be the future course of events, a court must continually

be willing to redraft the order at the request of the party who

obtained equitable relief in order to ensure that the decree

accomplishes its intended result. Conversely, a court must never

ignore significant changes in the law or in the circumstances

underlying an injunction lest the decree be turned into an

“instrument of wrong.”

Wright & Miller, at § 2961. Again, the Court has “wide discretion” in this area. Id.

Additionally, consent decrees “are interpreted ‘according to general principles of contract

law.’ ” Allen, 14 F.4th at 371 (quoting Frew v. Janek, 780 F.3d 320, 327 (5th Cir. 2015) (cleaned

up)). The Court “consult[s] the contract law of the relevant state, here Louisiana.” Id. (citing La.

Civ. Code art. 2045 et seq.). “Under Louisiana law, courts seek the parties’ common intent starting

with the contract's words, which control if they are clear and lead to no absurdities.” Id. (citing La.

Civ. Code arts. 2045, 2046). “Furthermore, a contract is to be construed as a whole and each

provision in the contract must be interpreted in light of the other provisions.” Id. (quoting Baldwin

v. Bd. of Sup'rs for Univ. of La. Sys., 2014-0827, p. 7 (La. 10/15/14), 156 So. 3d 33, 38 (citing La.

Civ. Code art. 2050)). “When a contract resolves a lawsuit, it ‘extends only to those matters the

parties intended to settle and the scope of the transaction cannot be extended by implication.’ ” Id.

(quoting Trahan v. Coca Cola Bottling Co. United, Inc., 2004-0100, p. 15 (La. 3/2/05), 894 So. 2d

1096, 1107 (citing La. Civ. Code art. 3073; Ortego v. State, Dept. of Transp. & Dev., 96-1322, p.

7 (La. 2/25/97), 689 So. 2d 1358, 1363; Brown v. Drillers, Inc., 93-1019 (La. 1/14/94), 630 So. 2d

741, 748)). “Such a contract ‘must be considered as a whole and in light of attending events and

circumstances.’ Id. (quoting Trahan, 894 So. 2d at 1107); see also La. Civ. Code art. 3076 (“A

compromise settles only those differences that the parties clearly intended to settle, including the

necessary consequences of what they express.”).

C. Analysis

Having carefully considered the matter, the Court finds that, even if the Consent Stay Order

were a preliminary injunction or consent decree (which the Court finds questionable but which

both parties seem to agree it is), then modifying that order is appropriate. The Court bases this

conclusion on a number of factors.

“The court first look[s] to the decree's four corners and read[s] it holistically.” Allen, 14

F.4th at 372 (citing La. Civ. Code arts. 2045, 2050). Here, the plain language of the Consent Stay

Order was written so as to postpone Supreme Court elections to allow the parties an opportunity

to settle this case, which is a dispute over District Five. Nothing on the face of this order limits the

Court’s own ability to modify the stay either on its own, should circumstances warrant, or on the

motion of an affected third party, should he or she be adversely affected by the stay. And the

State’s position—that it could obtain an indefinite suspension of all elections without factual

findings or extensive legal analysis, and thereby foreclose the ability of affected parties to

challenge such an order—would certainly lead to absurd consequences. Thus, the Court must

reject this interpretation of the Consent Stay Order.

Rather, this Court’s intent is found in the manner in which the Consent Stay Order was

adopted. At a status conference for the purpose of discussing settlement the Court announced it

would “stay and administratively close this case to allow the parties [ ] time to attempt to resolve

the matter.” (Doc. 97 at 1.) The Court then “reserve[d] entering the stay order at [that] time to

allow the parties to file a Motion to Stay the upcoming Louisiana Supreme Court elections,” with

appropriate authority. (Id.) Again, the Court signed this order without conducting a hearing,

listening to testimony, or issuing formal findings of fact and conclusions of law—precisely

because it believed that the Court could revisit and re-assess the appropriateness of the order should

a third party raise an objection.

Further, the Court’s intent must be seen in the context of the countless other cases in which

it has entered stay orders to allow parties an opportunity to resolve cases without resorting to trial.

In the Court’s view, this Consent Stay Order was like any other interlocutory order entered before

a final judgment that could be “revised at any time before the entry of a judgment adjudicating all

the claims and all the parties’ rights and liabilities.” See Fed. R. Civ. P. 54(b).

