# 2018 Quadrennial Regulatory Review-Review of the Commission's Broadcast Ownership Rules > Briefs, arguments, decisions, and more. URL: https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/fr%3A2024-02577 ## Record - **Collection:** Federal Register - **Document type:** Rule - **Published:** February 15, 2024 - **Citation:** 89 FR 12196 ## Text FEDERAL COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION 47 CFR Part 73 [MB Docket No. 18-349; FCC 23-117; FR ID 200880] 2018 Quadrennial Regulatory Review—Review of the Commission's Broadcast Ownership Rules AGENCY: Federal Communications Commission. ACTION: Final rule. SUMMARY: In this document, the Federal Communications Commission (Commission) retains the broadcast ownership rules with minor modifications in compliance with the Telecommunications Act of 1996 which requires the Commission to review its broadcast ownership rules quadrennially to determine whether they are necessary in the public interest as a result of competition. Specifically, the Commission retains the Dual Network Rule, modifies the Local Radio Ownership Rule to make permanent the interim contour-overlap methodology long used to determine ownership limits in areas outside the boundaries of defined Nielsen Audio Metro markets and in Puerto Rico, and modifies the Local Television Ownership Rule to reflect changes that have occurred in the television marketplace and current industry practices. DATES: Effective March 18, 2024, except for changes to Commission Forms required as the result of the rule amendments adopted herein which are delayed indefinitely. The Commission will publish a document in the Federal Register announcing the effective date for changes to the Commission Forms. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Ty Bream, Ty.Bream@fcc.gov, of the Industry Analysis Division, Media Bureau, (202) 418-0644. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: This is a summary of the Commission's Report and Order, FCC 23-117, adopted on December 22, 2023, and released on December 26, 2023. The full text of this document is available at https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-23-117A1.pdf and via electronically via the search function on the Commission's Electronic Document Management System (EDOCS) web page at https://www.fcc.gov/edocs. Documents will be available electronically in ASCII, Microsoft Word, and/or Adobe Acrobat. Alternative formats are available for people with disabilities (Braille, large print, electronic files, audio format, etc.) and reasonable accommodations (accessible format documents, sign language interpreters, CART, etc.) may be requested by sending an email to fcc504@fcc.gov or calling the Commission's Consumer and Governmental Affairs Bureau at (202) 418-0530 (voice), 1-844-4-FCC-ASL (1-844-432-2275 (videophone). Synopsis I. Introduction 1. With this Report and Order (Order), we bring to a close the 2018 Quadrennial Review proceeding. In this Order, we retain the existing media ownership rules and adopt minor modifications that better tailor them to the current media marketplace. The record of this proceeding demonstrates that while the media industry has experienced both unforeseen challenges and substantial changes since the last quadrennial review, broadcasters retain a uniquely important role serving the American public in their local communities. The COVID-19 pandemic has underscored the importance of readily available and easily accessible news and information at the local community level, for which broadcast outlets remain a critical source. Despite the proliferation of new forms and sources of programming, broadcast television and radio remain essential to achieving the Commission's goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. 2. Based on our careful review of the record, we find that our existing rules, with some minor modifications, remain necessary in the public interest. Specifically, we retain the Dual Network Rule and the Local Radio Ownership Rule, the latter of which we modify only to make permanent the interim contour-overlap methodology long used to determine ownership limits in areas outside the boundaries of defined Nielsen Audio Metro markets and in Puerto Rico. We likewise retain the Local Television Ownership Rule with modest adjustments to reflect changes that have occurred in the television marketplace. The existing Local Television Ownership Rule ensures competition among local broadcasters while allowing for flexibility should the circumstances of local markets justify it. Accordingly, today we update the methodology for determining station ranking within a market to better reflect current industry practices, and we expand the existing prohibition on use of affiliation to circumvent the restriction on acquiring a second top-four ranked station in a market. We find that the modifications adopted today will enable the Commission to promote competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity more effectively going forward. II. Background 3. Consistent with the statutory requirement directing the Commission to review its media ownership every four years, the Commission initiated this Quadrennial Review on December 12, 2018, by adopting a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking ( NPRM ), 84 FR 6741 (Feb. 28, 2019). In the NPRM, the Commission sought comment on whether the three media ownership rules subject to this review—the Local Radio Ownership Rule, the Local Television Ownership Rule, and the Dual Network Rule—remain necessary in the public interest in their current forms or whether the rules should be modified or eliminated. 4. At the time the NPRM was released, litigation was still pending as a result of the Report and Order that concluded the 2010 and 2014 Quadrennial Reviews ( 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order ), 81 FR 76220 (Nov. 1, 2016), and a subsequent Order on Reconsideration ( 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration ), 83 FR 733 (Jan. 8, 2018). In the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order, the Commission resolved its 2010 and 2014 proceedings and kept five structural ownership rules largely intact: the Local Television Ownership Rule, the Local Radio Ownership Rule, the Newspaper/Broadcast Cross-Ownership Rule, the Radio/Television Cross-Ownership Rule, and the Dual Network Rule. In addition, the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order reinstated the Commission's previous revenue-based eligible entity standard as a means to promote broadcast ownership by small businesses and new entrants. Under this standard an “eligible entity” is any entity that qualifies as a small business under revenue-based standards established by the Small Business Administration. In turn, the Commission's rules afford such qualified eligible entities additional flexibility, for example, by extending the time required to construct a broadcast facility or raising the threshold at which ownership strictures are triggered. Several parties filed Petitions for Reconsideration of the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review while others sought judicial review in the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. 5. On November 16, 2017, the Commission responded to the Petitions for Reconsideration and adopted an 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration, which, among other things, reversed certain elements of the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order, most notably by repealing the Newspaper/Broadcast Cross-Ownership Rule and the Radio/Television Cross-Ownership Rule and revising the Local Television Ownership Rule. Specifically, the Commission revised the Local Television Ownership Rule by eliminating the prior Eight-Voices Test and adopting a case-by-case review process for proposed transactions involving new combinations of top-four rated stations in a local market. Though it declined to revise the market definition relied on in the Local Radio Ownership Rule, the Commission adopted a presumption for certain transactions involving embedded markets. Embedded markets are smaller markets that are located within the boundaries of a larger Nielsen Audio Metro market. The Commission also eliminated the Television Joint Sales Agreement Attribution Rule readopted in the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order, while retaining the Shared Services Agreement disclosure requirements adopted therein. A joint sales agreement (JSA) is an agreement that authorizes one station (the broker or the brokering station) to sell some or all of the advertising time on another station (the brokered station). Further, the Commission adopted an Incubator Program and sought comment on how to structure and implement the program. 6. On August 2, 2018, after notice and comment, including consultation with the Commission's Advisory Committee on Diversity and Digital Empowerment (ACDDE), the Commission adopted the Incubator Order, which established an incubator program for radio broadcasters designed to increase diversity by addressing the barriers to new and diverse station ownership, in particular lack of access to capital and operational expertise. The Incubator Order provided a structure whereby established AM and FM broadcasters could offer financial, technical, and operational assistance to new and diverse entrants. In return for successful incubation, established broadcasters could receive a limited waiver of the Local Radio Ownership Rule, allowing them to acquire another station in a market that would otherwise be prohibited by the Local Radio Ownership Rule, provided the market is “comparable” to the market in which the broadcaster successfully incubates another station. The Commission considered a market to be “comparable” to the market where the incubation relationship occurred “if, at the time the incubating entity seeks to use the reward waiver, the chosen market and the incubated market fall within the same market size tier under our Local Radio Ownership Rule and the number of independent owners of full-service, commercial and noncommercial radio stations in the chosen market is no fewer than the number of such owners that were in the incubation market at the time the parties submitted their incubation proposal to the Commission.” 7. Several parties sought review of the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration in the D.C. Circuit and Third Circuit Court of Appeals. These petitions were consolidated before the Third Circuit Court of Appeals with the previously filed reviews of the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order. On September 23, 2019, the Third Circuit vacated and remanded the bulk of the Commission's actions in the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration, opining that the Commission had failed to consider adequately how the rule changes would impact female and minority ownership. On December 20, 2019, the Media Bureau issued an Order reinstating the rules as set forth in the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order. 8. In the wake of the Third Circuit's decision, the Commission and broadcast industry petitioners filed separate Petitions for Writ of Certiorari before the Supreme Court, each asking the Supreme Court to review and overturn the Third Circuit's decision on different grounds. On October 2, 2020, the Supreme Court granted the petitions for a writ of certiorari and consolidated the cases, ultimately hearing oral argument on January 19, 2021. On April 1, 2021, the Supreme Court, in a unanimous opinion, upheld the rules as adopted and eliminated in the Commission's 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration. The Supreme Court reaffirmed the Commission's “broad authority to regulate broadcast media in the public interest” and stated that under the Administrative Procedure Act's arbitrary and capricious standard, a court may not substitute its own policy judgment for that of the agency so long as the action is reasonable and reasonably explained. In this instance, the Supreme Court found that the Commission appropriately analyzed the evidence and data it had before it, and came to a reasonable conclusion that the rules no longer served the public interest. Finally, the Court noted that it did not reach, and therefore left undisturbed, issues regarding whether section 202(h) authorizes or requires the Commission to consider, or prohibits the Commission from considering, minority and female ownership when it conducts its quadrennial reviews. 9. Accordingly, the Supreme Court upheld the Commission's decision to eliminate the Newspaper/Broadcast Cross-Ownership and Radio/Television Cross-Ownership Rules and revise the Local Television Ownership Rule. It also upheld the Commission's decision to eliminate the Television Joint Sales Agreement Attribution Rule while retaining the Shared Services Agreement disclosure requirements. The Court likewise upheld the Commission's decisions on the “eligible entity” definition and the creation of a diversity incubator program. 10. On June 4, 2021, the Media Bureau adopted an order, 86 FR 34627 (June 30, 2021), reinstating the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration, the Incubator Order, as well as the revenue-based eligible entity definition from the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order. Moreover, cognizant of how much time had passed since the original comment period closed, the Bureau released a public notice, 86 FR 35089 (July 1, 2021), seeking to refresh the record in the 2018 Quadrennial Review proceeding and received extensive comment. The Bureau asked commenters to review and comment on any materials that had been filed in the proceeding since the original comment period closed. The Media Bureau also sought any new and relevant information, including new empirical and statistical evidence, proposals, and detailed analysis. Additionally, the Bureau sought comment on how the media marketplace had evolved since early 2019 and whether new technological innovations had spurred noticeable trends or changed industry practices, as well as how any trends had impacted how consumers obtain local and national news and information. III. Standard of Review 11. We reaffirm in this proceeding the long-standing framework under section 202(h) of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, pursuant to which we examine the rules subject to the Quadrennial Review to determine if they remain necessary in service of our three traditional policy goals—competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. We find that the language of the statute, judicial precedent, and the record in this proceeding support retaining our traditional multi-factor approach, and we reject suggestions that we re-interpret the statute as requiring solely a competition-centric review. In addition, consistent with past Commission determinations, we find that section 202(h) grants us discretion to make rules more or less stringent to ensure they serve the public interest. We also conclude that under this approach, and consistent with past reviews, we will consider whether our existing rules are consistent with minority and female ownership and to evaluate potential harms, if any, to minority and female ownership that would result from any changes we make thereto. 