# THE COURT OF APPEALS OF MARYLAND

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## Record

- **Collection:** Court rules
- **Document type:** Court rule

## Text

THE COURT OF APPEALS OF MARYLAND
STANDING COMMITTEE ON RULES OF PRACTICE AND PROCEDURE
Hon. ALAN M. WILNER, Chair
SANDRA F. HAINES, Reporter
COLBY L. SCHMIDT, Deputy Reporter
HEATHER COBUN, Assistant Reporter
MEREDITH A. DRUMMOND, Assistant Reporter

Judiciary A-POD
580 Taylor Avenue
Annapolis, Maryland 21401
(410) 260-3630
FAX: (410) 260-3631

July 20, 2021
The Honorable Mary Ellen Barbera,
Chief Judge
The Honorable Robert N. McDonald
The Honorable Shirley M. Watts
The Honorable Michele D. Hotten
The Honorable Joseph M. Getty
The Honorable Brynja M. Booth
The Honorable Jonathan Biran,
Judges
Your Honors:
The Rules Committee submits this, its Third Supplement to its Two Hundred and Seventh
Report. Item One in that Report consisted of proposed amendments to Rule 4-345 intended to
broaden the ability of the Circuit Courts to modify criminal sentences imposed by them on two
categories of inmates serving a sentence of 15 years or more: (1) inmates who committed the
crime(s) prior to reaching the age of 25 and have served the greater of 15 years or 60 percent of
the sentence, and (2) inmates who have served at least 15 years and have reached the age of 60.
For those inmates, the five-year limitation on the exercise of the court’s revisory power
and the procedural requirement that the inmate have filed a motion to revise the sentence within
90 days after the imposition of the sentence (Rule 4-345 (e)) would not apply and would not bar
relief.
The Court held an open hearing on the 207th Report on June 14, 2021, and, after listening
to presentations and considerable discussion among the members of the Court, remanded Item 1
to the Committee for the purpose of providing additional information and clarification in light of
questions and concerns raised by members of the Court.
Much of the discussion regarding Item 1 focused on the differences between the
Committee’s proposals and the provisions in Senate Bill 494, which was enacted over the
Governor’s veto during the 2021 Session of the General Assembly. Several judges wanted a
clearer explanation of why the Committee chose to depart from some of the statutory provisions
and how the Rule and the statute could be reconciled. Other judges wanted further information
regarding what other States had done with respect to revising sentences imposed on youthful

offenders and elderly prisoners and a fuller explanation of the scientific and statistical
conclusions that served as the basis for the proposed amendments. Questions were raised
regarding the impact of the provisions dealing with hearings on hearing provisions in Rules
governing other requests for the modification of criminal sentences. The purpose of this
Supplement is to address those questions and concerns.
Youthful Offenders
The basis for the Committee’s proposals with respect to youthful offenders was the
growing empirical evidence, documented both statistically and in medical, psychological, and
criminological journals and accepted by the United States Supreme Court, that (1) younger
people have “a lack of maturity and an underdeveloped sense of responsibility leading to
recklessness, impulsivity, and heedless risk-taking” and “lack the ability to extricate themselves
from horrific, crime-producing settings” (Miller v. Alabama, 567 U.S. 460, 471 (2012)) and (2)
that is due, at least in part, to the fact that the parts of the human brain that can ameliorate those
attributes are not fully developed during the teenage years and do not become fully developed
until an individual is into his or her 20’s. Although there appears to remain some debate about
what to call this transitional period beyond the age of 18 – young adulthood, emerging
adulthood, late adolescence – the literature and, more important perhaps, actual arrest data,
clearly support the view stated in Reducing Recidivism and Improving Other Outcomes for
Young Adults in the Juvenile and Adult Criminal Justice Systems, Council of State Governments
Justice Center (2015) at 2, that:
Contrary to conventional belief, age 18 is not a fixed point when adolescents
become fully mature adults. Rather, young adulthood is a transitional period that
can range from 18 to 24 and even beyond, during which significant brain
development is still occurring and decision-making abilities are not fully mature.
During this period of substantial growth and change, young adults exhibit clear
developmental differences from both youth and older adults. 1
See also Selen Siringil Perker and Lael Chester, Emerging Adults: A Distinct Population that
Calls for an Age-appropriate Approach by the Justice System, at p. 3 (June 2017); Jeffrey J.
1

The article cites as authority for that statement Ashley R. Smith, Jason Chein, and Laurence
Steinberg, “Peers Increase Adolescent Risk Taking Even When the Probabilities of Negative
Outcomes are Known,” Developmental Psychology, 50, no. 5, pp. 1564-1568 (May 2014);
Kathryn Monahan, Laurence Steinberg, Elizabeth Cauffman, and Edward Mulvey, “Psychosocial
Immaturity from Adolescence to Early Adulthood: Distinguishing Between AdolescenceLimited and Persistent Antisocial Behavior,” Development and Psychopathology, 25, n. 4, pp.
1093-1105 (November 2013); Elizabeth Shulman, Kathryn Paige Harden, Jason Chein, and
Laurence Steinberg, “The Development of Impulse Control and Sensation-Seeking In
Adolescence: Independent or Interdependent Processes?” Journal of Research on Adolescence,
26, n. 1 (October 2014); and Laurence Steinberg, “Should the Science of Adolescent Brain
Development Inform Public Policy?” 50 Ct. Rev. 70 (2014).

Arnett, Emerging Adulthood: A Theory of Development from the Late Teens through the
Twenties, American Psychologist (May 2000); Elizabeth S. Scott, Richard J. Bonnie, and
Laurence Steinberg, Young Adulthood as a Transitional Legal Category: Science, Social
Change, and Justice Policy, 85 Fordham L. Rev. 641, 642 (2016); Tirza A. Mullin, Eighteen Is
Not a Magic Number; Why the Eighth Amendment Requires Protection for Youth Aged Eighteen
to Twenty-Five, 53 U. Mich. J.L. Reform 807 (2020); Rolf Loeber and David Farrington, Study
Group on the Transitions Between Juvenile Delinquency and Adult Crime, Research Report
submitted to U.S. Department of Justice (2013); Laurence Steinberg, Elizabeth Cauffman, and
Kathryn V. Monahan, Psychosocial Maturity and Desistance from Crime in a Sample of Serious
Juvenile Offenders, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention, March 2015.
The conclusions reached in those articles are documented empirically by actual arrest
records. Attached to this Supplement as Appendix A is a December 2017 Report by the United
States Sentencing Commission, The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders,
which illuminates several facts in support of the Committee’s recommendations. Figure 1, on
page 11, is a bar graph that measures, by age, all arrests in the United States in 2016. It shows a
high rate of arrests of people throughout their twenties that begins to drop off significantly
thereafter.
The Committee acknowledges, of course, that all youngsters go through that brain
developmental process and that only a very small percentage of them allow their impulses to lead
them into criminal behavior. The Committee does not believe that the lack of a fully mature
frontal cortex is the cause of criminal behavior but does accept the conclusions cited that it can
explain some of the bad choices youngsters can make that cause harm to others and get
themselves in trouble. The paper published by the Justice Center of the Council of State
Governments (Reducing Recidivism and Improving Other Outcomes for Young Adults in the
Juvenile and Adult Criminal Justice Systems, supra, at 3), recognizes that, for both youth and
adults, criminal thinking and antisocial tendencies are often the primary causes of criminal
behavior, but that “young adults’ immaturity and susceptibility to peer influences makes them
even more prone to engage in this type of behavior.”
The findings and conclusions in these publications support the Committee’s choice of 25,
rather than 18, as the appropriate qualifying age. It was not just an arbitrary pick.
Senate Bill 494
When developing its proposals, with the assistance of the Attorney General’s Office and
the Public Defender’s Office, the Committee was aware that SB 494 was then pending in the
State Senate with an uncertain future. The Committee also was aware of this Court’s Opinion in
Carter, Bowie, McCullough v. State, 461 Md. 295 (2018) in which, after discussing Miller and
Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. 48 (2010), regarding those attributes of the “emerging adult,” the
Court noted that, although the State is not required to “guarantee eventual freedom” to youthful
offenders who commit horrifying crimes and may turn out to be irredeemable, it must give
juvenile offenders “some meaningful opportunity to obtain release based on demonstrated
maturity and rehabilitation.” Id. at 311, quoting from Graham.

Although that statement was in the context of an initial sentence, the Committee suggests,
as a policy matter, that it is relevant to the opportunity for subsequent sentence review as well.
This Court has recognized on several occasions the generally accepted principle that one of the
objectives of sentencing is rehabilitation (Jackson v. State, 364 Md. 192, 199 (2001) and cases
cited therein), which is far more ascertainable when considering a revision of the sentence under
Rule 4-345 than when initially imposing it, at which point possible rehabilitation is usually
speculative at best.
The fate of SB 494 was not determined until after the Criminal Rules Subcommittee had
approved proposed amendments to the Rule. The subcommittee saw a need to address not just
the juvenile offender but the issue of the ageing prisoner as well, which the statute does not
address. That was based on data showing that many of those prisoners, who had served
substantial periods of long sentences, were no longer a danger to public safety and ought to have
the opportunity to seek release, free from the five-year and 90-day impediments, which they
could do nothing about. See infra.
The enactment of SB 494 did not change the Committee’s views. As enacted, it provided
no prospect of relief to the ageing prisoner and provided no relief to any youngster sentenced on
or after October 1, 2021. The Committee believed that the Court has the authority to amend its
own Rule to provide a broader opportunity for relief and that there was a solid basis for doing so.
In light of the Court’s comments, the Committee has revised the proposed amendments to
gratify completely the text of the statute by incorporating it by reference into the Rule as a new
subsection (f)(3). That would give inmates who committed their crime before reaching 18 and
were sentenced before October 1, 2021 the opportunity to seek relief under the statute as it is
written. Subsection (f)(4) would afford the prospect of relief to those who satisfy the criteria of
that subsection but who are excluded from the statute or who choose not to file under the
statute. 2
The argument has been made that there is an indirect conflict based on the assumption
that, by limiting the statute as it did, the Legislature did not want anyone else to be eligible for
sentence modification. Even if that were so, the Legislature has no Constitutional authority to
preclude the Court from amending its own Rule to limit impediments the Court itself imposed, as
a matter of Judicial policy and administration.
The Court asked as well about the service requirements of 15 years and 60 percent and
the qualifying age of 60 years. Any number would be arbitrary in a sense, but, using the charts
prepared by the Attorney General’s Office, those numbers avoided some anomalous “cliffs,”
2

The Committee did add two provisions to a proceeding under the statute that are not expressly
provided for in the statute. One, which would be required under the Rule on motions, is to
require that the inmate’s motion be served on the State’s Attorney. The other is to require the
clerk to forward a copy of the motion to the local county or district office of the Public Defender.
That is consistent with the practice under Rule 4-705 (b), dealing with motions for DNA testing.
It is likely that most of the petitioning inmates will be indigent.

seemed best to match what the Committee thought was fair, and provided the best opportunity
for a successful life upon release.
Hearing Requirements
There are several Rules dealing with motions for post-conviction relief. Rule 4-331
permits motions for a new trial based on some defect in the trial or on newly discovered
evidence. Section (f) of that Rule permits a hearing on such a motion and requires a hearing if
the motion is based on newly discovered evidence, was timely filed, and a hearing was
requested. Rule 4-709, which deals with motions for new trial based on DNA evidence, requires
a hearing in some circumstances, precludes one in others, and makes a hearing discretionary in
yet others. Rule 4-332, dealing with a writ of innocence, also involves a request for a new trial
or a new sentence. It requires a hearing if the motion complies with the requirements of the Rule
and a hearing was requested. Rule 4-406 requires a hearing on a petition for relief under the Post
Conviction Procedure Act if there is a dispute of fact. Current Rule 4-345, dealing with the
revisory power over sentences, precludes the court from modifying a sentence without a hearing
in open court but precludes a hearing from taking place unless the required notices to victims
were sent. SB 494 requires a hearing on a motion to reduce a sentence filed pursuant to the
statute.
As noted, the proposed amendments to Rule 4-345 would incorporate by reference the
provisions of SB 494 into the Rule as a new subsection (f)(3). Accordingly, an inmate who files
a motion for modification under the statute would be entitled to a hearing on that motion in
conformance with the statute. If a petition is filed pursuant to proposed subsection (f)(4), the
current provision of the Rule precluding the court from modifying, reducing, correcting, or
vacating a sentence without a hearing would remain subject to two exceptions: the court must
dismiss the petition without a hearing if it finds that the petitioner does not qualify as an eligible
petitioner, and the court may deny the petition without a hearing if it finds that, during the
preceding six years, a motion under subsection (f)(3) or a petition under subsection (f)(4) was
denied after a hearing. That provision would not apply to any of the other Rules noted above.
In order to preclude an inmate from bouncing back and forth with motions under the
statute and then petitions under the Rule, the Committee further proposes permitting a motion to
be denied without a hearing if a previous motion or petition was denied after a hearing within the
preceding three years. Permitting that to occur would constitute a vexatious burden on both the
court and on victims.
The Ageing Population
The latest data regarding inmate characteristics published by the Maryland Department of
Public Safety and Correctional Services (July 1, 2018) show that there were 902 prisoners over
60 years of age (4.8% of the total inmate population). The problems endemic to that population,
in terms of general health, dementia, depression, geriatric incontinence, mobility, and safety,
have been widely reported and are not seriously contested. See R. Aday, Aging Prisoners: Crisis
in American Corrections (2003); Jalila Jefferson Bullock, A Little Child Shall Lead Them:
Juvenile Justice, Aging Out, and the First Step Act, 87 Tenn. L. Rev. 569 (Spring 2020); Jalila

