# Amicus Curiae Brief — Brown v. Board of Education

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## Record

- **Collection:** Supreme Court brief
- **Document type:** Amicus Curiae Brief
- **Published:** January 1, 1954
- **Citation:** 347 U.S. 483

## Text

{HAROLD B. WILLEY, Cler

IN THE

Supreme Court of the United States

Octoser Term, 1954

No... A.
O.iver Brown, ET AL., Dororxy EK. Davis, et aL.,
Appellants, Appellants,
v. v.

Boarp oF EpucaTion oF County ScHoot Boarp oF
Topeka, SHAWNEE CovuNn- Prince Epwarp County,
TY, KANSAS, ET AL. VIRGINIA, ET AL.

Harry Bnriaes, Jk., ET AL., Frances B. GEBHART, ET AL,

Appellants, Petitioners,
v. v.
R. W. Ex.iort, ET Au. EruHE.t Louise BEuTton, ET AL.

AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF OF THE
ATTORNEY GENERAL OF FLORIDA

Ricnarp W. Ervin
Attorney General of the
State of Florida
State Capitol Building
Tallahassee, Florida

Ratpex E. Opum
Assistant Attorney General
State of Florida

IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States

OctosE:i TERM, 1954

Bel icsicetiiinteninee
OLIvER Brown, ET AL., Dororuy E. Davis, ET AL.,
Appellants, Appellants,
v. v.

Boarp oF EpucaTION OF County ScHoo.t Boarp or
Topeka, SHAWNEE CouN- Prince Epwarp County,
ty, Kansas, ET AL. VIRGINIA, ET AL.

Harry Briges, Jk., ET AL., i'kances B, GEBHART, ET AL.,

Appellants, Petitioners,
v. v.
R. W. Exuiort, er au. ETHEL Lovisr BELTON, ET AL.

AMICUS CURIAE BRIEF OF THE
ATTORNEY GENERAL OF FLORIDA

Ricuarp W. Ervin
Attorney General of the
State of Florida
State Capitol Building
Tallahassee, Florida

Rautpy E. Opum
Assistant Attorney General
State of Florida

Subject Matter Index

nt CINE... usieinernenapniyeintonncnieneneennmmionionae: 1

PART ONE

A Discussion of the Reasons for a Period of Gradual
Adjustment to Desegregation to be Permitted in Florida
with Broad Powers of Discretion Vested in Local School
Authorities to Determine Administrative Procedures...... 3

A. The Need for Time in Revising the State Legal

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I. Examples of Legislative Problems .................... 7
RR SS Seo eR 7
(b) Powers and Duties of County School
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(c) State Board of Education and State Super-
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II. Discussion of Legislative Attitudes .................0 14
B. The Need for Time in Revising Administrative
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(c) Scholastic Standards ..0...........cccccccscsssscssssssees 19
(d) Health and Moral Welfare .............c:ccccceses00e 20
C. The Need for Time in Gaining Public Acceptance.. 23
I. A Survey of Leadership Opinion .............cce:e0000 23
IT. General Conclusions ..............ccccccssssessssssesssssssseeees 24
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A Note on Responses of Legislators .............::+0+ 33
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PART TWO

Specific Suggestions to the Court in Formulating a
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I asl als ieatcalnigbsiataniiinidimaincs 59
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PART THREE

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:

i Legal Authority of the Court to Permit a Period of
Gradual Adjustment and Broad Powers of Administra-
tive Discretion on the Part of Local School Authorities.. 67

A. Judicial Cases Permitting Time ............cccsceeeeees 69
F I. United States v. American Tobacco Coo. .............. 69
: II. Standard Oil v. United States «cscs 70
3 III. Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Co. ........:c:ccccceseeeeees 72
State of Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Co., etc..... 72
é IV. State of New York v. State of New Jersey, ete... 75
V. Martin Bldg. Co. v. Imperial Laundry ................ 75
B. Administrative Discretion Cases ...........:.ccccceseseeeeesees 77
I. United States v. Paramount Pictures .................. 77

II. Alabama Public Service Commission v. Southern
NIN MPAA siectscrnonsesssisshcaninsniivininisinnensianinsvinneee 78

People of the State of New York v. United
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Page