Indeed, as Allen made clear, this Court must “properly read the decree in light of the

[instant] lawsuit it [attempts to] settle[ ].” Allen, 14 F.4th at 372 (citing La. Civ. Code art. 3073,

3076; Trahan, 894 So. 2d at 1107). Again, the Fifth Circuit explained in Allen:

Plaintiffs claim this system [of electing seven members to the

Louisiana Supreme Court] unlawfully dilutes black votes. So, in

2019 they sued in the Middle District of Louisiana under section 2

of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 52 U.S.C. § 10101 et seq.

(“VRA”). See generally Brnovich v. Democratic Nat'l Comm., –––

U.S. ––––, 141 S. Ct. 2321, 2330–33, 210 L. Ed. 2d 753 (2021).

They allege Louisiana's demography would support two majority-

black districts. But Louisiana has only one—District 7—created as

a result of the “Chisom decree,” a 1992 consent decree arising out

of prior VRA litigation. Plaintiffs thus seek to create a second

majority-black district, alleging it could be drawn in District 5,

which includes East Baton Rouge Parish and surrounding parishes.

Id. at 369 (emphasis added). Thus, contrary to the State’s position, the creation of a second

majority-minority district in District Five is not “ancillary” to the current lawsuit; it is central to it.

Of course, Allen controls this case in other ways too. In Allen, the State argued, as it does

here, that the Chisom decree called for the reapportionment of all seven districts, but “Louisiana

misses the context of that statement.” Id. at 372. The appellate court explained:

“So, while the [Chisom] decree does reference the anticipated

restructuring of all districts, its focus is on the one majority-black

district—today's District 7—sought by the Chisom suit. That suit

had nothing to do with the other districts and, accordingly, the

decree has nothing to say about how they are to be apportioned.

Louisiana's squinting at one statement in the decree ignores the rule

that “[o]ne provision of a contract should not be construed

separately at the expense of disregarding other provisions.”

Allen, 14 F.4th at 372 (5th Cir. 2021). Likewise, the Consent Stay Order here was entered in an

effort to allow the parties to settle the instant case—one focused on District Five—and what

happens in one district does not automatically control what will happen in the others.

Perhaps most importantly, the Allen court stated:

Louisiana next focuses on the decree's statement that “future

Supreme Court elections ... shall take place in the newly

reapportioned districts.” From this, Louisiana draws the conclusion

that the decree “dictat[es] the perpetuation” of the entire 1997

redistricting, vesting the Eastern District with “exclusive

jurisdiction” over “all future elections” in all “seven Louisiana

Supreme Court districts” (emphasis in brief).

This overreads the decree extravagantly. Louisiana forgets “the

inherent limitation upon federal judicial authority” that “federal-

court decrees must directly address and relate to the constitutional

violation itself.” Bd. of Educ. of Okla. City Pub. Sch. v. Dowell, 498

U.S. 237, 247, 111 S.Ct. 630, 112 L.Ed.2d 715 (1991) (quoting

Milliken v. Bradley, 433 U.S. 267, 282, 97 S.Ct. 2749, 53 L.Ed.2d

745 (1977)). The violation alleged in Chisom was vote dilution in

the at-large district, not in the other five single-member districts or

statewide. The decree was tailored to remedy that violation. But

Louisiana wants us to read the decree as “perpetuat[ing]” federal

control over all elections in all districts. That we cannot do. Even if

the decree supported Louisiana's maximalist reading (it does not, see

supra), a federal consent decree cannot manacle a state's entire

judicial election system based on an alleged violation in one district.

A federal court would lack authority to enter such a decree, even if

the parties asked it to. So, we reject Louisiana's argument that the

Chisom decree extends continuing federal judicial control over

every election in every supreme court district.

Allen, 14 F.4th at 372–73.

For similar reasons, based on the Fifth Circuit’s reasoning, “[t]he violation alleged in [the

instant case] was vote dilution in [District Five], not in the other . . . single-member districts or

statewide. The decree [must be] tailored to remedy that violation.” Id. Ultimately, “a federal

consent decree cannot manacle a state's entire judicial election system based on an alleged

violation in one district. A federal court would lack authority to enter such a decree, even if the

parties asked it to.” Id. The Court sees no reason why this reasoning does not apply with equal

force to the Consent Stay Order, which must be construed in a way to conform to the “inherent

limitation upon federal judicial authority” and the fact that “federal-court decrees must directly

address and relate to the constitutional violation itself.” Id.