12. As stated above, the media ownership rules subject to this Quadrennial Review are the Local Radio Ownership Rule, the Local Television Ownership Rule, and the Dual Network Rule. These rules are found, respectively, at 47 CFR 73.3555(a), (b), and 47 CFR 73.658(g). Section 202(h) of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 requires the Commission to review these rules every four years to determine whether they “are necessary in the public interest as the result of competition” and to “repeal or modify any regulation [the Commission] determines to be no longer in the public interest.” Consistent with the guidance of the Third Circuit, the Commission has previously considered the language “necessary in the public interest” to be a “ `plain public interest' standard under which `necessary' means `convenient,' `useful,' or `helpful,' not `essential' or `indispensable.' ” Furthermore, the Commission has applied the principle that there is no “presumption in favor of repealing or modifying the ownership rules,” but rather, that the Commission has the discretion “to make [the rules] more or less stringent.” Accordingly, the Commission's review under section 202(h) focuses on determining whether there is a reasoned basis for retaining, repealing, or modifying each rule consistent with our long-standing public interest goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. 13. Parties presented arguments related to the proper interpretation of section 202(h) to the Supreme Court in FCC v. Prometheus. Subsequent to the Supreme Court's decision, in the 2021 Update Public Notice, the Media Bureau sought comment on various issues, including whether there were any legal factors that the Commission should consider as part of its 2018 Quadrennial Review. In response, several commenters opine regarding how the Commission should interpret section 202(h) going forward in the wake of FCC v. Prometheus, as well as their views regarding the impact of the Supreme Court's decision on the Commission's consideration of minority and female ownership in this proceeding. 14. As we have many times in the past, and consistent with Congress's directive in section 202(h), we review the rules that are subject to the Quadrennial Review to determine whether they are necessary in the public interest as the result of competition and with the express statutory purpose of repealing or modifying any rule that is no longer in the public interest. In conducting that review, our determination as to whether the rules remain necessary in the public interest focuses primarily on our longstanding policy goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. In addition to those core policy goals, the Commission has also considered whether its rules are consistent with, and the effect, if any, changes to its rules would have on, minority and female ownership of broadcast stations, and we do so as well. 15. As noted above, the Supreme Court did not consider the Third Circuit's prior conclusions regarding the interpretation of section 202(h)—in fact, the Supreme Court explicitly declined to reach such issues. Therefore, as an initial matter, the Third Circuit's guidance, as well as the Commission's application of that guidance in past quadrennial reviews, continues to inform our analysis. Consistent with that precedent, and as discussed in more detail below, we reject calls to depart from precedent or to reinterpret section 202(h) in a manner that would abandon our traditional multi-factor framework in favor of an approach focused solely on competition or that would permit only the relaxation or elimination of the rules. 16. First, consistent with the Third Circuit's guidance in Prometheus I and Commission precedent, we continue to find that “necessary in the public interest” is a “ `plain public interest' standard under which `necessary' means `convenient,' `useful,' or `helpful,' not `essential' or `indispensable.' ” The Commission has applied this interpretation repeatedly in its previous quadrennial reviews, and we continue to find that this understanding of “necessary in the public interest” is the most reasonable and logical interpretation. 17. Second, we decline NAB's invitation to re-interpret section 202(h) in order to find a presumption in favor of deregulation, and we disagree with the assertion that section 202(h) only allows for the repeal or relaxation of a rule. Rather, as we have concluded in prior quadrennial reviews and the courts have upheld, we find that the Commission may “make [the rules] more or less stringent” after reviewing and considering the state of competition in the media marketplace. As the Third Circuit held in Prometheus I, section 202(h) does not carry a presumption in favor of deregulation, nor is it a “one-way ratchet.” We continue to find that the iterative process established by section 202(h) compels us to “repeal or modify any regulation [the Commission] determines to be no longer in the public interest.” Based on the plain language of this directive, and the use of the word “modify,” we reiterate that the Commission is not merely relegated to repealing or relaxing a rule that, over time, has become unnecessary or obsolete. Instead, where an existing rule as written is “no longer in the public interest,” the Commission can modify that rule (for instance, by making it more or less restrictive, changing the structure of the rule, or closing loopholes) to ensure that the rule better serves the public interest. Contrary to NAB's suggestion, the logic of a deregulatory presumption undercuts the references in section 202(h), in both its text and legislative history, to evaluating the rules in the public interest. We further believe that it would be counter to the public interest to deregulate by either repeal, relaxation, or inaction ( e.g., by ignoring competitive developments that run counter to the public interest) to the point that a few entities may dominate a media market. There is no indication that it was Congress's intention when it passed the 1996 Telecommunications Act to adopt a presumption in favor of deregulation, or to alter the then established principle under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) that if there is any presumption, it is not against regulation but against changes in current policy that are not justified by the rulemaking record. 18. Third, we agree with commenters who assert that FCC v. Prometheus reaffirmed our broad statutory authority to regulate broadcast stations in the public interest. As the Supreme Court noted, agencies are entitled to deference assuming that they act in a “zone of reasonableness” and have “reasonably considered the relevant issues and reasonably explained the decision.” The Supreme Court held further in City of Arlington, Tex. v. FCC, that any statutory ambiguities should be “resolved, first and foremost, by the agency” so long as the agency stays “within the bounds of reasonable interpretation.” Accordingly, we conclude that the Commission has considerable latitude in our interpretation and application of section 202(h), and the Supreme Court's recent decision in FCC v. Prometheus only affirms this conclusion by underscoring the Commission's broad discretion. 19. Accordingly, we reaffirm that our assessment of whether the structural ownership rules remain in the public interest continues to focus on the Commission's longstanding policy goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. The Commission has long held that the public interest is furthered by promoting the principles of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity to ensure that a small number of entities do not dominate a particular media market, a holding we reaffirm in this current Quadrennial Review. Indeed, as early as the 1998 Biennial Review (the first review required by section 202(h)), the Commission rejected calls by commenters to consider only competition in the context of section 202(h) reviews. Looking at the statutory language of section 202(h), the Commission noted at the time that the phrases “necessary in the public interest” and “as the result of competition” could not be separated and, read together, the language “appears to focus on whether the public interest basis for the rule has changed as a result of competition, and does not appear to be intended to limit the factors we should consider.” Further, the Commission noted that, in the legislative history of the 1996 Telecommunications Act, Congress expressed diversity concerns regarding the media marketplace. For example, the legislative history highlights the national need to promote “diversity of media voices, vigorous economic competition, technological advancement, and promotion of the public interest, convenience, and necessity” and twice pairs diversity with competition as factors for the Commission's consideration in its decisions regarding the marketplace. The Senate Conference Report states that “in the Commission's proceeding to review its television ownership rules generally, the Commission is considering whether generally to allow such local cross ownerships, including combinations of a television station and more than one radio station in the same service. The conferees expect that the Commission's future implementation of its current radio-television waiver policy, as well as any changes to its rules it may adopt in its pending review, will take into account the increased competition and the need for diversity in today's radio marketplace that is the rationale for subsection (d).” It also states that “the Commission may also permit VHF/VHF combinations where it determines that doing so will not harm competition and diversity.” 20. In light of our continued adherence to this approach, and based on the record, our discretion, and the text of section 202(h), we reject calls to revise the Commission's longstanding approach in favor of reading the statute narrowly to focus on, or elevate, either the reference to the “public interest” or the reference to “competition” individually and in the absence of the other. Instead, we agree with commenters who suggest that we embrace a “ `plain public interest' standard” that does not place emphasis on one public interest goal over another and continue to read the phrase “necessary in the public interest as the result of competition” in its entirety and in a manner that we find logically marries the two references. We continue to find that such an interpretation appropriately recognizes the importance and meaning of the phrase “necessary in the public interest,” which Congress affirmatively included and has long been read to encompass several important public policy goals, alongside the distinct term “competition,” which is consistent with the larger thematic context of the 1996 Act. The broader scope of the public interest inquiry is also reflected in the additional language in section 202(h), which defines the inquiry as whether these rules are “no longer in the public interest,” a term not limited to a focus on effects on competition. Thus, throughout Quadrennial Reviews over the years, the Commission has modified and eliminated rules that it deemed to be “no longer in the public interest.” Those inquiries have not been confined to effects on competition, but have included analyses of viewpoint diversity and localism as well. At some point, then, competition might reach a point where, as the result of such competition, certain of our rules would be “no longer in the public interest” to achieve the Commission's stated public interest goals. Quadrennial review is the forum in which the Commission takes account of that progress in light of all three of these goals. 21. Accordingly, we disagree with NAB's interpretation that Congress intended to elevate competition as the “preeminent factor” to guide the Commission's review under section 202(h), and we reject the attempt to revisit this long-resolved issue. We similarly disagree with NAB's contention that the tenets of statutory interpretation, including the reference to competition in section 202(h) (rather than any other specific public interest factors), support its interpretation that the Commission's section 202(h) review should consider competition as the primary factor in evaluating the rules. As noted above, the text of section 202(h) requires the Commission to determine whether our rules remain “necessary in the public interest as the result of competition.” In the past, the Commission has consistently interpreted the reference in section 202(h) to the “public interest” as incorporating our traditional policy objectives under that standard, namely, competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. Congress envisioned a future where changes in the amount and type of competition could one day render some or all of our structural media ownership rules unnecessary. The crux of the phrase, and indeed of section 202(h), however, is whether these competitive market forces are satisfying the public interest objectives that our rules are intended to serve, such that our rules are “no longer necessary . . . as the result of competition.” Ultimately, we cannot ignore the fact that Congress included the words “public interest” in section 202(h), and those words need to be treated as prominently and with equal reverence as the mention of competition. For instance, had Congress wished to do so, it could have omitted the phrase “public interest” and simply directed the Commission to review its rules to determine whether “any such rules are necessary as the result of competition.” Instead, Congress elected to include the concept of the “public interest” together with that of competition, knowing full well that service to public interest, convenience, and necessity is the foundation of the Commission's rules. And as noted above, it underscored that more general reference to the public interest analysis in describing the inquiry as whether rules are “no longer in the public interest.” We conclude that there was a reason Congress used these references to the public interest, and that it is reasonable to interpret these references in light of all three of the well-established criteria for that public interest analysis. Similarly, NAB suggests that, had Congress chosen to, it could have omitted the phrase “as the result of competition” and simply instructed the Commission to determine whether a rule remains “necessary in the public interest,” thereby making competition co-equal with other public interest goals. NAB asserts that Congress's decision to do otherwise and to specifically mention competition was intended to single out one particular element of the public interest