Jefferson Bullock, Quelling the Silver Tsunami: Compassionate Release of Elderly Offenders,
79 Ohio St. L. J. 937 (2018). Given the two current impediments to the exercise of the court’s
revisory power, the only current prospect of early release for those ageing prisoners, other than
institutional credits for good behavior or special projects, is either parole or some form of
compassionate leave, neither of which, so far, has assisted them.
Exercising revisory power under Rule 4-345 is not intended as traditional compassionate
leave or to relieve the Division of Correction from having to deal with the elderly prisoner, but
rather to release prisoners who no longer are a danger to public safety, who no longer need to be
in prison, and who can lead productive lives and become an asset rather than a detriment to
society. The criteria set forth in the proposed amendments, some taken from SB 494, make that
clear. The Ohio State Law Journal article notes the acceptance of the “aging out phenomenon”
even by the Federal Bureau of Prisons: “By their own admission,” the article reports, “‘age is one
of the biggest predictors of misconduct’ in prison and ‘inmates tend to “age out” of misconduct’
as they grow older. Older inmates ‘generally try to avoid conflict and “do their time” as quietly
and easily as possible,’ and utilize ‘passive precautionary behaviors such as keeping more to
oneself, avoiding certain areas of the prison, spending more time in one’s cell, and avoiding
activities’ to remain free from danger.” Quelling the Silver Tsunami, supra, 79 Ohio St.L. J. at
974.
One of the “Key Findings” of the United States Sentencing Commission in its 2017
Report (Appendix A) is that:
Older offenders were substantially less likely than younger offenders to recidivate
following release. Over an eight-year follow-up period, 13.4 percent of offenders
age 65 or older at the time of release were rearrested compared to 67.5 percent of
offenders younger than age 21 at the time of release. The pattern was consistent
across age groupings, and recidivism measured by rearrest, reconviction, and
incarceration declined as age increased.
Id. at 3. The Commission added that “[a]ge exerted a strong influence on recidivism across all
sentence length categories” and that “[o]lder offenders were less likely to recidivate after release
than younger offenders who had served similar sentences, regardless of the length of sentence
imposed.” Id.
Data from the DOJ Bureau of Justice Statistics reported in Quelling the Silver Tsunami,
supra, at 974-75 showed that the recidivism rate for all offenders released between 2005 and
2010 was 77% (re-arrest within five years after release). Data from 2015 showed a re-arrest rate
for inmates 50 and older released between 2006 and 2010 was 15% (re-arrest within three years
after release), none of whom were 70 or older. The conclusion was that “[e]lderly offenders
comprise an incredibly small percentage of recidivists.”
It is important to note that the recidivism data in those studies was based on all prisoners
released without regard to whether the release was a discretionary one, such as parole or judicial
action, or simply from serving the sentence. The modifications proposed in the amendments to
Rule 4-345 would be discretionary after consideration of the factors set forth in subsection (h)(4)

and the evidence bearing on those factors. It is reasonable to expect that, in deciding whether to
exercise their revisory power, judges will pay close attention to whether the petitioner is a good
candidate for modification, and that the recidivism rates would likely be lower than the ones
revealed in those studies.
A Maryland experience is consistent with what all of that data shows. In 1980, the Court,
in Stevenson v. State, 289 Md. 167 (1980), held invalid a jury instruction that had been almost
routine in criminal cases. Thirty-two years later, in Unger v. State, 427 Md. 383 (2012), the
Court held that the failure of defendants to object to that instruction in cases tried prior to 1981
did not constitute a waiver. As a result of that decision, 235 prisoners tried before 1981 became
entitled to a new trial. Most of those prisoners had been convicted of very serious crimes, were
serving life sentences, and were still incarcerated. Due to practical difficulties in being able to
retry them, agreements were reached that resulted in the release of 188 of those inmates. Those
released were between 51 and 85 years old. In a 2018 publication by the Justice Policy Institute,
it was reported that there was a “a very low recidivism rate.” The Ungers, 5 years and Counting,
Justice Policy Institute (2018) at 10, 11.
Other States
Finally, the Court inquired as to whether other States had adopted a similar opportunity
for relief. The Public Defender has identified the District of Columbia, Delaware, and Florida,
and a recommendation in the Model Penal Code. Their statutes are attached to this Supplement
as Appendix B.
Respectfully Submitted,
/s/
______________________
Alan M. Wilner
Chair
AMW:sdm
Enclosures
cc: Suzanne C. Johnson, Clerk

MARYLAND RULES OF PROCEDURE
TITLE 4 – CRIMINAL CAUSES
CHAPTER 300 – TRIAL AND SENTENCING

AMEND Rule 4-345 by adding an exception to the five-year
limitation on the court’s revisory power set forth in section
(e); by transferring language from a Committee note following
section (e) to new subsection (f)(2) and a cross reference
following subsection (f)(2); by adding new subsection (f)(1)
generally regarding modification in special circumstances; by
adding a Committee note following subsection (f)(1); by adding
new subsection (f)(3) governing modification of a sentence
pursuant to a certain statute; by adding a Committee note
following subsection (f)(3); by adding new subsection (f)(4)
permitting a court, under certain circumstances, to modify a
sentence by reason of length of confinement and age; by adding
new subsection (g)(1), providing for where a motion or petition
is to be filed; by adding new subsection (g)(2) requiring a
certain attachment to a petition filed pursuant to subsection
(f)(4); by adding new subsection (g)(3) requiring the clerk to
forward a copy of a motion or petition by a self-represented
individual filed under subsection (f)(3) or (f)(4) to be
forwarded to the local Office of the Public Defender; by adding
new subsection (g)(4) providing for service of a motion or
1

petition filed under the Rule and permitting the State’s
Attorney to file a response within a certain time; by relettering current subsections (e)(2) and (e)(3) as subsections
(g)(5) and (g)(6), respectively, and adding clarifying language
to the subsections; by transferring the language of current
section (f) to new subsections (h)(1)(A), (h)(2), and (h)(5) and
adding clarifying language to the subsections; by adding new
subsections (h)(1)(B) and (C) regarding the conduct of a hearing
and the defendant’s presence at the hearing; by adding new
subsection (h)(3) governing dismissals and denials of motions
and petitions without a hearing; by adding a Committee note
following subsection (h)(3); by adding new subsection (h)(4)
listing factors for the court to consider in determining whether
to grant relief under subsection (f)(4); and by making stylistic
changes, as follows:
Rule 4-345.
(a)

SENTENCING – REVISORY POWER OF COURT

Illegal Sentence
The court may correct an illegal sentence at any time.

(b)

Fraud, Mistake, or Irregularity
The court has revisory power over a sentence in case of

fraud, mistake, or irregularity.
(c)

Correction of Mistake in Announcement

2

The court may correct an evident mistake in the
announcement of a sentence if the correction is made on the
record before the defendant leaves the courtroom following the
sentencing proceeding.
Cross reference: See State v. Brown, 464 Md. 237 (2019),
concerning an evident mistake in the announcement of a sentence.
(d)

Desertion and Non-Support Cases
At any time before expiration of the sentence in a case

involving desertion and non-support of spouse, children, or
destitute parents, the court may modify, reduce, or vacate the
sentence or place the defendant on probation under the terms and
conditions the court imposes.
(e)

Modification Upon Motion – Generally

(1) Generally
Upon a motion filed within 90 days after imposition of a
sentence (A)(1) in the District Court, if an appeal has not been
perfected or has been dismissed, and (B)(2) in a circuit court,
whether or not an appeal has been filed, the court has revisory
power over the sentence except that it may not increase the
sentence and, unless the court finds the special circumstances
set forth in subsection (f)(2), (f)(3), or (f)(4) of the Rule,
it may not revise the sentence after the expiration of five
years from the date the sentence originally was imposed on the
defendant and it may not increase the sentence.

3

Cross reference: Rule 7-112 (b).
Committee note: The court at any time may commit a defendant
who is found to have a drug or alcohol dependency to a treatment
program in the Maryland Department of Health if the defendant
voluntarily agrees to participate in the treatment, even if the
defendant did not timely file a motion for modification or
timely filed a motion for modification that was denied. See
Code, Health--General Article, § 8-507.
(f)

Modification in Special Circumstances

(1) Generally
Failure to have filed a timely motion under section (e)
of this Rule, or a previous grant or denial of a motion under
that section, shall not bar relief under any of the special
circumstances set forth in section (f) of this Rule. A
modification of a sentence pursuant to section (f) may not
include an increase in the length of the sentence.
Committee Note: Although the court’s authority to revise a
sentence on a motion filed pursuant to section (e) of this Rule
is limited to five years from the date the sentence originally
was imposed, no such limitation applies to the court’s revisory
power under section (f).
(2) Commitment for Drug or Alcohol Dependency Treatment
The court at any time may commit a defendant who is
found to have a drug or alcohol dependency to a treatment
program in the Maryland Department of Health if the defendant
voluntarily agrees to participate in the treatment.
Committee note: In order to implement a commitment under
subsection (f)(2), the court must suspend all of the sentence
except the time served and place the defendant on supervised
probation, a condition of which is the successful completion of
the commitment.
4

Cross Reference:

See Code, Health—General Article, § 8-507.

(3) Modification Pursuant to Code, Criminal Procedure
Article, §8-110
The court may modify a sentence imposed prior to October
1, 2021 on an individual who was convicted as an adult for an
offense committed when the individual was a minor in accordance
with the provisions of Code, Criminal Procedure Article, §8-110.
Committee Note: Code, Criminal Procedure Article, § 8-110
permits certain inmates to file a motion to reduce the duration
of their sentence and provides certain requirements, conditions,
and procedures for the processing of such a motion. The
eligibility requirements for filing such a motion and some of
the requirements, conditions, and procedures for the processing
of that motion differ from those required for a petition filed
under subsection (f)(4) of this Rule. It is the intent that a
motion filed under subsection (f)(3) and a petition filed under
subsection (f)(4) be treated as completely separate and
independent proceedings, that a motion under subsection (f)(3)
be dealt with as required by the statute, and that a petition
filed under subsection (f)(4) be dealt with in accordance with
that subsection and sections (g) and (h) of this Rule.
(4) Modification by Reason of Length of Confinement and Age
(A) Subsection (f)(4) of this Rule applies to a defendant
who was sentenced to an aggregate unsuspended term of
imprisonment of more than 15 years and (i) committed the last
offense for which that sentence or any part of it was imposed
before reaching the age of 25 and has served the greater of 15
years or sixty percent of that sentence, or (ii) has served at
least 15 years of that sentence and has reached 60 years of age.
For purposes of this subsection only, a life sentence or an
5

aggregate unsuspended sentence of more than 40 years shall be
regarded as a sentence for 40 years.

A defendant who meets the

criteria of this paragraph is an eligible petitioner under
subsection (f)(4).
(B) Upon a petition filed by an eligible petitioner and
compliance with the requirements of sections (g) and (h) of this
Rule, the court may modify or reduce the sentence or place the
defendant on probation under the terms and conditions the court
imposes.
(g)

Procedure

(1) Where Filed
A motion or petition filed under this Rule shall be
filed in the court that entered the sentence sought to be
modified. If an aggregate sentence consists of two or more
sentences imposed by different courts, and relief from the
aggregate sentence is sought, a separate motion or petition
shall be filed with each court.