IV. Far Eastern Conference, United States Lines
Co., etc. v. United States and Federal Mari-

I BS entecectnctaboniensepnieitonsniannlanevinsinseiinienitinsiin 82

VY. Minersville School District v. Gobitis .................. 82

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VIII. Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co. oc cccceeeesseneeeeeee 84

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PART FOUR

Considerations Involved in Formulating Plans for

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PART FIVE

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Appendix A

Page
RESULTS OF A SURVEY OF FLORIDA LEADER.
SHIP OPINION ON THE EFFECTS OF THE U. §&.
SUPREME COURT DECISION OF MAY 17, 1954,
RELATING TO SEGREGATION IN FLORIDA

EET I A ARR EES. ARE SOOO 99

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5

‘In quietness and patience, people of culture receive
this news, realizing the inevitable has at last come
about. They also realize, however, that the absorption
into our daily life of this new decision—the putting
of it into practice—must represent an organic cul-
tural assimilation which, like all social processes, will
take time. But eventually the wrongs and mistakes of
history are righted and remedied and inhumanities are
rectified. .... Let us enter into this integration calmly,
with good judgment. Let us give and take, working
out together the best possible means we can put into
action so that there may be peace and understanding,
and, may I say, the spirit of brotherhood.

‘‘There is much for the Negro to do as well as the white.
We must use tact and wisdom. It will take conferences,
thinking and planning and working side by side. More
largely than is realized, we are good, loyal, American
citizens. And whether we be north, east, south or west,
we shall put forth every effort to meet the requirements
of our new status.’’

There is reason to believe that given the opportunity for
voluntary local action and sufficient time an effort will be
made on the part of educational leaders of both races in
Florida to work together to achieve the goal set by the
Court.

United States Senator Spessard L. Holland of Florida,
speaking of desegregation, said in a press interview (Tampa
Tribune, August 28, 1954, page 1):

‘We cannot spend ail our time in vain regrets, but
rather time must be spent in trying, as apparently the
State Cabinet has been doing along with officials and
educators of both races at the local level, to learn how
to bring it about.”’’

On July 15 and 16, 1954, the Continuing Educational
Council of Florida met in Tallahassee to consider the prob-
lem of desegregation. This Council is composed of repre-
sentatives from virtually all civic, labor, veteran and edu-

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cational organizations in the state. Seventy members of
the Council were present at the Tallahassee meeting and
the future course of Florida schools in the light of the
Court’s decision in the Brown case was discussed for two
days. At the end of its deliberations the Council adopted
the following motion:

‘‘Based on information and reports at this time, the
Council joins with the request of the State Cabinet,
heretofore made, whereby the Attorney General of
Florida take every step necessary to prepare and file
a brief which Florida and several other states have
been invited to submit when consideration is given this
October to the ‘when’ and ‘how’ provisions of the
Court’s judgment in the recent decision holding segre-
gation unconstitutional. It now appears that this brief
should emphasize among other things the following:
1. The maximum time possible should be granted the
states affected. 2. Compliance with regard to time
should be on a local basis; the time requirement be-
cause of mores and conditions will vary within coun-
ties of each state. 3. Enforcement provisions of the
judgment’s requirements should be left to the Courts
of first instance.’’

Additional agreements which were reached by a large
majority of the Council in discussion of the Supreme Court
decision on segregation were as follows:

1. ‘‘The public school system of Florida should be
maintained and improved. Nothing should be done
which will destroy these schools or cause them to retro-
gress in any way.’’

2. ‘‘The citizens of Florida will wish to abide by the
laws of our nation, but time for necessary adjustments
is essential if serious problems are to be avoided.’’

3. ‘*The problems of adjustment are different in each
county and in various communities within each county.
Responsibility for solution of these problems rests
with the citizens and authorities within these local
areas.’’

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rate

rays Ase 7

SOR BE TING

4. “‘A committee from the Continuing Educational
Council, with outside representation as well, is to be
appointed. Its function is to suggest multiple plans
by which desegregation may be implemented. Among
the ideas developed would be the suggestion that local
groups of white and Negro citizens make careful ap-
praisal of existing conditions with the idea of pro-
ceeding gradually and in an orderly manner toward
compliance with our National Constitution.”’