analysis. Contrary to NAB's position, however, it does not follow that Congress's inclusion of the phrase “as the result of competition” indicates Congress intended to elevate competition among other traditional public interest goals. Rather, as we have explained, Congress's inclusion of the phrase “as the result of competition” reflects an ongoing statutory directive to the Commission to account for the results of an evolving competitive landscape in evaluating the continued necessity of its structural ownership rules to fulfill its public interest goals. This seems perfectly logical given the changes brought about, and envisioned, by the 1996 Act. As we discuss in more detail below and with respect to our individual rules, this involves evaluating whether the media marketplace has delivered—and would continue delivering absent our rules—each of the public interest benefits of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity that our rules seek to further. If not—that is, if the competitive marketplace would not deliver these benefits in the absence of our rules—we conclude that our rules still remain “necessary in the public interest,” and we cannot conclude that such rules are “no longer in the public interest,” even after accounting for the results of competition to date. Contrary to NAB's concerns, then, we do not interpret section 202(h) in a way that would ignore or read the word “competition” out of the statute; instead, we interpret it in a way that gives meaning to that word in context. By contrast, we find that NAB's interpretation would read out the reference to the “public interest,” which even at the time of the 1996 Act, was a longstanding and well-known term in the context of the Commission's media regulation. Over the years, the Commission has further fleshed out that term in the context of the Quadrennial Review to encompass three tangible public interest goals—competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity—which have been further interpreted, articulated, and defined with substantial detail through the Commission's Quadrennial Review notices and orders. As such, contrary to NAB's arguments, we find that there is no non-delegation problem with our interpretation, because we are not interpreting our public interest mandate to be unmoored from any defined or articulable policy goal. Instead, we have articulated three clear and longstanding policy goals—competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity—that have long been aligned with the public interest standard applicable to the media marketplace. We find that this interpretation is consistent with how the Commission has applied the standard over time and best reconciles the two phrases within it—“necessary in the public interest” and “as the result of competition.” Even if, for argument's sake, one accepts NAB's contention that section 202(h) is focused first and foremost on competition, it raises a subsequent question about what the threshold is for how much competition is necessary to justify elimination of a rule. Our consistent interpretation essentially speaks to that subsequent question, in that it asks if there is competition sufficient to produce the public interest benefits the Commission has traditionally looked to the rules to foster. Moreover, as we discuss below with regard to particular rules, we find that even under a competition-only standard, loosening our rules and allowing additional consolidation (or, under some proposals, unlimited consolidation) would cause substantial harm to the public interest. Moreover, despite NAB's interest in relitigating this issue, nothing in the Supreme Court's decision in FCC v. Prometheus warrants revisiting the Commission's established interpretation of section 202(h). 22. To be clear, competition has always been, and remains, a key consideration in the Commission's Quadrennial Review process, but it is not the only consideration encompassed by the public interest standard or by section 202(h). As discussed below, we remain committed to examining the media marketplace, acknowledging new and additional forms of competition where they exist, and evaluating whether market forces—as they have evolved—satisfy public interest objectives, such that our rules as currently devised are no longer “necessary in the public interest as the result of competition.” We note that NAB recommends the Commission review each ownership rule based upon the public interest rationale at the time it was adopted to see if competition had rendered it no longer necessary, and, according to NAB, once a rule is deemed to no longer serve a particular goal, the Commission should no longer test the rule's relationship to that goal. We do not think section 202(h) demands such a narrow approach— i.e., its quadrennial nature and the statutory reference to the “public interest” suggest an intent to be flexible in accounting for new, different, or changed rationales over time—and as NAB notes, historically, the rationales for certain rules have evolved over time as part of the quadrennial review process. 23. Finally, even as we reaffirm here that our traditional policy goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity continue to serve as the lodestars to guide us in our Quadrennial Review proceeding, we note that the Commission has traditionally also considered other aspects of the public interest, including the impact of its ownership rules on minorities and women. In particular, and as the Supreme Court noted in FCC v. Prometheus, “[t]he FCC has also said that, as part of its public interest analysis under section 202(h), it would assess the effects of the ownership rules on minority and female ownership.” While NAB challenges the notion of considering the impact of the media ownership rules on minority and female ownership in our quadrennial reviews, arguing that the Supreme Court did not say that the Commission has to consider minority and female ownership as part of the Quadrennial Review proceeding, we continue to find that our public interest standard is broad and that the impact of our rules on broadcast ownership by minorities and women remains an important part of our multi-factor public interest inquiry. Indeed, the Supreme Court did not say we have to consider any particular policy goal. In fact, as NAB notes and discussed above, the Supreme Court did not reach the question of section 202(h) interpretation at all. Under this precedent, we are not bound to consider the three traditional policy goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. Moreover, we do not have to consider minority and female ownership as an important part of our larger public interest goal of diversity (which, most notably and historically, includes viewpoint diversity). Nonetheless, the Supreme Court did not alter the Commission's discretion to consider these factors, in the manner we choose, and we elect in this proceeding, as the Commission has previously, to do so. Accordingly, as we have in the past, we continue to consider whether our current rules are consistent with ( i.e., do not disserve) opportunities for minority and female ownership and whether any proposed changes to those rules would be likely to result in harm to minority and female ownership. 24. In this way, consideration of the impact of our rules on minority and female ownership is related to, and consistent with, the broader aim of our structural ownership rules in ensuring the diffuse ownership of broadcast stations. As the Commission has noted in the past, a general policy goal of diversity may encompass different forms of diversity. One central goal of our structural ownership rules, in particular, has been, and remains, promoting a diversity of viewpoints. Our rules do so by limiting the aggregation of stations in any single entity's hands and thereby fostering a multiplicity of speakers. The Commission, in general, also has recognized the disproportionately low number of stations owned by minorities and women and has embraced the objective of better understanding and addressing this situation. By limiting the aggregation of stations among a few owners, we continue to conclude that our existing ownership limits preserve ownership opportunities for many different types of owners, including minority and female owners. 25. As has always been the case in the Commission's application of section 202(h), the public interest analysis required by the statute has been conducted as a multi-factor review in which no one factor is controlling. To the extent there are conflicts between competing goals ( e.g., a rule or rule change would promote one factor while harming another), the Commission weighs the effects and determines whether, on balance, the rule serves the public interest. Consideration of minority and female ownership is no exception to that approach. 26. We conclude that the record in the current proceeding does not establish concrete, affirmative steps the Commission can or should take with respect to our structural ownership rules to address concerns regarding minority and female ownership, but we remain committed to examining barriers to minority and female ownership of broadcast stations and expect that the upcoming 2022 Quadrennial Review proceeding will provide an opportunity to examine more specifically what can or should be done within the context of our structural ownership rules. In addition, we note that the Commission has taken several actions beyond its quadrennial reviews, such as improving its collection and analysis of broadcast station ownership information on FCC Form 323 and 323-E, and chartering the Communications Equity and Diversity Council (CEDC), that are intended to provide the Commission with more information about the state of minority and female broadcast ownership and to promote the important goal of increasing such ownership. Moreover, we remain committed, as Free Press suggests, to analyzing how changes to broadcast ownership rules may impact future opportunities for women and minorities. Indeed, the Commission's Office of Economics and Analytics recently conducted an analysis and released a white paper on minority ownership of broadcast television stations that will continue to inform our understanding of the television market and the diversity of ownership. And, as discussed below with respect to our rules, we find in this proceeding that our existing rules remain consistent with the objective of improving ownership diversity, including minority and female ownership, and would cause no harm. IV. Media Ownership Rules A. Local Radio Ownership Rule 27. As explained below, we conclude that the Local Radio Ownership Rule—which limits both the total number of radio stations an entity may own within a local market and the number of radio stations within the market that the entity may own in the same service (AM or FM)—remains necessary to promote the Commission's public interest goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity, in accordance with our foregoing analysis. We therefore retain the current rule. The only modification we adopt is to make permanent the interim contour-overlap methodology long used to determine ownership limits in areas outside the boundaries of defined Nielsen Audio Metro markets and in Puerto Rico. 28. We decline commenters' requests to modify our presumption regarding embedded markets adopted in 2017. Likewise, we reject calls to eliminate or ease the rule's ownership limits in an effort to help station owners stem the loss of listeners and advertising revenues. We take seriously the challenging circumstances confronting broadcast radio in today's media marketplace, but the record does not persuade us that further consolidation would meaningfully address the problems radio faces. Rather, additional consolidation within radio markets is not only likely to decrease competition, viewpoint diversity, and localism but also is inconsistent with our statutory mandate to disseminate licenses as widely as possible. Ultimately, we find that allowing one entity to own more radio stations in a market than currently permitted would harm competition without achieving the benefit sought by some of enabling station owners to compete more effectively with social media companies and national advertising platforms like Google and Facebook. 29. The Local Radio Ownership Rule allows an entity to own: (1) up to eight commercial radio stations in radio markets with at least 45 radio stations, no more than five of which may be in the same service (AM or FM); (2) up to seven commercial radio stations in radio markets with 30-44 radio stations, no more than four of which may be in the same service (AM or FM); (3) up to six commercial radio stations in radio markets with 15-29 radio stations, no more than four of which may be in the same service (AM or FM); and (4) up to five commercial radio stations in radio markets with 14 or fewer radio stations, no more than three of which may be in the same service (AM or FM), provided that the entity does not own more than 50% of the radio stations in the market unless the combination comprises not more than one AM and one FM station. The limitation on the number of stations an entity may own in a single service, AM or FM, is typically referred to as the subcap limit. Overlap between two stations in different services is allowed if neither of those stations overlaps a third station in the same service. When determining the total number of radio stations within a market, only full-power commercial and noncommercial radio stations are counted for purposes of the rule. Radio markets are defined by Nielsen Audio Metros where applicable, and the contour-overlap methodology is used in areas outside of defined and rated Nielsen Audio Metro markets. An exception to this market definition approach is Puerto Rico, where the contour-overlap methodology applies even though Puerto Rico is a Nielsen Audio Metro market. 30. In its last quadrennial review, the Commission concluded that local radio ownership limits promote competition, a public interest benefit that the Commission found to be a sufficient basis for retaining the current rule. Additionally, the Commission affirmed its previous findings that competitive local radio markets help promote viewpoint diversity and localism, and it deemed the rule consistent with the Commission's goal of promoting minority and female broadcast ownership. Accordingly, the Commission retained the rule without modification, although it provided several clarifications regarding the rule's implementation. Subsequently, on reconsideration, the Commission adopted a presumption to use in evaluating transactions involving radio stations within embedded markets ( i.e., smaller markets, as defined by Nielsen Audio, that are contained within the boundaries of a larger Nielsen Audio Metro market) where the parent market currently has multiple embedded markets ( i.e., New York, NY and Washington, DC). A transaction would qualify for the presumption if the applicants demonstrated: (1) compliance with the numerical ownership limits in each embedded market using the Nielsen Audio Metro methodology, and (2) compliance with the ownership limits in the parent market using the contour-overlap methodology applicable to undefined markets in lieu of the Commission's ordinary parent market analysis. The presumption supports waiving the numerical ownership limits in existing parent markets where an applicant can demonstrate both compliance with the numerical ownership limits in the embedded market, as well as compliance with the ownership limit using the contour overlap method. The Commission stated that the presumption would apply pending further consideration of embedded market transactions in this 2018 quadrennial review. 