A court has revisory power

under this Rule only with respect to a sentence that it imposed.
(2) Attachment
A petition seeking relief under subsection (f)(4) of
this Rule shall be accompanied by a certified copy of the
petitioner’s Institutional Adjustment Record.
(3) Notice to Public Defender

6

If an individual seeking relief under subsection (f)(3)
or (f)(4) of this Rule is self-represented, the clerk promptly
shall forward a copy of the motion or petition to the local
county or district Office of the Public Defender.
(4) Service; Response
A motion or petition filed under this Rule shall be
served on the State’s Attorney for the county.

The State’s

Attorney may file a response within 30 days after service of the
motion or petition.
(2)(5) Notice to Victims
Whether or not the State’s Attorney files a response,
The the State's Attorney shall give notice of a motion or
petition filed under this Rule to each victim and victim's
representative who has filed a Crime Victim Notification Request
form pursuant to Code, Criminal Procedure Article, § 11-104 or
who has submitted a written request to the State's Attorney to
be notified of subsequent proceedings as provided under Code,
Criminal Procedure Article, § 11-503 that states (A) that a
motion or petition to modify, vacate, or reduce a sentence has
been filed; (B) that the motion or petition has been denied
without a hearing or the date, time, and location of the
hearing; and (C) if a hearing is to be held, that each victim or
victim's representative may attend and testify.
(3)(6) Inquiry by Court
7

Except as provided in subsection (h)(1), Before before
considering a motion or petition under this Rule, the court
shall inquire if a victim or victim's representative is present.
If one is present, the court shall allow the victim or victim's
representative to be heard as allowed by law. If a victim or
victim's representative is not present and the case is one in
which there was a victim, the court shall inquire of the State's
Attorney on the record regarding any justification for the
victim or victim's representative not being present, as set
forth in Code, Criminal Procedure Article, § 11-403 (e). If no
justification is asserted or the court is not satisfied by an
asserted justification, the court may postpone the hearing.
(f)(h)

Open Court Hearing

(1) When required
(A) The court may modify, reduce, correct, or vacate a
sentence under this Rule only on the record in open court, and
after hearing from the defendant movant or petitioner, the State
State’s Attorney, and from each victim or victim's
representative who requests present have been afforded an
opportunity to be heard.

The defendant may waive the right to

be present at the hearing.
(B) The hearing may be held in open court or remotely in
accordance with procedures set forth in Rules 2-804 through 2806.
8

(C) A petitioner seeking relief under subsection (f)(4) of
this Rule has a right to be present at the hearing. The
petitioner may not waive that right unless (i) the petitioner is
not capable of appearing and effectively participating at the
hearing, or (ii) the court permits the waiver.

An individual

seeking relief under any other section of this Rule may waive
the right to be present at the hearing.
(2) Condition
No hearing shall be held on a motion or petition to
modify or reduce the sentence until the court determines that
the notice requirements in subsection (e)(2)(g)(5) of this Rule
have been satisfied.
(3) When not required
(A) A motion seeking relief under section (a), (b), (c),
(d), or (e) of this Rule may be denied without a hearing.
(B) The court shall deny a motion filed under subsection
(f)(3) without a hearing if the court finds in a written order
filed in the record that:
(i) the motion was filed less than three years after the
court denied or granted in part a motion or petition filed under
subsection (f)(3) or (f)(4); or
(ii) the court has previously denied or granted in part
an aggregate total of three motions or petitions filed under
subsection (f)(3) or (f)(4).
9

(C) The court shall dismiss a petition filed under
subsection (f)(4) without a hearing if the court finds in a
written order filed in the record that the petitioner does not
qualify as an eligible petitioner.
Committee note: The court may hold a hearing on a petition
filed under subsection (f)(4) if there is insufficient
information to allow the court to determine whether the
petitioner qualifies as an eligible petitioner.
(D) The court may deny a petition filed under subsection
(f)(4) without a hearing if, during the preceding six years, a
motion under subsection (f)(3) or a petition under subsection
(f)(4) of this Rule was denied after a hearing.
(4) Factors Relevant to Granting Relief on a Petition
The court may grant relief under subsection (f)(4) if it
determines that the individual is not a danger to the public and
the interests of justice will be better served by a reduced or
modified sentence. In determining whether to grant relief under
subsection (f)(4) of this Rule, the court shall consider (A) the
Institutional Adjustment Record of the petitioner filed with the
petition; (B) the petitioner’s plans for housing, education, and
employment if released; (C) whether, if the petitioner is
released, there is a reasonable likelihood that the petitioner
will be a danger to a victim, another person, or the community;
(D) if the petitioner is to be released on probation, any
conditions recommended by the Division of Parole and Probation,

10

the State’s Attorney, or a victim; and (E) any other factor the
court deems relevant.
(5) Decision; Reasons
If the court grants the motion or petition, the court
ordinarily shall prepare and file or dictate into the record a
statement setting forth the reasons on which the ruling is
based. When the court rules on the merits of a petition filed
pursuant to subsection (f)(4) of this Rule, it shall issue a
written decision addressing the factors in subsection (h)(4) of
this Rule.
Cross reference: See Code, Criminal Law Article, § 5-609.1
regarding an application to modify a mandatory minimum sentence
imposed for certain drug offenses prior to October 1, 2017, and
for procedures relating thereto.
Source: This Rule is derived in part from former Rule 774 and
M.D.R. 774, and is in part new.

11

APPENDIX A

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

APPENDIX A

U N I T E D S TAT E S S E N T E NC I NG COM M I S S ION

United States Sentencing Commission
One Columbus Circle, N.E.
Washington, DC 20002
www.ussc.gov

William H. Pryor, Jr.
Acting Chair
Rachel E. Barkow
Commissioner
Charles R. Breyer
Commissioner
Danny C. Reeves
Commissioner
Zachary C. Bolitho
Ex Officio
J. Patricia Wilson Smoot
Ex Officio

Kenneth P. Cohen
Staff Director
Glenn R. Schmitt
Director
Office of Research and Data
December 2017

Kim Steven Hunt, Ph.D., Senior Research Associate, Office of Research and Data
Billy Easley II, J.D., Legislative Affairs Specialist, Office of Legislative and Public Affairs

TABLE OF CONTENTS

i

Part One

Part Two

Part Three

Part Four

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

DEFINING AND MEASURING
RECIDIVISM

CHARACTERISTICS OF
RECIDIVISM STUDY GROUP

1

5

INTRODUCTION TO AGE AND
RECIDIVISM AMONG FEDERAL
OFFENDERS
9

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

13

Part Five

Part Six

Part Seven

Part Eight

RECIDIVISM RATES AMONG
FEDERAL OFFENDERS BY AGE

CONCLUSION

ENDNOTES

APPENDIX

21

29

33

37

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

ii

Part One

Executive Summary

Part One:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Introduction
The United States Sentencing Commission1 began studying recidivism
shortly after the enactment of the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 (“SRA”),
and has issued several recent publications examining recidivism rates
among federal offenders released in 2005. The Commission’s first report in
this series, Recidivism Among Federal Offenders: A Comprehensive Overview
(“Recidivism Overview Report”), was released in March 2016 and discussed
this research project in greater detail. As noted in the previous reports in this
series,2 recidivism information is central to three of the primary purposes of
punishment described in the SRA—specific deterrence, incapacitation, and
rehabilitation—all of which focus on prevention of future crimes through
correctional intervention. Information about recidivism is also relevant to the
Commission’s obligation to formulate sentencing policy that “reflect[s], to the
extent practicable, advancements in knowledge of human behavior as it relates
to the sentencing process.”3 Considerations of recidivism by federal offenders
were also central to the Commission’s initial work in developing the Guidelines
Manual’s criminal history provisions4 as well as its ongoing work.5

2

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

The Commission’s current recidivism research substantially expands on the
scope of previous Commission recidivism projects. In addition to a different set
of offenders—U.S. citizen federal offenders released in 2005—the current study
group (25,431 offenders) is much larger than those in previous Commission
studies. A larger study group allows for data analysis across many different
subgroups of federal offenders, including those sentenced under different
provisions in the guidelines.
This report is the fourth in this series and focuses on the relationship
between age at release and recidivism. This report examines the impact of the
aging process on federal offender recidivism and, once age is accounted for, the
impact of other offense and offender characteristics.

Key Findings
The key findings of the Commission’s study of federal offenders’ recidivism
by age at release are that:

•
Older offenders were substantially less likely than younger
offenders to recidivate following release. Over an eight-year follow-up
period, 13.4 percent of offenders age 65 or older at the time of release
were rearrested compared to 67.6 percent of offenders younger than
age 21 at the time of release. The pattern was consistent across age
groupings, and recidivism measured by rearrest, reconviction, and
reincarceration declined as age increased.

•
For federal offenders under age 30 at the time of release, over
one-fourth (26.6%) who recidivated had assault as their most common
new charge. By comparison, for offenders 60 years old or older at the
time of release, almost one quarter (23.7%) who recidivated had a
public order offense6 as their most serious new charge.
•
Age and criminal history exerted a strong influence on
recidivism. For offenders in Criminal History Category I, the rearrest
rate ranged from 53.0 percent for offenders younger than age 30 at
the time of release to 11.3 percent for offenders age 60 or older. For
offenders in Criminal History Category VI, the rearrest rate ranged
from 89.7 percent for offenders younger than age 30 at the time of
release to 37.7 percent for offenders age 60 or older.
•
Education level influenced recidivism across almost all
categories. For example, among offenders under age 30 at the time
of release, college graduates had a substantially lower rearrest rate
(27.0%) than offenders who did not complete high school (74.4%).
Similarly, among offenders age 60 or older at the time of release,
college graduates had a somewhat lower rearrest rate (11.6%) than
offenders who did not complete high school (17.2%).

•
Age exerted a strong influence on recidivism across all
sentence length categories. Older offenders were less likely to
recidivate after release than younger offenders who had served similar
sentences, regardless of the length of sentence imposed. In addition,
for younger offenders there was some association between the length
of the original federal sentence and the rearrest rates, as younger
offenders with sentences of up to six months generally had lower
rearrest rates than younger offenders with longer sentences. However,
among all offenders sentenced to one year or more of imprisonment,
there was no clear association between the length of sentence and the
rearrest rate.
•
For certain major offense types, the type of federal offense that
offenders had committed also had an effect on recidivism across age
groups. For example, firearms offenders had a substantially higher
rearrest rate across all age categories than drug trafficking offenders,
who in turn had a higher rearrest rate across all age categories than
fraud offenders. For example, for offenders under age 30 at the time of
release, the rearrest rates were 79.3 percent (firearms), 62.5 percent
(drug trafficking), and 53.6 percent (fraud). Similarly, for offenders
age 60 and older at the time of release, the rearrest rates were 30.2
percent (firearms), 17.5 percent (drug trafficking), and 12.5 percent
(fraud).
•
At every age group, federal prisoners had a substantially
lower recidivism rate than state prisoners who also were released
in 2005 and tracked by the Bureau of Justice Statistics. For example,
for offenders age 24 or younger at the time of release, 63.2 percent
of federal prisoners were rearrested within five years compared to
over four-fifths (84.1%) of state prisoners. Like federal prisoners,
older state prisoners were less likely to recidivate than younger state
prisoners.
The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

3

Part Two

Defining and Measuring Recidivism

Part Two:
DEFINING AND MEASURING RECIDIVISM

Defining and Measuring Recidivism
Recidivism “refers to a person’s relapse into criminal behavior, often after
the person receives sanctions or undergoes intervention for a previous crime.”7
Measuring recidivism informs decision making about issues such as pretrial
detention, appropriate sentence type and length, prisoner classification, prison
programming, and offender supervision in the community. It also allows
policymakers to evaluate the performance of the criminal justice system as
a whole.8 Recidivism is typically measured by criminal acts that resulted
in the rearrest, reconviction, and/or reincarceration of the offender over a
specified period of time. These are the three recidivism measures used in this
report, but the report primarily relies on the first—rearrest—with additional
data regarding reconviction and reincarceration reported in the Appendix.
Providing data about multiple measures of recidivism allows users to select the
performance measure best suited to their outcome of interest.

Reincarceration classifies a person as a recidivist if a conviction or revocation
resulted in a prison or jail sentence as punishment. The reincarceration measure
counts offenders who were reported as being incarcerated by the Federal
Bureau of Prisons, state prison, or local jail for any term of incarceration based
on their recidivism events. Incomplete criminal records also create missing
information about reincarceration.11

Reconviction classifies a person as a recidivist if an arrest resulted in a
subsequent judicial conviction.9 Violations and revocations of supervision are
not included in reconvictions since no formal prosecution occurred. While states
have improved the completeness of their criminal history records, a recent
federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an
arrest.10 Such gaps occurred in the criminal records used in this report, and lead
to an undercounting of reconvictions, because missing dispositions for rearrests
are treated as if reconviction and reincarceration did not occur.