Further, the State’s efforts to distinguish Allen are unconvincing. The State maintains that

Allen involved jurisdiction while the instant case involves comity. But, even if the State was

correct, the Court still finds that comity favors lifting the stay. The underlying reasoning of Allen

applies, whether as a matter of jurisdiction or federalism.

The State also asserts that the Fifth Circuit would have ruled differently had it known of

the malapportioned issue detailed in its original motion to stay. However, this argument again

ignores the fact that the Court conducted no hearing on this issue and made no express finding on

it.

The State also argues that what happens in District Six affects District Five because the

two share a border. But this is essentially the same argument the Fifth Circuit rejected in Allen;

District Six elections have as much to do with District Five as District Five elections have to do

with District Seven. And just as the Chisom decree cannot control District Five, so too can the

Consent Stay Order not control District Six.

In sum, the Court finds that this case is controlled by Allen, and the State’s efforts to

distinguish that ruling are unconvincing. Under that decision, the Court must modify the Consent

Stay Order so as to allow the District Six election to proceed as previously scheduled.

Additionally, “[t]he district court ha[s] the authority to modify the terms of the injunction

when faced with changed circumstances,” Moore, 864 F.3d at 407, and, here, the Court finds such

a change has occurred. Specifically, there is an actual challenge by Intervenors, who are District

Six voters and a candidate seeking office in that district. Defendants contend that this was possible

at the time the Consent Stay Order was issued, but, again, nothing about that possibility forecloses

modification to the order, particularly when the Intervenors have moved any challenge away from

the theoretical and to the specific and concrete. Thus, this change in circumstances justifies a

modification to the Consent Stay Order.

Lastly, again, the “[C]ourt is authorized to make any changes in the injunction that are

equitable in light of subsequent changes in the facts or the law, or for any other good reason,” and

one such good reason is the prevention of harm to another. See Canal Auth., 489 F.2d at 578. In

particular, here, any prejudice to the State or Plaintiffs by lifting the stay is greatly exceeded by

prejudice to the Intervenors in maintaining it. If the stay is not lifted, Intervenor Voters will

indefinitely lose their right to vote for a Louisiana Supreme Court justice in their district, and

Intervenor Candidate must indefinitely postpone his candidacy, with the possibility that he will be

unable to run in the future because of age limits. (See also Order Granting Intervention, Doc. 129

at 6–8 (describing the injury suffered by Intervenors if the Consent Stay Order remains in place).)

Conversely, any prejudice to Plaintiffs and Defendants is minimal; there is nothing to stop them

from continuing their efforts to settle the case and redraw the voting districts, all of which will

require Legislative approval and potentially a constitutional amendment. Even if settlement talks

between Plaintiffs and the State break down, the parties will simply have to have the Voting Rights

Act claim decided at trial, in the ordinary course of litigation.

In sum, even if the Consent Stay Order were a consent decree or preliminary injunction,

modifying that order is warranted. Consequently, the Court will vacate the Consent Stay Order

and allow the District Six elections to proceed as previously scheduled. The parties will be given

an opportunity to submit a new order staying the case to facilitate settlement.

III. Conclusion

Accordingly,

IT IS ORDERED that the Motion to Intervene (Doc. 109) filed by the John L. Weimer,

Greg Champagne, Mike Tregre, and Craig Webre, in their individual capacities as voters from

Louisiana Supreme Court District Six and John L. Weimer, in his capacity as a candidate for

Louisiana Supreme Court Justice from District Six is GRANTED. The May 4, 2022 Consent Stay

Order (Doc. 101) which stayed all Louisiana Supreme Court elections indefinitely is hereby

VACATED. Plaintiffs and Defendants may move to stay and administratively close this case so

that they may pursue a settlement of Plaintiffs’ claims. However, the upcoming election in

Louisiana Supreme Court District Six is hereby allowed to proceed as previously scheduled before

the stay.

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED (1) that the Motion for Temporary Restraining Order to

Maintain the Status Quo (Doc. 114) is DENIED AS MOOT; (2) that the July 15, 2022, hearing

on that motion is CANCELLED as unnecessary; and (3) that the State of Louisiana’s Motion to

Clarify (Doc. 133) the procedures for the July 15, 2022, hearing is DENIED AS MOOT.

Signed in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, on July 13, 2022.

S

JUDGE JOHN W. deGRAVELLES

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

MIDDLE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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