31. The NPRM asked generally whether the current Local Radio Ownership Rule remains necessary in the public interest to promote competition, localism, or viewpoint diversity. It also sought comment on several specific issues regarding the radio rule, including whether to retain the rule's current market definition, market size tiers, numerical limits, and AM/FM subcap limits. In particular, the NPRM sought comment on whether the Commission should make permanent use of the contour-overlap methodology for areas not within Nielsen Audio Metro markets. In addition, it asked about the treatment of embedded markets and the effect of the rule on minority and female ownership. 32. For the reasons discussed below, we find that the Local Radio Ownership Rule remains necessary in the public interest as the result of competition. There is no question that the broader media environment within which broadcast radio operates has changed dramatically since the radio rule was enacted in 1996. Consumer choice in audio entertainment has grown with the launch of satellite radio, the introduction of audio streaming services, and the proliferation of podcasts. There is no consensus in the record, however, regarding whether changes to the Local Radio Ownership Rule would enable radio owners to respond to these developments more effectively, or even, if so, whether those benefits would outweigh potential harms to competition, localism, or viewpoint diversity. The commenters were deeply divided in their responses to almost every issue raised in the NPRM. As discussed below, after considering the conflicting arguments in the record, and the split that exists even within the radio industry, we agree with those commenters asserting that loosening the rule would harm competition to the detriment of listeners. 33. Market Definition. As in the past, we continue to find that the relevant market to consider for purposes of the Local Radio Ownership Rule is the radio listening market. We further find that due to the unique characteristics of broadcast radio, it would not be appropriate to include satellite or non-broadcast audio sources, such as internet streaming services, in that market at this time. Notably, this finding is consistent with our findings in prior quadrennial reviews, where we looked at the unique characteristics of broadcast radio and the lack of substitutability with other audio sources, elements that remain fundamentally unaltered in spite of larger marketplace changes. 34. Moreover, we find that the nature of the larger advertising market, in which advertising dollars have always flowed between different sectors in accordance with advertiser preferences, does not compel us to revise the way we view broadcast radio's unique place within the audio landscape or the distinct market within which radio stations operate. First, we note that the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) consistently has found broadcast radio advertising to constitute a distinct product market. We recognize that some local businesses may have shifted increasing shares of their advertising budgets to internet platforms, such as Facebook and Google, while at the same time buying fewer radio advertisements. We also note, however, that the broader reach of radio advertising offers different benefits than the targeted advertising offered by Facebook and Google, such that at least some advertisers do not view them as substitutes. In addition, recent data indicate that broadcast radio dominates listening among ad-supported audio sources. We find that, within the broader advertising ecosystem, there still remains a distinct broadcast radio advertising market, such that our existing rule promotes competition among local radio stations through competition for advertising dollars, as well as along other dimensions that directly benefit listeners ( e.g., quality, choice of offerings, innovation, among others). Moreover, for the reasons stated below, it is primarily as a result of this competition that broadcast radio stations are spurred continually to look for ways to improve service to the listening public. 35. Although we acknowledge, as commenters contend, that there is today a broader audio landscape that includes a variety of audio options for consumers, many of which did not exist a decade or two ago, we continue to find that within that broader landscape, free over-the-air broadcast radio maintains a unique place and that radio stations compete primarily with other radio stations for listeners. Accordingly, we reject commenters' claims that we must revise our market definition to reflect the “expanding universe of content providers” and should include non-broadcast sources of audio content such as Sirius XM/Pandora, Spotify, YouTube Music, Apple Music, and Amazon Music. As the Commission previously has found, although the broader marketplace for the delivery of audio programming includes satellite and online audio sources, along with traditional broadcast radio, there are significant differences in the availability, reach, consumer engagement, and cost of these services, such that they deliver different value propositions to consumers. Significantly, of the various options available in the broader audio marketplace, generally speaking, only terrestrial broadcast radio both is available without a paid subscription and does not require access to internet service. Not only does this accessibility make broadcast radio uniquely and widely available, it also makes it a lifeline for many Americans, especially in times of local emergencies. In its Fourteenth Broadband Deployment Report, the Commission determined that despite significant gains in delivering access to broadband, in 2019, at least 14.46 million Americans, or about 4% of the population, still lacked access to fixed terrestrial broadband service at a standard speed of 25/3 Mbps. Additionally, the Commission found that the adoption of fixed terrestrial broadband in the 10/1 Mbps speed tier was 67.2% among households in the quartile with the lowest poverty rate, versus 40.7% among households in the quartile representing the highest poverty rate. As commenters observe, radio is a trusted and essential source of public safety information during emergencies and in times of crises. 36. We also continue to find that the local nature of broadcast radio makes it unique within the broader audio landscape. In particular, we note that broadcast radio is alone within the audio landscape in having an affirmative obligation to serve the needs and interest of the local community. As part of their license obligations, each quarter, radio station licensees are required to submit a list of programs that treat issues faced by the local community. Such programs may include local news and public affairs programming. Moreover, there is evidence that being local is the defining value proposition that many radio stations see themselves as providing to consumers. As commenters point out, radio programming includes offerings with a community focus, such as program hosts that are known within the locality, music by local bands, reporting on local sports teams, and sponsorship of neighborhood festivals, which other audio services do not provide. As the Commission's 2022 Communications Marketplace Report states, “promoting a local on-air personality as the `face' of a station may be an important way for a station to distinguish or brand itself from other stations in its market.” 37. In addition, even with the emergence of new audio services and platforms, radio listenership remains strong and dominant within the broader audio marketplace in many key respects. Although commenters warn that the decline of radio listening during the pandemic is not likely to rebound to pre-pandemic levels, it is premature to determine whether the pandemic will have long-term effects on local radio. We find that forecasts of future declines of radio listenership and revenue are speculative, and therefore unreliable for the purposes of this review. Certainly, commenters provide some evidence that time spent listening to broadcast radio has declined, especially among younger audiences. Nonetheless, in 2018, Edison Research's “Share of Ear” report allocates the share of time spent listening to audio sources for Americans aged 13 years old and over as follows: 46% terrestrial broadcast radio, 14% streaming audio, 12% owned music, 11% YouTube, 7% SiriusXM satellite radio, 5% TV Music channels, 3% podcasts, and 2% other sources. Similarly, a more recent Share of Ear report indicated that, in 2021, the total share of time spent listening to AM/FM radio remained the highest at 38%, and the share of time spent listening to podcasts had risen to only 5%. Additionally, while the gap in usage between broadcast and online audio programming has declined over time, terrestrial broadcast radio remains dominant and the number of weekly listeners to broadcast radio in the United States remains relatively stable. Moreover, historically, easy access to AM/FM radio inside automobiles has been a distinctive characteristic and advantage of broadcast radio, and in-car radio listening has rebounded as people return to their cars following the height of the pandemic. By contrast, some commenters claim that radio's dominance over in-car listening is fading as Bluetooth and satellite radio capabilities become standard features in new cars. While there is no question that consumers are increasingly finding new audio sources to consume while driving, broadcast radio remains the clear top choice. Inside the home, we acknowledge there is a decreasing number of radios in households with the ubiquity of digital devices, like smartphones and smart speakers, that provide access to an array of audio content. Nonetheless, evidence further suggests that, even within the evolving marketplace, broadcast radio stations are embracing these new devices and finding additional ways to reach listeners. 38. Ultimately, we agree with iHeart that “competitive pressures across platforms within the audio ecosystem are not determinative of what is the relevant market” for purposes of our Local Radio Ownership Rule. We reject NAB's suggestion that the relevant competition is for “the public's attention and time.” Since its inception, radio has competed with other types of entertainment for the public's attention and time. Television, movies, books, newspapers, magazines, concerts, plays, and all manner of activities present consumers with countless options for how to spend their time or be entertained or informed. Today's consumers have a broad selection of audio options that can be accessed on an increasing number of devices, but that does not mean competition among local radio stations should be weakened or that consumers and advertisers consider non-broadcast options to be appropriate substitutes for local radio. 39. As we have acknowledged, in recent years, the audio landscape has seen the growth of streaming music services that have amassed millions of subscribers. Nonetheless, there is evidence that consumers may be most directly substituting online audio services for what would once have been purchases of recorded music rather than for live, local, free broadcast radio, and that consumers still flock to broadcast radio for elements that other audio sources in the marketplace are not currently providing. For instance, while advertising dollars may have started to flow to other sources over time, in filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), iHeart (the largest radio station owner by revenue, number of stations, and number of markets) suggests that within the broader audio marketplace, there are distinct sectors that vie separately for listeners, and in some respects, serve as complements to one another. Specifically, iHeart states: Within the audio industry, companies operate in two primary sectors: [1] The `music collection' sector, which essentially replaced downloads and CDs and [2] The ` companionship sector, [in] which people regard radio and podcasting personalities as their trusted friends and companions on whom they rely to provide news on everything from entertainment, local news, storytelling, information about new music and artists, weather, traffic and more. We operate in the second sector and use our large scale and national reach in broadcast radio to build additional complementary platforms. As iHeart suggests, in general, broadcast radio continues to serve a distinct role in the marketplace by providing important entertainment, information, and “companionship” to listeners that other forms of audio content likely do not. Moreover, by contrast, online streaming services that offer access to tens of millions of songs and other audio tracks to listeners on demand are perhaps situated more directly as substitutes for traditional purchased music collections. 40. For the reasons stated above, we find that the local radio listening market remains a distinct market for purposes of our Local Radio Ownership Rule analysis. We conclude that allowing further concentration within local radio markets would disserve listeners by jeopardizing the aspects of radio that make it a unique and appealing service. 41. Market Size Tiers and Numerical Limits. Based on the record of this proceeding, we find that the Local Radio Ownership Rule as currently designed remains necessary in the public interest as the result of competition, and we reject proposals in the record to modify its market size tiers or numerical limits at this time. For example, NAB urges the Commission to repeal the radio rule entirely, or at a minimum, to loosen restrictions in the top 75 Nielsen Audio Metro markets to allow a single entity to own or control up to eight commercial FM stations, with no cap on AM ownership, and, outside of the top 75 Nielsen markets and in unrated markets, to allow a single entity to own or control an unlimited number of AM and FM stations. NAB also proposes that an owner in the top 75 markets be permitted to own up to two additional FM stations (for a total of 10 FMs) in a market after successfully participating in the Commission's incubator program. As discussed below, we find that the existing rule continues to serve the public interest, that the record does not establish that permitting greater consolidation would benefit either the radio industry or the listening public, and that proposals to loosen the rule would reduce competition among broadcast radio stations to the detriment of listeners. For these reasons, we also reject various other proposals to relax the radio restrictions. 