In undertaking its current recidivism research, the Commission selected a
follow-up period of eight years. It considered all recidivism events (including
felonies, misdemeanors, and “technical” violations of the conditions of
supervision), except minor traffic offenses, which occurred over that eight-year
period. While this report includes summary findings using all three measures
(rearrest, reconviction, and reincarceration), it primarily relies on rearrest
data in providing more detailed information about the recidivism of federal
offenders.

Rearrest classifies a person as a recidivist if he or she has been arrested for
a new crime after being released into the community directly on probation or
after serving a term of imprisonment. Rearrest also includes arrests for alleged
violations of conditions of federal probation, federal supervised release, or state
parole. The number of rearrests in the Commission’s analysis is based on the
number of unique arrest dates, regardless of the number of individual charges
arising from a single arrest event. Thus, if an offender was arrested on a single
occasion for both driving under the influence and possession of cocaine, that
arrest date would constitute a single rearrest event.

6

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Many rearrests do not ultimately result in a reconviction or reincarceration
for reasons relating to procedural safeguards (e.g., the suppression of evidence
for an unconstitutional search or seizure), lack of sufficient evidence to
convict or revoke, and prosecutorial or judicial resource limitations. To the
extent that the rearrest event is an accurate indicator of relapse into criminal
behavior, excluding non-conviction or non-incarceration events will result
in underestimation of recidivism. Even using the least restrictive measure,
rearrest, does not count the full extent of offender recidivism, as many crimes
go unreported to police or, if reported, do not result in an arrest. For these
reasons, no measure is perfect, and reporting several measures provides a more
complete and nuanced picture of recidivism. The three measures overlap in
some areas—meaning all offenders who were reconvicted or reincarcerated also
were necessarily rearrested. Some offenders who were reconvicted, however,
were not reincarcerated. Generally speaking, however, the measure of rearrest
is larger than the measure of reconviction, which in turn is larger than the
measure of reincarceration.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

7

Part Three

Introduction to Age and
Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Part Three:
INTRODUCTION TO AGE AND RECIDIVISM AMONG FEDERAL OFFENDERS

Age and Recidivism Among Federal Offenders
This report examines the impact of the aging process on recidivism by
federal offenders. First, recidivism rates are presented by age at release.
Next, the time to the first recidivism event is shown by age at release for
those offenders who recidivated. Studying the timing of recidivism can help
in understanding the process of desistance across various age cohorts. The
number of recidivism events and most serious type of post-release offense
among those who recidivated by age at release are also discussed. Contrasting
the number and nature of crimes committed across age groups may reveal more
information about the threat to public safety posed by various age groups as
well as the process of desisting from crime across the aging process.
The report then investigates the association between recidivism and factors
such as criminal history, demographic factors, offense characteristics, and
sentence length. This information is reported by age group in order to better
distinguish the impact of these factors while controlling for age at release.

As first noted in the Recidivism Overview Report, numerous recidivism
studies document well that older offenders are at lower risk for reoffending,12
and the Commission’s own research has confirmed this finding for federal
offender populations.13 The Commission’s study found that among all federal
offenders released into the community in 2005, those who were below age 21
at release had the highest rearrest rate at over two-thirds (67.6%). Conversely,
those oldest at age of release, over 60 years old, had the lowest recidivism rate
(16.0 %). For each age grouping shown in the previous report, the older the age
group, the lower the rearrest rate. The same pattern held for reconviction and
reincarceration rates.

10

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

According to the National Institute of Justice, “the prevalence of offending
tends to increase from late childhood, peak in the teenage years (from 15 to
19) and then decline in the early 20s.”14 Scholars have used official arrest data
collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to construct an age-crime
curve15 which demonstrates graphically the relationship between age and
arrests. National arrest data collected by the FBI in the Uniform Crime Report
(UCR) since 193016 and compiled in the FBI’s Crimes in the United States report
since 199517 has consistently supported this conclusion concerning age and
crime.

Figure 1 shows a comparison of arrests by five-year age intervals beginning
at age 20 for all 2016 U.S. arrests reported to the FBI and all adult arrests
reported in criminal history records provided by the FBI for federal offenders
released in 2005, by identical age groupings.18 To construct the federal offender
data, the Commission aggregated all arrest incidents from the federal offenders’
entire criminal history as reported on state and federal records.19 That is, each
arrest charge is collected and grouped by the age of the offender at the time of
that arrest, in the same manner as set forth in Table 20 of the 2016 Crimes in the
United States report.

Figure 1 demonstrates the close tie between older age and declining arrests,
in both the FBI’s UCR20 and prior arrest data obtained on federal offenders from
the FBI’s Interstate Identification Index (III) system, which is a national index
of criminal histories. In general, the Commission found that total adult arrests
for federal offenders were highest in the 20-24 age group, and declined sharply
thereafter. The national FBI adult arrests in 2016 display the same pattern.

Since arrests are closely associated with age, it is not surprising that federal
offenders who enter and exit the federal system at younger ages are more
prone to recidivate. In the following sections, this report examines the age
and recidivism connection in greater detail. Then this report analyzes age in
combination with other offense and offender characteristics. This combination
in effect statistically controls for age and reveals the influence, or absence of
influence, of other factors which may be thought to impact recidivism over and
above the influence of aging.

For both federal offenders’ prior arrest history and national 2016 arrests as
reported by the FBI, older age groups had fewer arrests. While there are vast
differences among individuals which are not explained by age, age is generally
a strong factor influencing the likelihood of committing crime, although the
reasons for this are complex.21

Fig. 1 Total Arrests by Age
All 2016 U.S. Arrests Compared to Recidivism Study Offenders’ Arrest Records
2016 Crime in the United States (FBI) Arrests by Age
1,600,000
1,400,000
1,200,000
1,000,000
800,000
600,000
400,000
200,000
0
20 to 24
25 to 29
30 to 34
35 to 39
Lifetime Arrests by Federal Offenders Released in 2005
80,000

40 to 44

45 to 49

50 to 54

40 to 44

45 to 49

50 to 54

55 to 59

60 to 64

65 and over

70,000
60,000
50,000
40,000
30,000

20,000
10,000

0

20 to 24

25 to 29

30 to 34

35 to 39

55 to 59

60 to 64

65 and over

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT and U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation Uniform Crime
Report, Crime in the United States (2015). The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing information necessary to perform the analysis.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

11

Part Four

Characteristics of
Recidivism Study Group

Part Four:
CHARACTERISTICS OF RECIDIVISM STUDY GROUP

Characteristics of Recidivism Study Group
Fig. 2 Age at Release for Recidivism Study Offenders

This report examines 25,431 offenders who were released into the
community (either from federal prison or on to probation) in calendar year
2005 and, as discussed in the Recidivism Overview Report, were federal
offenders:
•

who are citizens;

•

whose pre-sentence investigation report was submitted to the
Commission;

•

•
•
•

whose federal sentence was not vacated.

Offender Demographics

The largest age cohort in this study was those offenders aged 30 to 34
(18.3% of the total) at the time they were released from federal custody into
the community (Figure 2). The next largest cohorts at time of release were
offenders aged 25 to 29 (16.4%) and 35 to 39 (15.3%).

Among the racial and ethnic groups analyzed, most White offenders were
40 years or older (51.6%) at the time of their release (Figure 3). This is the
only racial group in the study with more than half of offenders over the age of
40. Black and Hispanic offenders were concentrated in the younger than 40 age
cohorts, with Hispanic offenders the youngest of all racial groups (70.9% were
younger than 40 at the time of release). The Other race category, which includes
American Indians, Alaskan Natives and Asians were also mostly below age 40
(62.9%).
The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Younger than 21 Years
1.6%
(n=398)
21 to 24 Years
8.8%
(n=2,234)

25 to 29 Years
16.4%
(n=4,164)

45 to 49 Years
10.1%
(n=2,569)

40 to 44 Years
13.1%
(n=3,325)

who have valid FBI numbers which could be located in criminal
history repositories (in at least one of the 50 states, DC, or
federal records);
who were not reported dead, escaped, or detained; and

65 Years or
Older
2.1%
(n=536)

50 to 54 Years
6.8%
(n=1,734)

who re-entered the community after discharging their
sentences of incarceration or by commencing a term of
probation in 2005;

The advantages of this large study group are substantial. Having several
thousand offenders allows more precise estimates of recidivism rates across
different subgroups. For example, there are 1,048 released offenders who were
older than 60 years of age.

14

55 to 59 Years
4.9%
(n=1,235)

60 to 64 Years
2.6%
(n=668)

30 to 34 Years
18.3%
(n=4,635)

35 to 39 Years
15.3%
(n=3,888)

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The
Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing information necessary to perform the
analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

Fig. 3 Race of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
60 Years
or Older
7.6%

White
n=11,074

50 to 59
Years
16.2%

40 to 49
Years
27.8%
50 to 59
Years
7.5%

60 Years or Hispanic
Older
n=4,508
2.8%

40 to 49
Years
18.7%
30 to 39
Years
32.9%

Younger
than 30
Years
20.5%

50 to 59
Years
8.4%

60 Years or Black
Older
n=8,607
2.2%

40 to 49
Years
19.6%
30 to 39
Years
27.9%

Younger than
30 Years
38.0%

50 to 59
Years
9.3%
40 to 49
Years
23.9%

60 Years or Other
n=1,174
Older
3.9%

Younger than
30 Years
28.0%

30 to 39
Years
41.9%

Younger than
30 Years
34.2%

30 to 39
Years
28.7%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were
missing information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

The average age of offenders at the time of release increased as educational
level increased (Figure 4). Offenders who did not complete high school were
the youngest group at the age of release, with 68.5 percent below the age of 40.
College graduates were significantly older on average than offenders in other
educational cohorts, with around 71.0 percent of college graduates age 40 or
older.

Female offenders were slightly younger on average than male offenders
at the time of release (Figure 5). Specifically, a greater proportion of female
offenders were younger than 30 at the time of release, 31.2 percent, compared
to 25.8 percent of male offenders.

Fig. 4 Education of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release

Fig. 5 Gender of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release

Less Than High School
n=8,641

60 Years or
Older
50 to 59 4.0%
Years
8.1%

Younger
than 30
Years
35.5%

40 to 49
Years
19.4%

30 to 39
Years
33.0%

60 Years or
Older
4.6%

50 to 59
Years
13.8%

40 to 49
Years
24.3%

Some College
n=5,399

Younger than
30 Years
21.7%

30 to 39
Years
35.6%

60 Years or
Older
3.8%

50 to 59
Years
10.2%

High School Graduate
n=9,309
Younger than
30 Years
25.9%

40 to 49
Years
24.9%

60 Years or
Older
12.8%

50 to 59
Years
29.3%

30 to 39
Years
35.1%

College Graduate
n=1,879

Younger
than 30
Years
5.9%

30 to 39
Years
23.0%

60 Years or
Older
5.1%

50 to 59 Years
11.8%

40 to 49
Years
23.1%

Male
n=20,723

Younger than
30 Years
25.8%

30 to 39 Years
34.2%

60 Years or
Older
3.2%

Female
n=4,654

50 to 59 Years
11.1%

Younger than
30 Years
31.2%

40 to 49
Years
23.9%
30 to 39 Years
30.7%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

40 to 49
Years
28.9%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

15

Part Four:
CHARACTERISTICS OF RECIDIVISM STUDY GROUP

Federal Offense Type and Criminal History

Drug trafficking offenders were generally the youngest group of offenders
at the time of release (Figure 6). Of all drug trafficking offenders, 68.0 percent
were below the age of 40. By comparison, 66.5 percent of firearms offenders
and 60.3 percent of robbery offenders were below the age of 40. Fraud
offenders were the oldest group with 55.0 percent age 40 or older at the time of
release.

Fig. 6 Primary Offense Type of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
60 Years or
Older
3.0%
50 to 59
Years
8.3%

Drug Trafficking

60 Years
n=10,577
or Older
50 to 59 2.7%
Years
9.0%

60 Years
or Older
2.6%

40 to 49
Years
20.3%

60 Years or
Older
8.6%

50 to 59
Years
18.0%

40 to 49
Years
28.4%

Younger than
30 Years
29.4%

30 to 39 Years
38.6%

Fraud
n=3,440

Younger than
30 Years
14.9%

30 to 39
Years
30.2%

50 to 59
Years
9.8%
40 to 49
Years
27.1%

Robbery
n=1,098

30 to 39
Years
34.2%

Younger than
30 Years
33.3%

30 to 39 Years
33.2%

All Other
n=7,031

50 to 59
Years
14.5%

Younger than
30 Years
25.8%

40 to 49
Years
24.8%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

16

Fig. 7 Weapon Enhancement of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release

Firearms
n=3,238

40 to 49
Years
22.3%
Younger
than 30
Years
26.1%
60 Years or
Older
7.1%

Over two-thirds (67.0%) of offenders subject to weapons enhancements
were younger than age 40 at the time of release compared to 59.6 percent of
offenders who were not subject to such enhancements (Figure 7).