5. ‘‘A committee of nine representatives from the Con-
tinuing Educational Council is to meet with a repre-
sentative group of State Negro leaders for the purpose
of developing a joint statement to serve as a guide to
both races in working out the problems ahead.’’

On July 30th, 1954, fifty representative Florida Negro
leaders met at Edward Waters College in Jacksonville to
study the problem of integration of Florida schools. As a
result of this meeting a committee of nine was selected to
meet with a similar committee of the Continuing Educa-
tional Council of Florida for the purpose of studying ways
and means of implementing the Supreme Court’s decision
in Florida.

On September 10, 1954, a committee representing the
Continuing Educational Council, and a committee repre-
senting the Leadership Conference, a recently convened
meeting of Negro leaders, met in Tallahassee to consider
jointly some of the problems posed by the recent Supreme
Court decision that segregation in the public schools is
unconstitutional.

After lengthy consideration and frank discussions of the
various viewpoints of both whites and Negroes, the joint
committees agreed upon the following motion:

**1. THAT, in a democratic society, public education is
of paramount importance;

THAT the State of Florida has made significant gains

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_

——, TEE IS Aaa REN st tells ‘“ en
© nth pe OE ey ree PCE ar ata! Aa ED

me

in recent years in the quality of its educational pro-
gram and in the educational opportunities for all the
youth of the State;

THAT the State of Florida cannot afford the educa-
tional or economic loss which would occur if we per-
mitted a disruption of this program;

THEREFORE, we believe that we must maintain and
support a strong system of public education for all the
youths of the State and that the citizens of Florida in
their local contacts, through constant education and
study, should work for the general education of all
the people as prescribed by the laws of our State and
Nation.

2. THAT we endorse the filing of the proposed brief by
the Attorney General for the purpose of preserving the
system of public education in the State of Florida when
a final interpretation has been rendered by the Supreme
Court.

3. THAT we urge this Committee to continue to work
on the processes necessary for ultimate compliance with
the law;

THAT we encourage the organization of similar groups
at the local level, i.e., school community by school com-
munity, to work toward the same objectives.”’

The motion was approved unanimously.

The Lakeland Ledger in an editorial August 29, 1954 said:

‘*In his annual speech to his home folk in Bartow on
Friday, Senator Holland took occasion to talk about
abolition of segregation in public schools...

‘*That attitude is the only one with which the problem
now at hand can be solved, and it is the attitude of all
clear thinking citizens in the South.

‘“‘Tf the process is not rushed, there will be a good
chance of making the adjustment harmoniously over
a period of years.

‘*Tf forces in the North that are unfamiliar with con-

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ditions in the South insist upon rushing matters, there
is certain to be harmful friction.

‘‘The level-headed view such as that expressed by
Senator Holland must prevail.’’

The Tampa Morning Tribune in an editorial August 26,
1954, said:

‘‘In the brief which he is preparing to submit to the
Supreme Court by October 1, Attorney General Ervin
asks the court to go slow in ordering actual compliance
with its edict of May 17 outlawing segregation. Mr.
Ervin said:

‘My purpose in filing the brief is to try to show the
court that Florida, from practical considerations, is
not ready for desegregation immediately, but that if
it must come eventually, it should come only after a
reasonable period of time and then only on a county
to county or local basis pursuant to administrative de-
terminations made by local school authorities. It is en-
tirely possible that if the court will authorize this course
many of the situations will not be too difficult to solve,
given time to work them out.’

‘‘That, in our view, is sound sense and should appeal
to the judgment of the high court. It is apparent that
a change in the existing order can be effected only
through careful and patient effort, on a local basis.
Also it may prove necessary to have action by ihe
Florida Legislature to properly implement the change.
The essential issue is the dividing line between federal
and state authority.”’

The St. Petersburg Times of August 27, 1954, reported
a speech by County School Superintendent Floyd Christian
of Pinellas County to a meeting of Negro school teachers,
as follows:

‘*Pinellas County Negro teachers were urged as leaders
of the community ‘to work patiently, calmly and sen-
sibly’ on the segregation problem so that all can con-

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tinue working together for the growth of the com-
munity...