42. We find that the current tiers and limits maintain an appropriate level of competition in the local radio markets to the benefit of listeners and the public. Ever since Congress established these demarcations more than two and a half decades ago, the Commission consistently “has found that setting numerical ownership limits based on market size tiers remains the most effective method for preventing the acquisition of market power in local radio markets.” We disagree with the notion that changes in the broader audio environment require a restructuring of the rule's market size tiers or numerical limits. Not only do we find that the current limits promote our policy goals, but, as discussed below we conclude that allowing further consolidation would not ensure that local radio stations retain their listeners and advertisers. In addition, we note that the market tiers that NAB proposes would be determined by the size of the population in the Nielsen Audio Metro market. The current rule uses Nielsen markets as a starting point, but its tiers depend on the number of radio stations in the Nielsen market, rather than on how many people live in the market. Because the rule limits the number of stations an entity may own within a local market, we find that the most consistent and relevant measure upon which to base the rule's tiers is the total number of stations in the market, a concept that has been applied as part of the rule for many years, is well understood, and provides a degree of certainty to applicants. Under the rule, if there are more total stations in a market, an entity can own more stations. In effect, this ensures that a certain number of stations in a market would not be owned by a single entity. By contrast, NAB's proposal would permit ownership of eight stations in each of the top 75 markets as ranked by population, regardless of the total number of stations (or number of stations available to be owned by other entities) in the market. NAB's proposal to eliminate all ownership limits in most markets and retain only FM limits in the largest 75 markets would represent a radical departure from the existing numerical limits and would allow an increase in consolidation that would significantly decrease existing competition. 43. Commenters in favor of loosening radio ownership limits suggest that the broadcast radio industry, in general, is in dire need of relief and contend that its viability may be at stake if additional consolidation is not permitted. Other commenters, however, assert that the survival of the radio industry depends on keeping ownership limits in place to prevent massive consolidation that could result in a few national owners buying all or most of the stations in a market and piping in preset programming from distant headquarters. These commenters contend that relaxing the rule to “save” radio under NAB's plan would have the opposite effect: destroying what is the very essence of local radio. We recognize that the record contains evidence showing that broadcast radio has experienced declines in listening shares and in advertising revenues in recent years, while streaming audio has seen growth in both areas. We further realize that broadcast radio, like other industries, has faced and continues to face challenges as technologies, market dynamics, and consumer behaviors evolve. Notwithstanding these challenges, we continue to find, as compelled by the instruction of section 202(h), that the current structure of the ownership rule remains necessary to promote the Commission's public interest goals. Moreover, we note that in any action that affects licensing, the Commission must be mindful of Congress' directive to avoid excessive concentration of licenses and to disseminate licenses widely. Allowing all radio stations in a market to be licensed to one entity would demand an exceptional justification given this directive. In FCC v. Prometheus, the Supreme Court recognized the Commission's longstanding policy of “ensuring that a small number of entities do not dominate a particular media market.” In any event, we remain highly skeptical that permitting additional consolidation beyond that currently allowed under our rule is warranted or would address radio's stated woes. 44. For one thing, as we note above, broadcast listenership within the broader audio landscape remains relatively strong despite declines in radio's popularity. In addition, broadcast radio revenue—the lifeblood of the industry—has shown signs of stability over the past decade. As the Commission found in its most recent Communications Marketplace Report, “the primary source of revenue for commercial terrestrial radio stations is advertising” and while “total broadcast radio revenue dropped to $13.7 billion in 2020,” revenue then “rose to $14.8 billion in 2021, resulting in a net decline of approximately 17% from 2019 to 2021, due largely to the drop in demand for advertising due to the COVID-19 pandemic.” In fact, broadcast radio advertising revenue remained virtually flat from 2010 to 2019, which obviously is not preferable to steep growth, but also is not indicative of a prolonged or pronounced decline. Moreover, as broadcast radio companies expand into other parts of the audio marketplace (streaming, podcasts, etc.), online revenue for broadcast radio has seen substantial growth and stands as an “area of potential growth” going forward. Perhaps tellingly, the total number of broadcast radio stations remained fairly steady, and actually increased slightly, between 2015 and 2020, suggesting there has not been a massive shuttering of radio stations due to financial stress. 45. We understand that radio stations depend on advertising revenues to survive and to provide free, over-the-air programming, as they have since the inception of broadcasting. However, evidence does not appear to show that owning more stations necessarily correlates to being able to attain proportionally more revenue ( i.e., the number of owned stations and the net advertising revenue per station vary considerably among the top ten largest radio companies by net advertising revenue). While we recognize that adding more stations to a radio owner's local holdings may offer some benefit to the owner, including the ability to reduce costs, it would come at a tradeoff to the public interest, and we agree, moreover, with those commenters who contend that it would not reverse the overall downward trend in the amount of time that American consumers spend listening to broadcast radio or encourage local advertisers to increase their radio advertising budgets, both of which our rule cannot address. Although NAB and others provide evidence that broadcast radio is losing advertising revenue to online platforms and digital audio, we find that greater consolidation is unlikely to improve the ability of local radio owners to regain their advertising losses, particularly given the dissimilar value propositions that they and large technology companies offer to advertisers. We agree with those commenters who assert that if further consolidation were allowed, smaller and independent radio stations could be sacrificed needlessly based on an unrealistic premise that ever larger radio owners are the answer to compete for advertising on a level playing field with large technology companies. Or as one commenter put it, radio “will never out-Google Google, or out-Facebook Facebook.” 46. In any event, our conclusion that the current radio rule remains necessary in the public interest as the result of competition rests on the premise that the listening public is the constituency that the rule is intended to serve. The purpose of the rule is to ensure competition among broadcast radio stations within a market so that radio owners are motivated to provide the highest quality of service to the public. Reducing the number of competitors in a local market puts that quality of service at risk, threatens viewpoint diversity, and may reduce the amount of local programming available. Some commenters contend that if an owner is allowed to acquire the competing stations in a market, it will diversify the programming formats on its newly-acquired stations because it will not want to compete with itself. One has to question, however, whether that owner would maintain the same quality of service on its stations without facing external competition from other station owners. Furthermore, evidence in the record suggests that as the radio industry has become more consolidated over time, some types of formats have been reduced. 47. Notably, the existing rule already allows a generous amount of common ownership within a radio market and does not limit ownership across markets, nor, any longer, across other media such as newspapers, television stations, or cable systems. For example, in the largest radio markets, one owner may own as many as eight radio stations, and up to five in the same service, and that same owner is permitted to own stations up to the limit in every local market in the country. Moreover, since the passage of the 1996 Act, considerable consolidation already has taken place within the radio industry, and there is mounting evidence that it has not been without at least some negative effects for consumers. As some commenters observe, such consolidation has resulted in the homogenization of content; less local programming; fewer market entry opportunities for new or small owners, including minorities and women; employee layoffs; and competitive harm to the smaller station owners striving to remain in the market. The result is that, even under the current Local Radio Ownership Rule, there are some radio companies with hundreds of radio stations around the country and many radio markets are already quite concentrated, a fact that the Commission highlighted in the last quadrennial review. 48. For instance, we find that within local radio markets, the largest station group owners continue to dominate other radio stations in terms of audience and revenue share. Specifically, evidence shows that the largest owners of commercial stations continue to enjoy substantial advantages in revenue share—on average, the largest station group in each Nielsen Audio Metro market has a 46.7% share of the market's total radio advertising revenue, with the two largest owners accounting for 73.9% of the revenue. In more than a third of all Nielsen Audio Metro markets, the top two commercial station owners control at least 80% of the radio advertising revenue. According to BIA data, in the 50 largest markets, on average, the top two firms account for 62.3% of radio advertising revenue in the market; in the 100 smallest markets, on average, the top two firms account for 81% of market revenue. With respect to ratings, the top four station group owners continue to dominate audience share. BIA data indicate that the four firm market concentration ratios ( i.e., the percentage of audience share attributed to the four largest firms in the market) average 97.2% in smaller markets and 89.7% in the 50 largest markets. Even without accounting for the market shares of station groups beyond the largest, these data reflect the high level of concentration in local radio markets, where on average the top station group owner's advertising revenue share hovers between 40 and 50 percent. We therefore do not find that the current rule is overly burdensome or unduly restrictive, or that relaxing the existing numerical limits would promote competition in a manner that would be consistent with the public interest. The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI) is a commonly accepted measure of market concentration. The HHI is calculated by squaring the market share of each firm competing in the market and then summing the resulting numbers. For example, for a market consisting of four firms with shares of 30, 30, 20, and 20 percent, the HHI is 2,600 (302 + 302 + 202 + 202 = 2,600). The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) and Federal Trade Commission (FTC) generally consider markets in which the HHI is between 1,500 and 2,500 points to be moderately concentrated and consider markets in which the HHI is in excess of 2,500 points to be highly concentrated. Under an HHI analysis, in a market where the market share leader has a share in excess of 50%, the market would be considered highly concentrated on the basis of that one firm alone ( i.e., 502 = 2,500). In a market where the market share leader has a share in excess of roughly 40%, the market would be considered moderately concentrated on the basis of that one firm alone ( i.e., 402 = 1,600). Arithmetically, the addition of other firms' market shares would not make the market any less concentrated under an HHI analysis, as all market shares, no matter the quantity or size, are additive to the total HHI value for the market and that value would only increase with the addition of market share information for other firms. 49. Indeed, we find that the current rule remains a backstop against further excessive consolidation. When the Commission repealed the Radio/Television Cross-Ownership Rule in 2017, it reasoned that any negative effects would be mitigated by the continued operation of the Local Radio and Local Television Ownership Rules, which would act as constraints on undue concentration. There is some evidence that, although a considerable amount of consolidation has occurred, the rule has prevented further excessive consolidation. For instance, although the market share information cited above reflects a high degree of concentration among the largest firms, it also appears that those numbers have remained fairly stable for the past decade or so under the existing ownership limits. For instance, the average advertising revenue market share of the largest station group in each market increased only slightly from 45% in 2012 to approximately 47% in 2022. Similarly, the combined market share for the top two station owners increased from 73% in 2012 to approximately 74% in 2022. 