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

30 to 39
Years
27.9%

60 Years or
Older
2.6%

50 to 59 Years
8.9%

Weapon Enhancement
n=2,498
Younger than
30 Years
26.4%

40 to 49
Years
21.5%

60 Years or
Older
5.0%

50 to 59 Years
12.0%

No Weapon Enhancement
n=22,888
Younger than
30 Years
26.8%

40 to 49
Years
23.4%

30 to 39 Years
40.6%

30 to 39 Years
32.8%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

Overall, the age of offenders increased as the offenders’ prior criminal
history increased (Figure 8). A federal offender’s prior criminal history score
is calculated under Chapter Four of the Guidelines Manual and assigned one of
six Criminal History Categories (CHC), CHC I through VI, with CHC VI being the
highest prior record category.22 Category I had a larger proportion of offenders
younger than 30 years (27.8%) than Category VI (11.1%).23 Conversely,
Category VI had the largest group of offenders age 40 or older (47.1%).

Fig. 8 Criminal History Category of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
60 Years
or Older
6.5%

Category I
n=13,549

50 to 59
Years
13.9%

30 to 39
Years
28.7%

40 to 49
Years
23.1%

50 to 59
Years
7.7%

60 Years
or Older
2.1%

40 to 49
Years
20.0%

Younger
than 30
Years
27.8%

Category IV
n=1,995

Younger
than 30
Years
28.5%

30 to 39
Years
41.9%

60 Years or Older Category II
n=3,082
3.4%

50 to 59
Years
10.3%

40 to 49
Years
21.9%

60 Years Category V
or Older
n=1,119
50 to 59 1.6%
Years
8.2%
40 to 49
Years
25.2%

Younger than
30 Years
29.0%

30 to 39
Years
35.4%
Younger
than 30
Years
21.8%

30 to 39
Years
43.2%

60 Years
or Older
2.9%
50 to 59
Years
8.1%

Fig. 9 Base Offense Level of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release

Category III
n=3,610

40 to 49
Years
20.7%

50 to 59
Years
11.7%

The offender’s base offense level is determined by applying the Chapter Two
guideline level associated with the conviction offense (Figure 9). A high base
offense level, defined as a base offense level of 32 or higher, was associated with
a high percentage of offenders between the ages of 30 to 39. Offenders between
the ages of 30 to 39 were the only age group to increase consistently across
all three categories as shown in Figure 9, from 29.8 percent to 45.4 percent.
Offenders younger than 30 reached a high of 31.2 percent in the base offense
level 26 to 31 category but decreased to 18.1 percent among the most serious
category of offenders with a base offense level between 32 and 43.

60 Years Category VI
n=1,921
or Older
2.8%

40 to 49
Years
32.6%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

Younger
than 30
Years
30.3%

30 to 39
Years
38.0%

Younger than
30 Years
11.1%

50 to 59
Years
12.9%

60 Years or
Older
2.7%
50 to 59
Years
8.5%
40 to 49
Years
20.2%

30 to 39
Years
41.8%

BOL 26 to 31
n=4,463

60 Years or
Older
5.6%

40 to 49
Years
24.1%
Younger
than 30
Years
31.2%

30 to 39
Years
37.5%

BOL 6 to 25
n=16,937
Younger than
30 Years
27.6%

30 to 39
Years
29.8%

60 Years or
Older
3.5%

BOL 32 to 43
n=3,967

50 to 59
Years
10.0%
40 to 49
Years
23.0%

Younger than
30 Years
18.1%

30 to 39
Years
45.4%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

17

Part Four:
CHARACTERISTICS OF RECIDIVISM STUDY GROUP

Sentences Imposed

For statistical purposes, the Commission groups the type of federal sentence
originally imposed into four categories: prison only, prison and community
confinement, probation and confinement, and probation or fine only.24 Prison
only offenders were the youngest group at release in the Commission’s study,
with 61.9 percent of the offenders who received a prison only sentence under
the age of 40 (Figure 10). Offenders who served prison and community
confinement sentences were the oldest, with 48.1 percent age 40 or older.
Fig. 10 Sentence Type of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
60 Years or
Older
4.1%
50 to 59
Years
11.0%
40 to 49
Years
23.0%

Prison Only
n=19,572

Younger than
30 Years
26.3%

30 to 39
Years
35.6%

Probation and Confinement
n=1,191

60 Years or
Older
7.3%

50 to 59
Years
15.0%

40 to 49
Years
23.7%

Younger than
30 Years
28.6%

30 to 39
Years
25.4%

Prison/Community Split Sentence
n=973
Younger than

60 Years or
Older
6.2%

30 Years
26.8%

50 to 59
Years
14.4%

30 to 39
Years
25.1%

40 to 49
Years
27.5%
60 Years or
Older
6.8%

Probation or Fine Only
n=3,613

Younger
than 30
Years
28.8%

50 to 59
Years
14.0%

40 to 49
Years
23.1%

30 to 39
Years
27.4%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that
were missing information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

18

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

The Commission also considered the length of the federal sentence imposed
on those in the study group. Offenders serving the longest sentences were the
oldest at time of release (Figure 11). For offenders who served a sentence of
120 months or more, the proportion of offenders who were age 40 or older at
the time they were released was 48.6 percent, higher than any other group.
In contrast, among offenders who served a sentence of 60 to 119 months, the
proportion age 40 or older was 36.3 percent, the same proportion as offenders
who served a sentence of 24 to 59 months.
Fig. 11 Length of Federal Sentence of Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
60 Years
or Older
5.3%

Up to 6 Months
n=1,047

50 to 59
Years
14.0%

40 to 49
Years
26.1%

60 Years or
Older
4.0%

50 to 59
Years
10.6%

40 to 49
Years
21.7%

Younger than
30 Years
28.1%

30 to 39
Years
26.6%

24 to 59 Months
n=8,011

Younger than
30 Years
30.7%

30 to 39
Years
33.0%

60 Years
or Older
5.3%

6 to 11 Months
n=760

50 to 59
Years
9.1%

40 to 49
Years
25.0%
60 Years 60 to 119 Months
or Older
n=4,548
3.4%
50 to 59
Years
9.8%
40 to 49
Years
23.1%

Younger than
30 Years
34.7%

30 to 39
Years
25.9%

Younger than
30 Years
21.9%

30 to 39
Years
41.8%

60 Years
or Older
4.7%

50 to 59
Years
11.0%

12 to 23 Months
n=3,644

Younger than
30 Years
33.0%

40 to 49
Years
21.8%

60 Years
or Older
5.1%

50 to 59
Years
14.7%

30 to 39
Years
29.6%

120 Months or More
Younger than
n=2,521
30 Years
7.3%

40 to 49
Years
28.8%

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis. Totals may not sum to 100.0% due to rounding.

30 to 39
Years
44.0%

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

19

Part Five

Recidivism Rates Among
Federal Offenders by Age

Part Five:
RECIDIVISM RATES AMONG FEDERAL OFFENDERS BY AGE

Recidivism Rates Among Federal Offenders by Age
The Commission found that younger offenders were more likely to be
rearrested than older offenders, were rearrested faster than older offenders,
and committed more serious offenses after they were released than older
offenders. As shown in Table 1, the Commission’s research shows that the
younger than 30 age group had the highest rearrest rate (64.8%) and the rate
declined with each age group that follows to a low of 16.4 percent. Younger
cohorts had more arrest events during the eight-year follow-up period, a median
of three arrest events for the younger than 30 age group compared to one event
for those age 50 and older.
The Commission ranked new offenses in order of seriousness for those who
reoffended. The most serious type of offense likely to cause rearrest also varied
by age, from assault (for all age groups under the age of 50) to public order
offenses (for age groups 50 and older).
Table 1 Overview of Age and Recidivism Study Findings
Rearrest Recidivism Measure

Percent
Median Time to Recidivism Event
Median Number of Recidivism Events
Most Serious Post-Release Event

Younger than 30
Years
n=6,796

30 to 39 Years
n=8,523

40 to 49 Years
n=5,894

50 to 59 Years
n=2,969

64.8%

53.6%

43.2%

26.8%

17 Months
3

Assault
(26.6%, n=1,170)

22 Months
2

Assault
(24.1%, n=1,102)

22 Months

90%

80%

Median time to
recidivism

70%

Younger than 30 Years, 64.8%
Age 30 to 39 Years, 53.6%
Age 40 to 49 Years, 43.2%

40%

16.4%

Other Public
Assault
Order Offense
(20.3%, n=517)
(22.5%, n=179)

Other Public
Order Offense
(23.7%, n=47)

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

100%

50%

60 Years or
Older
n=1,204

28 Months

1

Fig. 12 Time to First Rearrest of Recidivism Study Offenders

60%

25 Months

2

Figure 12 identifies the median time of rearrest for each age cohort. The
measure of time to first recidivism event can be useful in distinguishing
offenders who recidivate early from those who eventually recidivate, but are
apparently crime-free for a longer interval. The Commission found that the
median amount of time between an offender’s release and his or her rearrest,
which is highlighted on each timeline, reflected the greater tendency for
younger cohorts to recidivate. Offenders who were younger than 30 when
they were released had the shortest median time to rearrest (17 months).
Conversely, the oldest offenders in the study, those 60 years and older, had the
longest time to rearrest (28 months).

1

Age 50 to 59 Years, 26.8%

30%

Age 60 Years or Older, 16.4%

20%
10%

0%

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Years After Release

8

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were
missing information necessary to perform the analysis.

Figure 13 presents a more detailed breakdown of rearrest rate by 11 age
groups. The Commission’s study revealed that the rearrest rate was highest
among offenders younger than 21 (67.6%) and those between the ages of 21 to
24 years old (66.6%) and declined in each subsequent age group.

22

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Fig. 13 Rearrest Rates for Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release

Fig. 15 Reincarceration Rates for Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
100%

100%

90%

90%
80%
70%
60%

67.6%

66.6%

50%

63.6%

80%
56.5%

40%

70%
50.1%

46.5%

30%

60%
38.8%

20%
10%

0%

Younger
than 21
Years
n=398

21 to 24
Years
n=2,234

25 to 29
Years
n=4,164

30 to 34
Years
n=4,635

35 to 39
Years
n=3,888

40 to 44
Years
n=3,325

45 to 49
Years
n=2,569

30.1%

50 to 54
Years
n=1,734

50%
22.2%

55 to 59
Years
n=1,235

40%
18.9%
60 to 64
Years
n=668

13.4%
65 Years or
Older
n=536

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were
missing information necessary to perform the analysis.

Fig. 14 Reconviction Rates for Recidivism Study Offenders by Age at Release
100%
90%
80%
70%
50%
40%

48.5%

48.4%

42.7%

30%

36.0%

20%
10%

0%

Younger
than 21
Years
n=398

21 to 24
Years
n=2,234

25 to 29
Years
n=4,164

30 to 34
Years
n=4,635

31.3%

35 to 39
Years
n=3,888

30.3%

40 to 44
Years
n=3,325

22.3%

45 to 49
Years
n=2,569

15.9%
50 to 54
Years
n=1,734

12.2%

11.4%

55 to 59
Years
n=1,235

60 to 64
Years
n=668

38.6%

33.7%

20%
10%

0%

Younger
than 21
Years
n=398

21 to 24
Years
n=2,234

25 to 29
Years
n=4,164

27.7%

30 to 34
Years
n=4,635

24.2%

35 to 39
Years
n=3,888

23.0%

40 to 44
Years
n=3,325

17.4%

45 to 49
Years
n=2,569

12.8%
50 to 54
Years
n=1,734

9.0%

8.8%

55 to 59
Years
n=1,235

60 to 64
Years
n=668

4.1%

65 Years or
Older
n=536

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

The reconviction rate is highest among offenders younger than 21 (48.5%)
and those between the ages of 21 to 24 years old (48.4%) and declined in each
subsequent age group. Time to reconviction expanded with age and severity
of reconviction offense declined with age, in a pattern like that shown with
rearrest in Figure 14.25

60%

30%

35.7%

6.5%

The reincarceration rate was highest among those between the ages of 21
to 24 years old (38.6%) and declined in each subsequent age group.26 Time
to reincarceration expands with age and severity of reincarceration offense
declined with age, in a pattern like that shown with rearrest in Figure 15.27
Demographics

White offenders had the lowest rearrest rate overall, starting with 59.1
percent for the youngest age group and declining to a low of 15.7 percent in
the 60 years or older age cohort (Figure 16 on the next page). Black offenders
had the highest rearrest rate overall, starting with 72.7 percent in the youngest
age cohort, which is the highest recidivism rate among all age categories. The
other racial category, which includes American Indians, Alaskan Natives and
Asians, had the second highest overall rearrest rate, starting with a 65.1 percent
rearrest rate in the youngest age cohort before declining.

65 Years or
Older
n=536

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

23

Part Five:
RECIDIVISM RATES AMONG FEDERAL OFFENDERS BY AGE

Male offenders had a higher rearrest rate than female offenders in every age
category (Figure 18). In the younger than 30 age cohort, men had a 69.5 percent
rearrest rate compared to 47.6 percent for women. The rearrest rate declined
for both male and female offenders with each subsequent age group.

Fig. 16 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Race and Age at Release
100%
90%

Younger than 30 Years

30 to 39 Years

80%
70%
60%
50%
40%

50 to 59 Years

52.2%

36.0%

39.4%
23.7%
15.7%

20%
10%

0%

Black

100%

50.5%

48.7%

90%

42.0%

39.2%
24.4%
19.1%

19.4%

White

65.1%

61.2%

59.9%

48.9%

60 Years or Older

Fig. 18 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Gender and Age at Release

72.7%

59.1%

30%

40 to 49 Years

80%

22.9%

10.9%

Hispanic

80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%

0%

74.4%

63.0%

30 to 39 Years

40 to 49 Years

62.9%

55.0%

51.5%
31.0%

17.2%

Less than High School

45.0%

30.6%

18.8%

High School Graduate

50 to 59 Years

60 Years or Older

47.3%
44.1%
37.9%

24.9%

16.1%

27.0%

Some College

21.2%

21.5%

16.5%

24

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

11.6%

College Graduate

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

40%

10%

Fig. 17 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Education and Age at Release
Younger than 30 Years

50%

56.2%

0%

40 to 49 Years

50 to 59 Years

60 Years or Older

47.6%

46.4%
29.2%

20%

The overall rearrest rate decreased with every step of educational
achievement (Figure 17). Every education group experienced a decline in
rearrest rates as age increases. Offenders who did not complete high school
generally had the highest rearrest rates in all age categories compared to
other educational cohorts, starting with a 74.4 percent rearrest rate in the
youngest age cohort. College graduates had the lowest rearrest rates among the
educational groups.

90%

60%

69.5%

30 to 39 Years

30%

Other

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

100%

70%

Younger than 30 Years

17.1%

Male

40.7%

29.1%

15.3%

12.0%

Female

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

Federal Offense Type and Criminal History

Offenders whose primary offense involved robbery or firearms had higher
rearrest rates in all age categories (Figure 19). The Commission found that
firearm offenders had a rearrest rate of 79.3 percent in the younger than
30 cohort, the highest rearrest rate among all sentencing types. Robbery
offenders, unlike all other offense types, did not experience a continuous
decline in rearrest rates as they aged. Instead, rearrest rates increased from the
younger than 30 age cohort (66.2%) to the 40 to 49 age cohort (71.5%) before
experiencing a sharp decline.

Rearrest rates decline with age across every base offense level group
analyzed (Figure 20). Comparing similar age groups across base offense levels,
the Commission found that the lowest base offense level group had a modestly
higher recidivism rate across most age categories than those with higher base
offense levels. For example, in the younger than 30 age cohort, those with base
offense levels of 25 or lower had a 66.3 percent rearrest rate, somewhat higher
than those offenders with base offense levels of 32 or higher (60.2%).

Fig. 19 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Primary Offense Type at
Sentencing and Age at Release
100%

Younger than 30 Years

90%
80%
70%
60%
50%

79.3%

62.8%

52.0%

30.2%

26.8%

17.5%

20%

50 to 59 Years

10%

Drug Trafficking

80%

19.7%

Fraud

60%

23.3%

14.5%

All Other

30 to 39 Years

40 to 49 Years

27.9%

20%
0%

60 Years or Older

64.2%

30%

10%

50 to 59 Years

48.9%

40%

37.7%

Robbery

57.7%

50%

50.6%

12.5%

Firearms

70.2%

70%

34.5%

31.8%

Younger than 30 Years

90%

63.0%

54.6%

41.8%

100%

60 Years or Older

71.0% 71.5%
66.2%

53.6%

44.8%

42.3%

30%

40 to 49 Years

70.4%

62.5%

40%

0%

30 to 39 Years

Fig. 21 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Weapon Enhancement and Age
at Release

53.0%

42.6%

17.2%

Weapon Enhancement

26.7%

16.4%

No Weapon Enhancement

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

Offenders with a weapon enhancement had a higher rearrest rate than
offenders who did not across all age groups (Figure 21). For example, federal
offenders who were younger than 30 and had a weapon enhancement had a
rearrest rate of 70.2 percent compared to 64.2 percent for those younger than
30 without a weapon enhancement.

Rearrest rates increased with the Criminal History Category (CHC) of
offenders across all age groups (Figure 22). For instance, offenders who were
younger than 30 and in CHC I had a 53 percent rearrest rate, compared to 79.5
percent for that same age group in CHC III, and 89.7 percent for that same age
group in CHC VI.

Fig. 20 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Base Offense Level and Age at Release

Fig. 22 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Criminal History Category and Age
at Release

100%

100%

90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%

Younger than 30 Years
66.3%

40 to 49 Years

62.3%

55.7%
44.3%

27.6%

10%

0%

30 to 39 Years

BOL 6 to 25

16.5%

52.9%

50 to 59 Years

60 Years or Older

60.2%
43.8%

25.7%

BOL 26 to 31

19.3%

90%
80%
70%

48.4%

Younger than 30 Years

60%
50%

37.1%

40%

23.4%

BOL 32 to 43

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

30%

13.6%

20%
10%

0%

30 to 39 Years

79.5%

70.1%

35.3%

25.9%
16.1%

11.3%

Category I

54.0%

47.2%
30.1%

22.6%

Category II

50 to 59 Years

86.3%

73.5% 72.4%

63.7%

55.8%

53.0%

40 to 49 Years

38.4%

51.6%
46.3%

60 Years or Older
90.6%
79.9%

71.3%

89.7%
84.6%
80.2%

64.9%

58.7%

44.4%

37.7%

25.5%

Category III

Category IV

Category V

Category VI

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

25

Part Five:
RECIDIVISM RATES AMONG FEDERAL OFFENDERS BY AGE

Federal Sentence Imposed

Offenders who received a prison only sentence had a higher rearrest rate
than offenders who received a different form of sentence (Figure 23). For
instance, offenders who received sentences of prison only and who were
younger than 30 years of age had a rearrest rate of 68.6 percent compared to
53.6 percent for offenders in the same age group who received split sentences
and 55.4 percent for offenders in the same age group who were sentenced to
probation and confinement. Offenders younger than 30 who were sentenced to
probation or fine only had a rearrest rate of 51.5 percent.

Rearrest rates declined with the age at release across all sentence lengths
(Figure 24). For example, among offenders with imprisonment sentences up to
six months, those younger than age 30 at release had the highest rearrest rate
(52.7%) while offenders 60 years and older at release had the lowest rearrest
rate (20.0%). In general, there was some association between the length of
the original federal sentence and rearrest rates. Offenders with the shortest
imprisonment sentences, of up to six months, had the lowest rearrest rates for
four of the five age groups studied. Offenders with sentences of 120 months
or longer had the highest rearrest rates for two of the age groups studied and
among the highest rearrest rates for the remaining three age groups. Among
all offenders sentenced to one year of imprisonment or longer, the association
between sentence length and rearrest rates was less clear. For example, for
offenders younger than 30 at release, the rearrest rate was approximately 70
percent regardless of the length of sentence imposed, ranging from 69.2 percent
for offenders sentenced from 12 to 23 months of imprisonment to 68.1 percent
for offenders sentenced to 120 months or longer, with the highest rearrest rate
of 71.4 percent for offenders sentenced to 60 to 119 months.

Fig. 23 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Type of Federal Sentence
Imposed and Age at Release
100%
90%

Younger than 30 Years

30 to 39 Years

40 to 49 Years

50 to 59 Years

60 Years or Older

80%
70%
60%
50%
40%

10%

56.9%

47.9%

41.8%

30.2%

26.6%

18.9%
15.0%

20%
0%

44.7%

35.5%
27.7%

30%

53.6%

55.4%

51.5%

68.6%

11.7%

9.2%

Probation or Fine Only

Probation and Confinement

29.6%

22.9%

19.0%

Prison/Community Split Sentence

Prison Only

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

Fig. 24 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders by Length of Federal Sentence and
Age at Release
100%
90%

Younger than 30 Years

80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%

0%

30 to 39 Years
69.2%

61.4%

52.7%

42.5%

28.9%
20.4%
20.0%

Up to 6 Months

40 to 49 Years

54.8%

33.3%
15.0%

6 to 11 Months

12.3%

12 to 23 Months

58.5%

52.8%

50.3%

47.6%

24.3%

68.1%

58.7%

56.9%

41.5%

60 Years or Older
71.4%

68.4%

52.8%

45.8%

50 to 59 Years

29.8%

31.8%

24 to 59 Months

60 to 119 Months

19.0%

32.4%

20.9%

17.4%

120 Months or More

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing
information necessary to perform the analysis.

26

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

18.0%

To compare the federal offenders in this study to offenders released from
state custody, the Commission compared the recidivism rates for prisoners in
the Commission’s recidivism cohort to a cohort of state prisoners released into
the community in 2005 using a five-year follow-up period (Figure 25).28 As
reflected in Figure 25, state prisoners had a higher rearrest rate than federal
prisoners in every age category. Also, the gap in the rearrest rate between state
and federal prisoners increased with each age group. Federal prisoners in the
youngest age group had a 63.2 percent rearrest rate compared to 84.1 percent
for state prisoners. In the oldest age group, the rearrest rate declined to 32.5
percent for federal offenders compared to 69.2 percent for state prisoners.
Fig. 25 Rearrest Rate of Recidivism Study Offenders for Federal and State Prisoners by Age
at Release: Five Year Post Release
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%

63.2%

84.1%

50%

80.3%
57.6%

40%

77.0%

78.1%

50.3%

44.5%

30 to 34 Years

35 to 39 Years

30%
20%

10%

0%

24 Years or Younger

25 to 29 Years

Federal Prisoners

State Prisoners

69.2%
32.5%

40 Years Or Older

SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT and Bureau of Justice Statistics, Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 30
States (2005). The Commission excluded cases from this analysis that were missing information necessary to perform the analysis.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

27

Part Six

Conclusion

Part Six:
CONCLUSION

Conclusion
This is the fourth report in the Commission’s ongoing recidivism study. This
report examined the impact of the aging process on federal offender recidivism
and the impact of other offense and offender factors once age is accounted
for. The Commission found that older offenders are substantially less likely to
recidivate following release compared to younger cohorts. Among offenders
released younger than age 21, 67.6 percent were rearrested compared to 13.4
percent of those released age 65 or older. The pattern is consistent across age
groups, as age increases recidivism by any measure declined. Older offenders
who do recidivate do so later in the follow-up period, do so less frequently, and
had less serious recidivism offenses on average.

The Commission found that age is not the only factor associated with
recidivism. After accounting for age, criminal history as measured by the
offenders’ Criminal History Category was closely correlated with recidivism
rates. Demographic factors including gender (males had higher rates), race
and ethnicity (minorities had higher rates), and education levels (those with
lower education levels had higher rates) also stood out. Other factors found to
be associated with recidivism rates after accounting for age include sentence
length for offenders less than age 50: the shortest lengths are associated with
less recidivism up to sentences of one year, beyond which recidivism rates level
off. Some offense characteristics, in particular primary federal offense (firearms
and robbery, for example) and weapon enhancement, are associated with higher
recidivism rates.
The Commission will issue additional reports in this recidivism study series
in the coming months.

30

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

31

Part Seven

Endnotes

Endnotes

Endnotes
1
The United States Sentencing Commission is an independent agency in the judicial
branch of government. Established by the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984, its principal purposes
are (1) to establish sentencing policies and practices for the federal courts, including guidelines
regarding the appropriate form and severity of punishment for offenders convicted of federal
crimes; (2) to advise and assist Congress, the federal judiciary, and the executive branch in the
development of effective and efficient crime policy; and (3) to collect, analyze, research, and
distribute a broad array of information on federal crime and sentencing issues. See 28 U.S.C. §§
995(a)(14), (15), (20).