50. On the other hand, NAB's proposal of eliminating all limits in most markets and retaining only FM limits in the largest 75 markets would exacerbate the dominance of the larger firms. It would permit consolidation to the level of monopolization or near monopolization in many, if not most, markets. It would mean, for many markets, the potential to move from moderately concentrated today, under traditional antitrust standards, to another level of concentration altogether, and for others that are already highly concentrated, it would mean making them even more so. For instance, based on 2021 data from BIA Kelsey Media Access Pro, HHIs for advertising revenue share in radio markets finds that there is one market with low concentration, 49 markets that are moderately concentrated, and 203 markets that are highly concentrated. For listening share among commercial stations, there are no markets with low concentration, 40 markets that are moderately concentrated, and 213 markets that are highly concentrated. Under NAB's proposal, every one of these 253 markets would carry the risk of becoming highly concentrated or becoming even more highly concentrated if already so. Practically speaking, this effect could be particularly pronounced in the smallest markets ( i.e., those outside the top 75) where NAB's proposal to remove limits altogether would represent a radical departure from the current limits. For instance, most of the 178 markets outside the top 75 would be classified in one of the two smallest tiers per our existing rule (Tier 3 or Tier 4), with the majority (108) being considered Tier 3 and having, on average, 10.3 commercial FM stations. Under NAB's proposal, then, in those 108 markets, an owner could increase its ownership from a maximum of four FM stations today to ten or more FM stations (or all such stations in the market). The potential effect on competition inherent in NAB's proposal—which, as noted, is substantial—does not even account for any practical administrative difficulties that could be present with transitioning to a completely new approach to radio limits that sets a size cutoff based on Nielsen ranking (by households) rather than the number of stations in a market. 51. Surely, further consolidation could have benefits for certain radio owners, but such benefits are not worth the cost of the real and likely harms that would result to the listening public from a further reduction in competition. In particular, we find that undue consolidation is likely to lead to radio stations becoming less responsive to the needs and interests of their local communities. As the Commission has noted previously, “[b]ecause stations have a duty to serve the needs of their local communities, localism has been a cornerstone of broadcast regulations for decades.” We find that the cost pressures and incentives associated with consolidation could be expected to work against the provision of programming responsive to local issues. Specifically, we think the cost incentives in favor of repurposing content on multiple stations—a practice that would be expected to expand with ownership of more stations in local markets—would work against vigorous competition for service responsive to local needs. 52. In addition, we note that some commenters raise concerns about the effects that loosening limits on FM ownership could have on the AM band. Specifically, commenters opposing NAB's proposal argue that eliminating the FM limit in the majority of radio markets and raising it from five to eight stations in the largest 75 markets would devalue the AM band by causing the migration of AM station owners to the FM band. They argue that migrating AM station owners would take audiences, advertising, programming, investment of capital, resources, and talent with them. They assert that the result would be counterproductive to the Commission's AM revitalization efforts and would undermine the Commission's incubator program by removing or reducing the incentive to participate in the program. NAB counters that its proposal, in fact, would promote AM revitalization by allowing owners to acquire more AM stations. It contends that radio stations in smaller markets need the regulatory relief its proposal would provide and that AM stations, in particular, are struggling. Because we decline to adopt NAB's proposal, we need not reach a determination on whether the proposal would have a deleterious impact on the AM band due to a purported exodus of owners that commenters claim would occur. 53. We acknowledge that even under the existing rule there may be instances in which smaller owners are increasingly finding it difficult to remain viable in the current radio industry (a fact that is perhaps not surprising given the dominance of the largest firms). While NAB and others present this as a rationale in favor of further consolidation, i.e., to allow larger firms to buy struggling smaller firms, we disagree. Rather, we agree with those commenters that assert that loosening the current rule would result in the disappearance of smaller stations from the market entirely, either because they would be more vulnerable to acquisition or because they would be unable to compete with the larger station groups that would expand their dominance if further consolidation was permitted. Excessive aggregation through acquisition of stations of any size disserves our policy goals of competition, diversity, and localism. In any event, we continue to find that there is ample leeway under the current rule for additional consolidation within limits. For instance, in looking at the ten largest radio station owners (by net advertising revenue), none has an average of more than five radio stations per market, suggesting there are markets where these companies could acquire additional stations, even under the current rule. What the current rule does constrain, however, is the further aggregation of market share by an already dominant firm in a local market. Put another way, even if it would be efficient for a struggling firm to exit the market, it does not follow that an in-market competitor has to be, or should be, the one to acquire that firm. Instead, we find that a new entrant (or at least a new market entrant) would be preferable from the perspective of competition and diversity, and our current rule is conducive to such an outcome. The ten largest radio station owners, on average, own stations in 43 markets, suggesting there may be more markets they could enter to pursue cost efficiencies and economies of scale under the current rule. 54. AM/FM Subcaps. We conclude that, like the market tiers and associated ownership limits, the sub-limits on AM and FM ownership within the Local Radio Ownership Rule also remain necessary in the public interest given the current audio marketplace. The radio rule's AM/FM subcaps limit the number of radio stations from the same service, i.e., AM or FM, that an entity may own in a single market. Currently, a broadcaster may not own more than five AM or five FM stations in markets in the largest market tier, four AM or four FM stations in markets in the two middle-sized tiers, or three AM or three FM stations in markets in the smallest tier. These subcaps, which were set by Congress in 1996, are intended to prevent excessive concentration in a particular service, to foster market entry, and to promote competition by accounting for the technological and marketplace differences between AM and FM stations. 55. We find that the AM/FM subcaps continue to serve these purposes. The subcaps help prevent excessive common ownership of either AM or FM stations in a local market. Retaining a cap specific to FM stations addresses the concerns of commenters that relaxing or removing the FM subcaps potentially could cause AM stations to migrate to the FM band, resulting in a diminished AM band where lower-cost market entry opportunities for small owners, including minorities and women, are most likely. Moreover, despite the growing use of FM translators to transmit AM signals and the transition of some AM stations to digital radio, disparities between the AM and FM services persist. iHeart provides evidence that the number of AM stations has declined while the number of FM stations has increased, and it states that quantitative data for audience listening and advertising revenue demonstrate “a large and increasing competitive gap between AM and FM radio stations” from 2010 to 2018. In the interest of preventing undue concentration among local stations in either band, we reject the proposals in our record aimed at modifying or eliminating the rule's subcaps. 56. Though iHeart and other commenters contend that elimination of the AM subcap would provide needed relief to the struggling AM band without risk of harming competition, we disagree. iHeart's proposal to remove all limits and subcaps on AM stations while retaining all current limits and subcaps on FM stations would not create a risk of migration of AM owners to the FM band, which is one concern that has been raised regarding FM deregulation. However, we agree with those commenters who contend that AM deregulation would allow large owners of AM stations to buy up the smaller AM stations in their markets and could lead to excessive concentration within the AM band. iHeart asserts that there is no longer a risk of concentration in the AM band given “increasingly steep declines in audience listening to AM stations and the continuing erosion of advertiser revenue experienced by AM stations, especially when compared to FM stations.” However, we find that although AM stations overall tend not to achieve the ratings or revenues of FM stations, this disparity is by no means a universal truth. For instance, in each of the top five markets, there is an AM station among the top three stations in revenue. Additionally, throughout the 253 Nielsen Audio Metro markets, there are 124 a.m. stations ranked in the top five in terms of all-day audience share, or approximately 10% of all top-five stations in those markets. Specifically, across all 253 Nielsen Audio Metro markets, there are 1,265 total stations that would be ranked in the top five (discounting any potential ties for the number five ranking), which means that AM stations account for approximately 9.8% percent of the top five stations in these markets. So although, in general, FM stations may continue to enjoy some competitive advantages over AM stations, there continue to be many strong AM stations and AM remains a vital service. Further, four out of the top ten (and seven out of the top twenty) radio stations in the United States (as ranked by net advertising revenue for 2021) are AM stations. Therefore, it cannot be presumed that AM stations would not be targets for acquisition if AM restrictions were eliminated. Regardless, even in markets where AM stations are not among the highest-ranked stations in the market, the AM limits and subcaps promote a competitive AM band by preventing excessive concentration. 57. In addition, we find that reduced competition in the AM band would threaten the band's distinctive qualities. Notably, some commenters observe that the AM band, in particular, includes more small broadcasters than the FM band, including minority and female licensees, and that it is important to preserve that diversity of ownership. AM stations also include more Spanish and Ethnic, News, Sports, and Talk formats relative to FM stations. Despite competitive developments that have continued to affect the AM and FM bands, relative to each other, we find that the public interest benefits of maintaining diffuse ownership within the AM and FM bands continue to support retaining the AM and FM subcaps. 58. Methodology for Determining Compliance in Non-Nielsen Audio Markets. We will make permanent the Commission's contour-overlap methodology that has been used on an interim basis to determine compliance with ownership limits in areas that are not within defined Nielsen Audio Metro markets. At the time the Commission adopted the use of Nielsen Audio Markets (formerly Arbitron Metro markets), it acknowledged that not all portions of the country fall into a market area defined by Arbitron or later Nielsen. In fact, a significant portion of the country, both in terms of geography and population is not located in such rated/defined markets, meaning that another method must be employed in those instances to determine the number of stations in a given market. Accordingly, the Commission previously stated that it would continue to use the former “contour-overlap methodology” to determine the relevant geographic market for purposes of ascertaining compliance with the relevant radio ownership market tiers and caps. In adopting the Arbitron Metro (now Nielsen Audio Metro) market definition for purposes of the radio rule in the 2002 Biennial Review Order, the Commission stated that the contour-overlap methodology would continue to apply to undefined markets on an interim basis while it explored the potential for a better substitute. While the Commission continued to apply the methodology on an interim basis, it adopted changes to the methodology that minimized what it found to be the more problematic aspects of that approach. Specifically, the Commission excluded from the market calculation radio stations that are commonly owned with the stations seeking to be combined and radio stations whose transmitter site is more than 92 kilometers (58 miles) from the perimeter of the mutual overlap area. Under this approach, the relevant geographic market is defined by the cluster of stations with overlapping signal contours of a given strength. The contour-overlap methodology for defining radio markets and counting the radio stations that are in those markets uses the principal community contours of the commercial radio stations that a party seeks to own. The relevant radio market is defined as the area encompassed by the principal community contours of the commonly owned radio stations whose contours mutually overlap. Principal community contours also are used to count the number of radio stations in a radio market, that is, to determine the size of the market for purposes of applying the ownership limits. Specifically, in addition to the radio stations whose contours form the market, any station whose principal community contour intersects the market is considered to be in the relevant market. Although the Commission was initially critical of the contour-overlap methodology, and indeed abandoned it in favor of using markets defined by Arbitron or Nielsen ratings where such markets exist, it has continued to use the approach now on an “interim” basis for nearly 20 years for those areas that fall outside a rated market. In that time, and in various quadrennial proceedings, the Commission has invited commenters to offer alternatives to the methodology for use in non-rated areas, but ultimately has found no reason to revisit the approach. Rather, it has found previously that the revised contour-overlap methodology appeared to be working well. 59. Seeking to resolve the issue once and for all, and either remove the “interim” label or else find a suitable replacement, the Commission once again called for any potential alternatives to the contour-overlap method in the NPRM. The record neither offers any new alternative to the method, nor any opposition to its continued use in those areas of the country that are outside of a rated Nielsen Audio Market. Accordingly, because we find that the approach has worked sufficiently well for the past 20 years and is familiar to both radio broadcasters and Commission staff, we will make permanent the Commission's contour-overlap methodology that has been used on an interim basis to determine ownership limits in areas that are not within defined Nielsen Audio Metro markets. Therefore, going forward, parties proposing a radio station combination involving one or more stations whose communities of license are not located within a Nielsen Audio Market must show compliance with the local radio ownership rule using the contour-overlap methodology. 