2
See U.S. Sentencing Comm’n, Recidivism Among Federal Offenders: A
Comprehensive Overview (2016) [hereinafter Recidivism Overview Report], https://www.
ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/research-publications/2016/
recidivism_overview.pdf; U.S. Sentencing Comm’n, Recidivism Among Federal Drug Trafficking
Offenders (2017), https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/
research-publications/2017/20170221_Recidivism-Drugs.pdf; and U.S. Sentencing Comm’n,
The Past Predicts the Future: Criminal History and Recidivism of Federal Offenders
(2017), https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/researchpublications/2017/20170309_Recidivism-CH.pdf.
3

28 U.S.C. § 991(b)(2).

4
See U.S. Sentencing Comm’n, Supplementary Report On The Initial Sentencing
Guidelines And Policy Statements 41–44 (1987), https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/
guidelines-manual/1987/manual-pdf/1987_Supplementary_Report_Initial_Sentencing_Guidelines.
pdf [hereinafter “Supplementary Report”].
5
See, e.g., U.S. Sentencing Comm’n, Recidivism Among Offenders Receiving
Retroactive Sentencing Reductions: The 2007 Crack Cocaine Amendment (2014), https://
www.ussc.gov/research/research-publications/recidivism-among-offenders-receiving-retroactivesentencereductions-2007-crack-cocaine-amendment [hereinafter “Crack Cocaine Recidivism
Report”] and U.S. Sentencing Comm’n, 2016 Report to the Congress: Career Offender
Enhancements (2016), https://www.ussc.gov/research/congressional-reports/2016-reportcongress-career-offender-enhancements.
6
Public order offenses include violations of conditions of federal probation, federal
supervised release, or state parole and crimes such as obstruction of justice and failure to appear.

7
See Nat’l Institute of Justice, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Recidivism, https://web.archive.
org/web/20160120175242/http://www.nij.gov/topics/corrections/recidivism/pages/welcome.
aspx (Jan. 20, 2016).
8

34

See Recidivism Overview Report, supra note 2, at 7-8.

9
Revocations were not counted as reconvictions because the offenders were not convicted
of a new offense (even if the basis for revocation was a “new law violation”). Offenders whose terms
of supervision were revoked and who were sentenced to imprisonment were treated as having been
reincarcerated.
The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

10
See U.S. Gov’t Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions
Could Enhance The Completeness Of Records Used For Employment-Related Background
Checks (2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
11

Id.

13

See Recidivism Overview Report, supra note 2, at 23 (Figure 11).

15

Farrington, supra, at 191.

12
See Recidivism Overview Report, supra note 2, at n.56. The relationship between age
and propensity to commit crime was first documented in 1842. See Adolphe Quietelet, A Treatise
On Man And The Development of His Faculties (1842). See also, https://www.nij.gov/topics/
crime/Pages/delinquency-to-adult-offending.aspx. For more recent discussion of the development
of offending behavior, age-related risk factors, and the effects of life events on offending see D. P.
Farrington, Developmental and life-course criminology: Key theoretical and empirical issues. The 2002
Sutherland Award Address, 41 Criminology 221–55 (2003).
14
https://www.nij.gov/topics/crime/Pages/delinquency-to-adult-offending.aspx.
However, different types of offenses peak at different ages, and individual propensities differ from
aggregate totals. See David P. Farrington, “Age and Crime,” in 7 Crime and Justice: An Annual
Review of Research 189 (Michael Tonry & Norval Morris, eds., 1986).
16
Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Report, (2017), https://ucr.fbi.
gov/?came_from=https%3A//ucr.fbi.gov/word.

17
See Federal Bureau of Investigation, Crimes in the United States, https://ucr.fbi.gov/
crime-in-the-u.s.

18
Prior record data on federal offenders includes arrests reported prior to their 2005
release as well as any arrests that may be reported post-2005, in other words the entire criminal
record for federal offenders available at the time of Interstate Identification Index (III) data
collection. In contrast, all the 2016 U.S. arrests are a snapshot of a single year for all offenses in the
United States cleared through an arrest. The comparison is therefore covering widely different time
intervals, and is presented merely to suggest that the same general relationship of age and arrests
holds true for federal offenders as for all offenders arrested in 2016. While 2016 U.S. arrest data
is available for juvenile arrests, state reporting in III on juveniles is often unavailable, requiring
this comparison to adults only. To put the comparison on the same scale, five-year intervals were
chosen, beginning with the interval from age 20 through 24.
19
For example, if an offender is reported arrested for two charges at age 20 and one charge
at age 25, that offender adds two incidents to the age 20-24 group and one to the age 25-29 group.
20
See Federal Bureau of Investigation, Crimes in the United States 2016, at Table 20,
Arrests by Age 2016, https://ucr.fbi.gov/crime-in-the-u.s/2016/crime-in-the-u.s.-2016/topicpages/tables/table-20.

21
There are many theories attempting to explain this aggregate pattern of rising crime
through teenage years followed by steady decline at some point after age 20. The age-crime curve

captures both the prevalence of offending (the number of people committing a criminal act) and
the incidence (number of criminal acts those people commit). There is no single well-established
cause of offending, and contributing factors may be both biological (e.g., brain functioning changes
in transition from child to adult – see G. Sweeten, Alex Piquero, and L. Steinberg, Age and the
Explanation of Crime, Revisited, 42 J. Youth and Adolescence 921–38 (2013)) and sociological
(e.g., informal and formal bonds with others and with the community which may aggravate or deter
offending). Travis Hirschi and Michael Gottfredson argued that the shape of the age-crime curve
was similar across time and place, and largely unaffected by life events after childhood. Travis
Hirschi and Michael Gottfredson, Age and the Explanation of Crime, 89 Am. J. Sociology 552-84
(1983). They argue that individual differences are primarily explained by level of self-control and
assert that the decline in adulthood is due primarily to reduced incidents of crime. On the other
hand, Blumstein, Cohen, and Farrington assert that the decline in the aggregate age-crime curve
is explained at least in part by the termination of criminal careers for most offenders by early
adulthood. Alfred Blumstein, Jacqueline Cohen, and David P. Farrington, Criminal Career Research:
Its Value for Criminology, 26 Criminology 1 (1988). That is, the rapid decline in the age-crime curve
reflects desistance from crime. Sampson and Laub document termination in criminal careers for
a sample of offenders and the mechanisms which foster the turn away from crime. See Robert
Sampson and John H. Laub, Crime in the Making: Pathways and Turning Points Through Life
(1993) (expanding on adult choice making, arguing that different choices taken over the adult life
course, especially good marriages and other positive turning points over the life course help explain
desistance from crime.) Therefore, the decline in the aggregate age-crime curve may be attributable
to former offenders who have made the necessary life course changes. See Ray Paternoster and
Shawn Bushway, Desistance and the Feared Self: Toward an Identity Theory of Criminal Desistance,
99 J. Crim. L. & Criminology (2006) (that desistance from crime is a choice, that offenders who
previously identified with a criminal lifestyle and criminal associates may begin to find the costs
of this commitment exceeded by the benefits, providing a motivation to change their lives and
associates and desist from crime).

26
One exception occurs with reincarceration. Those under age 21, a small group, have a
slightly lower rate of reincarceration (35.7%) compared to those between ages 21 and 24 (38.6%).
27
The shortest time to arrest leading to reincarceration (29 months) is attributed to the
younger than 30 cohort and increases to 51 months in the last age group. The most serious type
of offense most likely to cause reincarceration also shifts with age from assault (for all age groups
under the age of 50) to public order offenses (for age 50 to 59) or drug trafficking (for age 60 or
older).

28
Matthew Durose, Alexia Cooper, and Howard Snyder, Bureau of Justice Statistics,
U.S. Dep’t of justice, Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 30 States in 2005: Patterns from
2005 to 2010 (2014), http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/rprts05p0510.pdf.

22
For more information on how an offender’s criminal history is addressed under
the sentencing guidelines, see U.S. Sentencing Comm’n, Guidelines Manual, Ch. 4 (Nov. 2016)
[hereinafter USSG].
23
For more information on the relationship between CHC and recidivism see U.S.
Sentencing Comm’n, The Past Predicts the Future: Criminal History and Recidivism of
Federal Offenders, supra note 2.

24
These four different sentence types correspond to the four “Zones” (A-D) in the
Sentencing Table in the Guidelines Manual. See USSG, supra note 22, at Ch. 5, Pt. A (Sentencing
Table); see also USSG §§5B1.1 & 5C1.1 (setting forth the sentencing options for Zones A-D). Zone
A authorizes probation only; Zone B authorizes probation with a condition of confinement; Zone C
authorizes a “split” sentence of imprisonment and community confinement (e.g., home detention
or a halfway house); and Zone D authorizes sentences of imprisonment only. See USSG §§5B1.1 &
5C1.1.

25
The shortest time to arrest leading to a reconviction (29 months) is attributed to the
younger than 30 cohort and increases to 39 months in the last age group. The most serious type of
offense most likely to cause reconviction also shifts with age from assault (for all age groups under
the age of 50) to public order offenses (for age 50 to 59) or drug trafficking (for age 60 or older).
The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

35

Part Eight

Appendix

Part Eight:
APPENDIX

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Race and Age at Release

Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Race
White
Black
Hispanic
Other
30-39 Years of Age
Race
White
Black
Hispanic
Other
40-49 Years of Age
Race
White
Black
Hispanic
Other
50-59 Years of Age
Race
White
Black
Hispanic
Other
60 Years of Age or Older
Race
White
Black
Hispanic
Other

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

2,265
2,410
1,714
401

59.1%
72.7%
61.2%
65.1%
%

40.8%
51.4%
40.2%
49.1%
%

31.1%
40.7%
31.9%
44.1%
%

3,090
3,604
1,485
337

48.9%
59.9%
48.7%
50.5%
%

31.9%
36.4%
31.3%
35.0%
%

24.2%
28.0%
24.7%
27.9%
%

3,076
1,688
843
281

39.4%
52.2%
39.2%
42.0%
%

25.7%
30.9%
22.5%
27.1%
%

19.1%
24.2%
17.4%
23.8%
%

1,797
719
340
109

23.7%
36.0%
24.4%
22.9%
%

12.7%
18.8%
14.4%
11.9%
%

9.9%
14.7%
11.5%
9.2%
%

846
186
126
46

15.7%
19.4%
19.1%
10.9%

7.8%
15.6%
10.3%
6.5%

5.2%
12.9%
7.9%
6.5%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

A-38

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Education and Age at Release

Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Education
Less Than High School
High School Graduate
Some College
College Graduate
30-39 Years of Age
Education
Less Than High School
High School Graduate
Some College
College Graduate
40-49 Years of Age
Education
Less Than High School
High School Graduate
Some College
College Graduate
50-59 Years of Age
Education
Less Than High School
High School Graduate
Some College
College Graduate
60 Years of Age or Older
Education
Less Than High School
High School Graduate
Some College
College Graduate

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

3,067
2,412
1,170
111

74.4%
62.9%
47.3%
27.0%
%

53.2%
43.0%
29.7%
16.2%
%

43.6%
33.1%
21.1%
11.7%
%

2,849
3,269
1,923
433

63.0%
55.0%
44.1%
21.5%
%

40.9%
35.0%
26.1%
11.8%
%

32.8%
27.0%
18.5%
7.4%
%

1,679
2,319
1,313
543

51.5%
45.0%
37.9%
21.2%
%

30.9%
28.6%
24.1%
12.5%
%

24.0%
22.2%
18.1%
8.7%
%

698
953
744
551

31.0%
30.6%
24.9%
16.5%
%

18.2%
16.2%
12.2%
8.2%
%

14.6%
12.5%
9.8%
5.8%
%

348
356
249
241

17.2%
18.8%
16.1%
11.6%

9.5%
11.2%
8.4%
5.8%

7.2%
7.9%
6.0%
4.2%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

A-39

Part Eight:
APPENDIX

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Gender and Age at Release

Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Gender
Male
Female
30-39 Years of Age
Gender
Male
Female
40-49 Years of Age
Gender
Male
Female
50-59 Years of Age
Gender
Male
Female
60 Years of Age or Older
Gender
Male
Female

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

5,342
1,451

69.5%
47.6%
%

48.6%
31.2%
%

39.2%
21.7%
%

7,092
1,427

56.2%
40.7%
%

35.9%
23.7%
%

28.1%
15.8%
%

4,783
1,110

46.4%
29.1%
%

29.1%
16.8%
%

22.8%
10.7%
%

2,453
516

29.2%
15.3%
%

15.5%
8.7%
%

12.2%
6.4%
%

1,053
150

17.1%
12.0%

9.4%
8.0%

6.8%
6.0%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

A-40

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Primary Offense Type and
Age at Release
Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Primary Offense Type
Drug Trafficking
Firearms
Fraud
Robbery
All Other
30-39 Years of Age
Primary Offense Type
Drug Trafficking
Firearms
Fraud
Robbery
All Other
40-49 Years of Age
Primary Offense Type
Drug Trafficking
Firearms
Fraud
Robbery
All Other
50-59 Years of Age
Primary Offense Type
Drug Trafficking
Firearms
Fraud
Robbery
All Other
60 Years of Age or Older
Primary Offense Type
Drug Trafficking
Firearms
Fraud
Robbery
All Other

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

3,110
1,077
511
287
1,811

62.5%
79.3%
53.6%
66.2%
63.0%
%

41.2%
60.2%
36.4%
43.2%
44.8%
%

31.7%
49.4%
25.1%
37.6%
36.2%
%

4,078
1,074
1,037
376
1,958

52.0%
70.4%
41.8%
71.0%
50.6%
%

31.5%
47.8%
26.1%
47.9%
32.5%
%

23.7%
39.8%
18.4%
42.8%
24.4%
%

2,151
721
977
298
1,745

42.3%
62.8%
31.8%
71.5%
37.7%
%

24.5%
40.4%
19.2%
51.7%
24.0%
%

18.4%
31.8%
13.4%
46.6%
18.2%
%

952
270
618
108
1,021

26.8%
44.8%
19.7%
54.6%
23.3%
%

14.1%
24.4%
10.4%
35.2%
12.1%
%

11.5%
19.3%
7.8%
27.8%
9.2%
%

286
96
297
29
496

17.5%
30.2%
12.5%
34.5%
14.5%

10.1%
20.8%
6.7%
13.8%
7.7%

6.6%
15.6%
4.7%
13.8%
5.9%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

A-41

Part Eight:
APPENDIX

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Base Offense Level and
Age at Release
Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Base Offense Level
6 to 25
26 to 31
32 to 43
30-39 Years of Age
Base Offense Level
6 to 25
26 to 31
32 to 43
40-49 Years of Age
Base Offense Level
6 to 25
26 to 31
32 to 43
50-59 Years of Age
Base Offense Level
6 to 25
26 to 31
32 to 43
60 Years of Age or Older
Base Offense Level
6 to 25
26 to 31
32 to 43

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

4,682
1,393
716

66.3%
62.3%
60.2%
%

46.9%
41.4%
38.7%
%

37.4%
31.2%
31.2%
%

5,046
1,673
1,801

55.7%
52.9%
48.4%
%

36.6%
32.1%
27.8%
%

28.8%
23.6%
20.8%
%

4,073
901
913

44.3%
43.8%
37.1%
%

28.0%
26.1%
21.9%
%

21.8%
19.8%
15.8%
%

2,192
377
397

27.6%
25.7%
23.4%
%

15.1%
11.7%
12.9%
%

11.6%
10.1%
10.3%
%

944
119
140

16.5%
19.3%
13.6%

9.2%
10.9%
7.9%

6.9%
7.6%
5.0%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

A-42

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Weapon Enhancement and Age at Release

Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Weapon Enhancement
No Weapon Enhancement
Weapon Enhancement
30-39 Years of Age
Weapon Enhancement
No Weapon Enhancement
Weapon Enhancement
40-49 Years of Age
Weapon Enhancement
No Weapon Enhancement
Weapon Enhancement
50-59 Years of Age
Weapon Enhancement
No Weapon Enhancement
Weapon Enhancement
60 Years of Age or Older
Weapon Enhancement
No Weapon Enhancement
Weapon Enhancement

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

6,136
660

64.2%
70.2%
%

44.4%
48.9%
%

34.9%
40.6%
%

7,509
1,014

53.0%
57.7%
%

33.7%
35.2%
%

25.8%
27.8%
%

5,356
538

42.6%
48.9%
%

26.4%
30.5%
%

20.2%
24.7%
%

2,747
222

26.7%
27.9%
%

14.2%
15.8%
%

11.1%
12.2%
%

1,140
64

16.4%
17.2%

9.2%
9.4%

6.6%
9.4%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

A-43

Part Eight:
APPENDIX

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Criminal History Category
and Age at Release
Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Criminal History Category
CHC I
CHC II
CHC III
CHC IV
CHC V
CHC VI
30-39 Years of Age
Criminal History Category
CHC I
CHC II
CHC III
CHC IV
CHC V
CHC VI
40-49 Years of Age
Criminal History Category
CHC I
CHC II
CHC III
CHC IV
CHC V
CHC VI
50-59 Years of Age
Criminal History Category
CHC I
CHC II
CHC III
CHC IV
CHC V
CHC VI
60 Years of Age or Older
Criminal History Category
CHC I
CHC II
CHC III
CHC IV
CHC V
CHC VI

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

3,771
895
1,095
568
244
214

53.0%
70.1%
79.5%
86.3%
90.6%
89.7%
%

34.1%
47.2%
56.7%
66.9%
73.8%
72.9%
%

25.4%
35.5%
46.5%
57.4%
66.0%
61.7%
%

3,890
1,091
1,371
835
483
803

35.3%
55.8%
63.7%
73.5%
79.9%
84.6%
%

19.6%
32.9%
40.2%
47.1%
59.2%
63.5%
%

12.9%
23.1%
31.5%
39.8%
51.6%
54.8%
%

3,135
674
746
398
282
626

25.9%
47.2%
54.0%
72.4%
71.3%
80.2%
%

14.0%
26.9%
33.0%
49.0%
46.5%
59.1%
%

9.4%
18.7%
24.5%
40.0%
39.4%
51.9%
%

1,877
316
292
153
92
225

16.1%
30.1%
38.4%
51.6%
58.7%
64.9%
%

8.1%
13.6%
19.9%
32.7%
32.6%
40.0%
%

5.5%
9.5%
17.8%
28.1%
29.4%
33.8%
%

876
106
106
41
18
53

11.3%
22.6%
25.5%
46.3%
44.4%
37.7%

5.9%
12.3%
16.0%
29.3%
27.8%
22.6%

4.1%
9.4%
11.3%
19.5%
22.2%
20.8%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

A-44

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Sentence Type and Age at Release

Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Sentence Type
Probation or Fine Only
Probation and Confinement
Prison/Confinement Split
Prison Only
30-39 Years of Age
Sentence Type
Probation or Fine Only
Probation and Confinement
Prison/Confinement Split
Prison Only
40-49 Years of Age
Sentence Type
Probation or Fine Only
Probation and Confinement
Prison/Confinement Split
Prison Only
50-59 Years of Age
Sentence Type
Probation or Fine Only
Probation and Confinement
Prison/Confinement Split
Prison Only
60 Years of Age or Older
Sentence Type
Probation or Fine Only
Probation and Confinement
Prison/Confinement Split
Prison Only

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

1,039
341
261
5,144

51.5%
55.4%
53.6%
68.6%
%

34.2%
34.6%
34.1%
48.3%
%

21.6%
23.8%
25.3%
39.5%
%

989
302
244
6,971

35.5%
44.7%
41.8%
56.9%
%

20.7%
27.8%
25.4%
36.3%
%

11.8%
14.9%
16.0%
28.9%
%

835
282
268
4,501

27.7%
26.6%
30.2%
47.9%
%

16.9%
14.9%
17.2%
29.9%
%

9.1%
11.0%
11.2%
23.8%
%

504
179
140
2,145

18.9%
19.0%
22.9%
29.6%
%

8.9%
10.6%
13.6%
15.9%
%

5.2%
7.3%
7.1%
13.2%
%

246
87
60
811

15.0%
9.2%
11.7%
18.0%

10.2%
4.6%
5.0%
9.7%

6.5%
3.5%
3.3%
7.4%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

A-45

Part Eight:
APPENDIX

Recidivism Rates of Recidivism Study Offenders by Length of Federal Sentence
and Age at Release
Total
Under 30 Years of Age
Length of Federal Sentence
Up to 6 Months
6 to 11 Months
12 to 23 Months
24 to 59 Months
60 to 119 Months
120 Months or More
30-39 Years of Age
Length of Federal Sentence
Up to 6 Months
6 to 11 Months
12 to 23 Months
24 to 59 Months
60 to 119 Months
120 Months or More
40-49 Years of Age
Length of Federal Sentence
Up to 6 Months
6 to 11 Months
12 to 23 Months
24 to 59 Months
60 to 119 Months
120 Months or More
50-59 Years of Age
Length of Federal Sentence
Up to 6 Months
6 to 11 Months
12 to 23 Months
24 to 59 Months
60 to 119 Months
120 Months or More
60 Years of Age or Older
Length of Federal Sentence
Up to 6 Months
6 to 11 Months
12 to 23 Months
24 to 59 Months
60 to 119 Months
120 Months or More

Rearrest
%
49.3%

Reconviction
%
31.7%

Reincarceration
%
24.7%

294
264
1,204
2,457
995
185

52.7%
61.4%
69.2%
68.4%
71.4%
68.1%
%

34.7%
43.9%
48.6%
48.8%
47.8%
48.1%
%

26.2%
31.8%
40.3%
40.3%
38.9%
39.5%
%

278
197
1,077
2,647
1,903
1,110

42.5%
54.8%
52.8%
56.9%
58.7%
58.5%
%

25.5%
32.0%
34.6%
36.8%
37.2%
36.0%
%

16.2%
26.9%
27.1%
29.5%
29.4%
29.4%
%

273
190
793
1,734
1,049
727

28.9%
45.8%
41.5%
47.6%
50.3%
52.8%
%

17.6%
23.7%
25.5%
29.1%
32.6%
34.4%
%

11.4%
16.8%
21.8%
22.4%
25.6%
28.6%
%

147
69
399
852
446
370

20.4%
33.3%
24.3%
29.8%
31.8%
32.4%
%

12.2%
17.4%
16.0%
15.1%
16.1%
17.8%
%

7.5%
11.6%
13.0%
12.6%
13.0%
15.7%
%

55
40
171
321
155
129

20.0%
15.0%
12.3%
19.0%
17.4%
20.9%

12.7%
15.0%
6.4%
9.4%
9.0%
10.9%

9.1%
7.5%
5.3%
7.5%
6.5%
8.5%

N
25,386

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafile, RECID05_OFFUPDT. The numbers in the table represent the total number of
offenders in each grouping, not the total number of offenders that recidivated. The total number of offenders in each grouping may not add to the total study group
because of missing information.

A-46

The Effects of Aging on Recidivism Among Federal Offenders

Recidivism Rates for Federal and State Prisoners by Age at Release: Five Year Post-Release

24 Years or Younger
Federal or State Prisoners
Federal Prisoners
State Prisoners
25 to 29 Years
Federal or State Prisoners
Federal Prisoners
State Prisoners
30 to 34 Years
Federal or State Prisoners
Federal Prisoners
State Prisoners
35 to 39 Years
Federal or State Prisoners
Federal Prisoners
State Prisoners
40 Years or Older
Federal or State Prisoners
Federal Prisoners
State Prisoners

Rearrest
%

Reconviction
%

Reincarceration
%

1,916
N/A

63.2%
84.1%
%

42.9%
N/A
%

35.1%
N/A
%

3,489
N/A

57.6%
80.3%
%

34.9%
N/A
%

28.2%
N/A
%

3,966
N/A

50.3%
77.0%
%

28.5%
N/A
%

22.2%
N/A
%

3,249
N/A

44.5%
78.1%
%

24.4%
N/A
%

19.7%
N/A
%

7,925
N/A

32.5%
69.2%

17.3%
N/A

13.6%
N/A

N

While states have improved the completeness of criminal history records, a recent federal study found significant gaps in reporting of dispositions following an arrest.
Such gaps occur in the criminal records used in this report, and lead to an undercounting of reconvictions, since missing dispositions are treated herein as the absence
of reconviction and reincarceration. See U.S. Government Accountability Office, Criminal History Records: Additional Actions Could Enhance the Completeness of
Records Used for Employment-Related Background Checks (February 2015), http://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-15-162.
SOURCE: U.S. Sentencing Commission’s 2005 Recidivism Release Cohort Datafi

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Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/court_rules%3Amd%3A48df787bd279229f. Public record. Not legal advice.