60. Embedded Markets. We decline requests from commenters to modify our presumption regarding embedded markets, which was originally adopted in 2017 and made applicable pending further consideration of embedded market transactions in this 2018 Quadrennial Review proceeding. We now complete our 2018 Quadrennial Review and retain the presumption in its current form. As described above, embedded markets are smaller markets, as defined by Nielsen Audio, that are contained within the boundaries of a larger Nielsen Audio Metro market. In general, entities seeking to acquire a radio station in an embedded market must satisfy, separately, the numerical limits of the Local Radio Ownership Rule for both the embedded market and the overall parent market. In addition, our current policy includes a presumption in favor of waiving the general rule for radio stations in embedded markets where the parent market contains multiple embedded markets, provided two conditions are satisfied: (1) compliance with the numerical ownership limits using the Nielsen Audio Metro methodology in each embedded market, and (2) compliance with the ownership limits using the contour-overlap methodology applicable to undefined markets—in lieu of evaluating compliance with the numerical limits in the overall parent market. Currently, the only two markets for which the presumption is relevant— i.e., parent markets that contain multiple embedded markets—are New York, NY, and Washington, DC, and application of the presumption is limited to these markets. 61. We find that the record, and the lack of applications received to date, supports not making any changes to our embedded markets policies at this time. In particular, we reject suggestions that we eliminate the policy that counts an embedded market station in both the embedded market and in the parent market in favor of counting embedded market stations only within an embedded market. In addition, we reject the suggestion that the waiver presumption should be extended to any and all future situations with multiple embedded markets, beyond New York and Washington, DC. Instead, after evaluating the presumption in the 2018 Quadrennial Review proceeding, we retain the presumption in its current form. We agree that Connoisseur Media and others have demonstrated evidence in the past that embedded market stations primarily compete for listeners within the confines of their own embedded market, that is, against stations located within their own embedded market and those stations located in the main city of the parent market whose signals reach the embedded market (but not against stations in other embedded markets). It is precisely for these reasons that the Commission adopted the presumption in 2017. Nonetheless, we find that the proposal not to count embedded market stations toward an entity's compliance with the limits in the parent market could lead to excessive concentration, allowing a single owner to combine parent market stations together with those in embedded markets in a way that harms competition within the embedded market. For instance, within the New York, NY parent market, suppose an entity owns eight stations, four in each of two embedded markets. If those stations do not count toward the limits in the parent market, then the entity would be free to acquire up to eight non-embedded stations in the New York, NY parent market. If, as Connoisseur Media claims, New York parent market stations compete for listeners in outlying embedded markets, then this change could effectively allow an entity to own a total of sixteen stations, twelve of which, according to Connoisseur Media's claims, would be competing in each of two embedded markets ( i.e., the four embedded market stations each competing within their respective embedded markets as well as the eight non-embedded parent market stations that presumably compete in each of the two embedded markets as well). Moreover, absent further experience with the existing presumption in practice, we remain unconvinced that there is a demonstrated need, or that it would be wise, to adopt additional flexibility at this time. For these same reasons, we decline to automatically extend the waiver presumption to all future situations involving multiple embedded markets. 62. When the Commission adopted the embedded market presumption in 2017, it stated that the presumption would “give Connoisseur—and other parties—sufficient confidence with which to assess possible future actions.” We find that this continues to be the case, as the presumption favors an entity's ability to invest in multiple embedded markets without the stations it owns in one embedded market counting against its ownership of stations in the other. Moreover, the Commission anticipated that future transactions utilizing the presumption would “help inform our subsequent review of . . . the treatment of embedded market transactions.” In fact, however, during the time since 2017 that the presumption has been in effect, no party has filed an application seeking to avail itself of the presumption. Moreover, the record in this proceeding contains no evidence to indicate that the current presumption is deterring such transactions or that that the presumption would be inadequate to facilitate their successful completion where the criteria of the presumption could be met. As a result, we find that the Commission is providing sufficient flexibility and certainty to prospective applicants and that we do not have any further experience or information supporting further policy or rule changes at this time. With regard to Connoisseur Media's suggestion that our policy should apply to all future parent markets with multiple embedded markets, we find that it would be speculative and premature to consider how we will apply the presumption to all such future markets without understanding the particular competitive dynamics of those markets. As Connoisseur Media claims, the drawing of embedded markets is, at least in some sense, a function of geography, such that the competitive dynamics of future markets may or may not resemble those of the current two to which the presumption applies. It is possible that, even if applied to other markets, the presumption could be overcome by factors in future markets that we have not observed in the New York, NY or Washington, DC markets. 63. Minority and Female Ownership. We find that the record provides no reason for the Commission to reevaluate its conclusions in the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order that the current Local Radio Ownership Rule remains consistent with the Commission's goal of promoting minority and female ownership of broadcast radio stations. We retain the rule for the reasons stated above, particularly to promote competition among broadcast radio stations in local markets. The record does not contain persuasive evidence that relaxing the rule would boost minority or female radio ownership. To the contrary, several commenters contend that loosening ownership restrictions could make it more difficult for minority and women owners to remain and/or to enter the local radio market. For example, NABOB opposes any changes to the local radio ownership rule and notes that increased consolidation of ownership in the broadcast industry reduces opportunities for minorities to enter the business or to grow. In contrast, NAB states that the best way to encourage broadcast ownership by new entrants, including minority and female owners, is to ensure access to capital and argues that the existing rule impedes investment in broadcasting by making other unregulated forms of media more attractive. We note that a balance must be struck between incentivizing investment in broadcasting and ensuring that station-buying opportunities exist for new entrants. We find that the existing rule strikes the appropriate balance, especially considering that investment by new entrants is less likely in a market that is highly concentrated. We note that simply eliminating ownership limits would allow more consolidation. We also share commenters' concerns that allowing greater consolidation could increase the challenges many of these relatively smaller stations face in competing for revenue in the marketplace and could reduce opportunities for new entrants, including minority and women owners, to participate in the market. 64. In this context, we note, as discussed above, that the Commission has taken several actions, such as improving its collection and analysis of ownership information on FCC Form 323/323-E, exploring access to capital through its re-chartered CEDC, and implementing the radio incubator program, that are intended to provide the Commission with more information about the state of minority and female broadcast ownership, or that seek to further the important goal of increasing minority and female ownership, objectives to which we remain committed. 65. Cost-Benefit Analysis. The NPRM asked how the Commission should compare the benefits and costs of retaining, modifying, or eliminating the Local Radio Ownership Rule. As discussed above, commenters disagree regarding whether rule modifications would enable radio owners to respond more effectively to changes in the broader audio environment, or even, if so, whether any such benefits would outweigh potential harms to competition, localism, or viewpoint diversity. For all the reasons explained above, we conclude that any potential benefits that further consolidation might offer larger radio owners are outweighed by potential costs to the consumer stemming from such harms as weakened competition within the local broadcast radio market, increased homogenization of content, less local programming, the disappearance of stations from the market, and fewer opportunities for new and diverse market entrants. B. Local Television Ownership Rule 66. In this section, we retain the existing Local Television Ownership Rule subject to minor modifications. As an initial matter, we find that the rule remains necessary to promote the Commission's public interest goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. Specifically, we find that the Local Television Ownership Rule remains necessary to promote these goals given the unique obligations broadcast licensees have as trustees of the public's airwaves to serve their local communities. 67. In reaching our conclusion, we find that the relevant market for the rule should continue to focus on broadcast television stations, as no other source of video programming provides a substitute for broadcast television, and we retain the current numerical ownership limits. We also retain as a condition of common ownership that a broadcaster cannot acquire two stations ranked in the top four in audience share in a market—known as the Top-Four Prohibition—unless, at the request of an applicant, the Commission finds that such an acquisition serves the public interest, convenience, and necessity on a case-by-case basis. The Top-Four Prohibition does not prohibit a broadcaster from ending up with two top-four stations through organic growth. But we modify the methodology of the Top-Four Prohibition to reflect better the current state of broadcast industry practices. Specifically, as detailed further below, under the revised Local Television Ownership Rule adopted herein, a television station's audience share ranking in a Nielsen Designated Market Area (DMA) will be determined based on the combined audience share of all free-to-consumer, non-simulcast multicast programming airing on streams owned, operated, or controlled by that station as measured by Nielsen Media Research or by any comparable audience ratings service. The Nielsen Company assigns each broadcast television station to a designated market area (DMA). The DMA boundaries and DMA data are owned solely and exclusively by Nielsen. Each DMA is a group of counties that form an exclusive geographic area in which the home market television stations hold a dominance of total hours viewed. There are 210 DMAs, covering the entire continental United States, Hawaii, and parts of Alaska. Some station owners simultaneously broadcast the primary programming stream of a second station they own on the nonprimary multicast stream of the other station they own in the same market. A nonprimary multicast stream is typically designated by appending a “.2” or greater digit to the channel number to distinguish such streams from a station's primary stream which usually is designated with a “.1” suffix. We update the relevant daypart used to make audience share and ratings determinations to the metric that, based on Commission experience and consultation, most accurately reflects a station's true performance given changes in the broadcast industry. Because the same daypart is also used to make audience share and ratings determinations in the context of failing stations waivers as provided in Note 7 to section 73.3555 of the Commission's rules, we find that our update to the methodology of the Top-Four Prohibition logically leads us to update also the failing station waiver methodology with respect to the daypart used. We also specify a definite time period over which ratings data should be averaged to minimize the impact of anomalous ratings periods. 68. In addition, we extend a previously adopted measure in order to prevent further circumvention of the Top-Four Prohibition and ensure the efficacy of the Local Television Ownership rule. Pursuant to the changes we adopt herein, an entity will not be permitted to acquire a network affiliation and place it on a station or broadcast signal that is otherwise not counted as a station for purposes of the Local Television Ownership Rule as a way to circumvent the prohibition on such affiliation acquisitions adopted in the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order. We retain the shared service agreement (SSA) disclosure requirement to continue providing transparency regarding the extent of cooperation and coordination between competing stations in a market. We also find that retaining the rule continues to preserve opportunities for a variety of different owners, including minority and female owners, who can contribute to the multiplicity of speakers in a market. Lastly, we find that the public interest benefits achieved by retaining the rule with the adopted changes outweigh the potential economic cost of continued compliance with the rule. 69. The Local Television Ownership Rule limits the number of full power television stations an entity may own within the same local market. The Local Television Ownership Rule provides that an entity may own up to two television stations in the same Nielsen DMA if: (1) the digital noise limited service contours (NLSCs) of the stations (as determined by Section 73.622(e) of the Commission's rules) do not overlap; or (2) at the time the application to acquire or construct the station(s) is filed, at least one of the stations is not ranked among the top-four stations in the DMA, based on the most recent all-day (9 a.m.-midnight) audience share, as measured by Nielsen Media Research or by any comparable professional, accepted audience ratings service. With respect to the latter provision—the Top-Four Prohibition—an applicant may request that the Commission examine the facts and circumstances in a market regarding a particular transaction, and based on the showing made by the applicant in a particular case, make a finding that permitting an entity to directly or indirectly own, operate, or control two top-four television stations licensed in the same DMA would serve the public interest, convenience, and necessity. The Commission considers showings that the Top-Four Prohibition should not apply due to specific circumstances in a local market or with respect to a specific transaction on a case-by-case basis. 70. The NPRM sought comment on the effects of rule changes made in the 2010/2014 Quadrennial Review Order on Reconsideration and raised several issues for consideration related to changes in the video programming industry. In particular, the NPRM sought comment on whether the current version of the Local Television Ownership Rule remained necessary in the public interest as a result of competition. The NPRM also sought comment on whether the Local Television Ownership Rule is necessary to promote localism or viewpoint diversity. In response to broadcaster claims in previous quadrennial review proceedings that non-broadcast sources of video should be considered substitutes for broadcast video, the NPRM sought comment on whether and to what extent this was true, as well as how to incorporate non-broadcast video into market definition analyses. The NPRM then asked whether changes in the video programming industry support modification of the numerical limit of owning up to two television stations in the same market. If the Commission retained the Local Television Ownership Rule and the existing limits, the NPRM asked whether the Top-Four Prohibition should be retained or modified. The NPRM then sought comment on the prevalence of, and how to account for, broadcast stations placing content from the Big Four broadcast networks (ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox) on multicast streams and low power television stations. As a matter of diligence, the NPRM also sought comment on the implications, if any, of the television broadcast incentive auction and of the new broadcast television transmission standard. The NPRM also asked if the Commission should continue to require the filing of SSAs. Regarding minority and female television owners, the NPRM sought comment on how retaining, modifying, or eliminating the local television rule might affect minority and female ownership including potential entry into the market by these types of owners. Finally, the NPRM sought quantifications of the costs and benefits of its proposed changes. 71. We find that the Local Television Ownership Rule remains necessary to promote the Commission's public interest goals of competition, localism, and viewpoint diversity. No other source of video programming serves local communities as broadcast television does, particularly at low, or no, cost to consumers. The rule promotes competition among local broadcast television stations that, to this day, remain the only entities in the video marketplace that are licensed by the Commission with use of the airwaves to provide a broadcast television service, in exchange for a unique obligation to serve the public interest. Furthermore, although primarily focused on competition, as detailed further below, the rule continues to promote localism, as broadcasters have a unique obligation to supply programming of interest to their local communities and stations are likely to be more responsive to those local interests where there are other local competitors. The Commission has previously stated that a competition-based rule, while not designed specifically to promote localism, may still have such an effect. The Commission has consistently found that broadcast licensees have an obligation to air programming that is responsive to the needs and interests of their communities of license. Similarly, the rule promotes viewpoint diversity by preserving opportunities for non-commonly owned stations to air a multitude of viewpoints through independent choices regarding the local news and other local programming on their stations. 72. Accordingly, for these reasons we find that the Local Television Ownership Rule remains necessary in the public interest. We discuss below the various elements of the rule, the goals the rule serves, as well as adopt several key modifications to update application of the rule and to ensure its continued efficacy. 73. Market definition. After careful review, we continue to find that broadcast television remains unique and non-substitutable with other sources of video programming, particularly with respect to fulfilling our traditional public interest objectives of competition ( e.g., in terms of competition among local broadcast television stations and with respect to local programming), localism ( e.g., in terms of supplying locally responsive programming), and viewpoint diversity ( e.g., in terms of airing a multitude of viewpoints through local news and other local programming). Although some commenters contend that by defining the market to include only broadcast television the Commission fails to account for the myriad of video programming options now available to consumers, the Commission has acknowledged for some time the availability of other forms of video programming, even while continuing to find that broadcast television remains its own distinct market. Indeed, from video cassette recorders and DVDs, to subscription cable television services, to on-demand streaming services, video programming alternatives to free over-the-air broadcast television have existed for decades in a number of forms. The critical question in Quadrennial Review has been and continues to be whether and to what extent such video programming options can be considered substitutes to broadcast programming, or put another way, whether competitive market forces alone are proving sufficient to create a video marketplace that satisfies the public interest objectives long associated with broadcast television, such that our Local Television Ownership Rule can be deemed no longer “necessary in the public interest as the result of competition.” 74. Although there are far more sources of video programming available today than there were when the Local Television Ownership Rule was first adopted, most commenters assert that non-broadcast programming is not a substitute to broadcast programming, which remains unique. We agree. The Commission has previously found that the video programming market is distinct from other media markets because consumers do not view non-video media ( e.g., audio or print media) as good substitutes for watching video, and there is no evidence in the current record that would disturb this finding. Notably, cable, satellite, and streaming media all have higher consumer fees as they require an additional service, such as internet access or cable or satellite service, as well as, often times, a subscription fee, in contrast to broadcast media, which consumers can access freely over the air, a distinction that keeps non-broadcast media from being a comparable alternative to broadcast television, especially for price conscious consumers. To this point, estimates suggest that 15% of U.S. television households (or 18 million households) use free, over-the-air television, a percentage that has increased in recent years, particularly as the number of consumers subscribing to pay TV alternatives continues to decline significantly. 75. Moreover, the record reflects that despite its growing prevalence, online video still largely complements, rather than competes with, broadcast television. In fact, some streaming services include local broadcast programming as part of their linear channel offerings. While broadcasters assert that they compete with a myriad of sources that now provide video programming, competition from other video programming sources appears to be mostly focused on advertising revenue, which is but one of the facets of competition among local broadcast television stations. In general, non-broadcast sources of video programming do not compete with broadcasters for retransmission consent fees, network affiliations, or the provision of local programming, which continue to remain largely unique to broadcast television. Retransmission consent fees are unique to broadcast stations, and the broadcast content for which MVPDs pay retransmission consent fees has special appeal to television viewers in comparison to any other type of video content to the point where viewers do not consider any other video programming to be substitutes for such broadcast content. The largest national networks (ABC, CBS, Fox, and NBC) affiliate with broadcast stations for over-the-air delivery of their programming. Moreover, while broadcasters may be seen as participating in various markets or competing along various dimensions (including, among others, the sale of local or non-local advertising; the creation, acquisition, and provision of local, syndicated, or national programming; and the acquisition of on-air talent), the provision of local programming remains a hallmark of broadcast television and an area where viewers directly benefit from competition among local broadcast television stations. 76. We note that our market definition is also consistent with the Department of Justice's (DOJ's) approach, which considers local broadcast television to be its own market in antitrust analysis. The Department of Justice examines local television broadcasters competing in the spot advertising market and competition for retransmission consent licensing fees in local television markets. DOJ has rejected the assertions of broadcasters that non-broadcast sources of video programming should be considered competitors to broadcast television in the context of analyzing transactions, focusing on the spot advertising product market in local television markets. Although DOJ's analysis has focused historically on competition for advertising, whereas the Commission's rule considers competition in a number of areas, including audience share, we find DOJ's approach further supports, and is consistent with, our own. 77. As we have concluded in previous quadrennial reviews, there are strong public interest reasons for promoting competition among local broadcast television stations. Promoting competition among local television stations prevents local broadcasters from demanding higher retransmission consent fees and charging higher rates for local businesses seeking to purchase advertising time on local stations, costs that may be passed on to consumers. Moreover, competition spurs quality improvements by broadcast television stations that benefit consumers, including through reinvestment in stations, expanded programming choices, and technological innovation. 78. Spurring competition among broadcast television stations also promotes localism, as licensees seek to differentiate themselves while fulfilling their obligation to air programming responsive to the needs and interests of their local communities. For many stations, that includes local news and information programming. In contrast to other sources of video programming, broadcast stations are particularly well situated to cover local news, as stations are licensed to local communities to facilitate locally responsive content and information. Indeed, the record contains numerous assertions from broadcasters that the local programming they provide is unique and unduplicated by any other video programming provider. The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights (LCCHR) states that 77% of Americans get most of their local news from broadcast sources, while only 23% get local news from online only sources, little of which is actually created by online outlets since much of the news consumed online are uploaded videos of television broadcast news. 79. Although much local news is undoubtedly cost intensive to produce, we reject the broadcasters' assertions that in order to preserve localism we must allow greater consolidation than is permitted under our current rule. As an initial matter, there is evidence that despite some declines in audience size over time, there remains significant demand for local television news, and the amount of local news on television has increased over time. Moreover, contrary to claims that absent consolidation television stations cannot continue to produce local news, Nielsen data shows that the number of stations airing local news actually increased slightly in a four year period from 2017 to 2021. Nielsen Local TV View shows there were 976 stations airing at least one verified local news program in November 2017 and 992 such stations in November 2021. Also, Nielsen data demonstrates that while almost 20% of markets saw an increase in the number of stations airing local news, only 10% of markets saw a decrease and 70% of markets saw no change. The Commission examined Nielsen data in all available markets in November 2017 and November 2021 to identify any station that aired at least one program categorized as local news by Nielsen and then used program titles to verify that programming was correctly classified as local news. Notably, only the top 50 markets saw more decreases than increases in the number of stations airing local news. According to Nielsen data, all of the top 50 markets have at least four broadcast stations airing local news, and the overwhelming majority of these markets have at least six stations airing local news. In markets ranked 51 and lower, where broadcasters argue the need to consolidate is particularly acute, the number of markets that saw increases in stations airing local news outnumbered those that saw decreases. Further, studies by the Radio Television Digital News Association (RTDNA) found that the number of stations originating local news ( i.e., the number of stations producing local news) increased slightly from 2017 to 2021. These studies found that 703 stations originated local news in 2017 and 707 stations originated local news in 2021. Just as the record does not demonstrate that consolidation, as opposed to competition to meet audience deman [Text truncated at 120,000 characters. The full text is on the page linked above.] --- Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/fr%3A2024-02577. Public record. Not legal advice.