‘*We live under the law and must follow the law. Riot-
ing, hatred and action would wreck our school system
and is not the answer. Florida must never try to abolish
public education. Turning the schools into private in-
stitutions is certainly not the answer. Any such action
would prove disastrous to the quality of education and
in the end would be judged by the Supreme Court as
being an effort to circumvent the provisions of the
Constitution of the United States.

‘‘What I am saying is in my opinion Florida should
not try to circumvent the law. Any such action would
encourage an attitude of general disregard for law
and in the long run will only increase the difficulties
without contributing anything toward the solution of
the problem...

‘‘There is another reason why this problem will have
to be approached with education and understanding.
I don’t believe that here in the South, where you have
had separate schools for nearly a hundred years, that
an immediate court decision to stop it and integrate the
students can be done successfully. I don’t believe you
can legislate the people into doing this, they will have
to be led by a systematic plan of education and this, of
course, Will take time.’’

The Ft. Myers News-Press in an editorial August 28,
1954, said:

‘‘A number of Fort Myers citizens have received by
mail this week circular letters purporting to come from
the Ku Klux Klan which attempt to fan the flames of
racial intolerance over the school segregation issue and
make a bid for Klan recruits.

‘‘The letters enclose an application blank for mem-
bership in the Klan returnable to an Orlando post office
box. Whether they represent a bona fide recruiting
drive by the Klan or just an effort of some crackpot
or promoter trying to cash in on the current anxiety
over prospective desegregation in the schools, the re-

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cipients have no way of knowing, although Orlando
always has been a hotbed of Ku Kluxism and the appli-
cation blank probably is genuine.

‘There is nothing doubtful, however, about the hate
literature enclosed with the KKK circulars. The fat
envelopes—so bulky that most recipients had to pay an
extra three cents postage due—-were crammed with
highly inflammatory articles against the Negro race
and slanders against various public officials and indi-
viduals fit only for the sewer. In the delicate situation
which now confronts both whites and Negroes arising
from the Supreme Court anti-segregation ruling—a
situation that calls for all the calmness and clear think-
ing that can be mustered—outpourings such as this are
not only unhelpful but dangerous.’’

The Orlando Sentinel in an editorial August 19, 1954,
said:

‘‘As a result of a survey recently completed by an
interracial committee appointed by the attorney gen-
eral, it has been made perfectly clear that even in Flor-
ida many people of both groups are not ready to send
their children to the same school together, and that
law enforcement agencies are not prepared to enforce
such laws or to prevent the violence which would arise
under such circumstances.

‘‘The problem varies from community to community
just as it does from state to state and the difficulty in-
creases in direct ratio to the number of Negroes present.
It would be a relatively simple matter to enforce de-
segregation in a community where there would be only
one or two Negroes in a classroom, as would be the case
in most northern cities. It is not so simple where the
numbers of the two races are more nearly equal.

‘*This happens to be the case in many of our smaller
north and west Florida towns, as well as in most of the
rural areas of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and
Mississippi. In some Florida cities, however, particu-
larly in South Florida, there are relatively few Negroes
and the opposition to their admittance to white schools
is not so prevalent.

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—

‘*Clearly it would be unfair to expect public officials
to overcome the problems of integration all at the same
time without regard to the difficulties involved. The
Supreme Court should take cognizance of the inherent
differences among individuals as among communities
and leave the problem of when desegregation can safely
be accomplished to local authorities.’’

The Miami Herald in an editorial of May 24, 1954, said:

‘*Anticipating that the United States Supreme court
might end segregation in the schools, as it did last week,
Florida leaders have been quietly taking stock of the
state’s educational resources.

‘‘They recognized that the change, when it came, would
be the most momentous since the War Between the
States, and no family would escape its effects.

‘“‘What this study showed was that Florida has made
more progress in Negro education, probably, than any
other state with segregation, and is in a better posi-
tion to meet the challenge of the court ruling.’’

These meetiugs and examples of editorial opinion may
appear insignificant but when considered in relation to the
fact that they took place in a State which still has three
counties where no Negroes have registered to vote (see
page 178, Appendix A), and whose peace officers are over-
whelmingly opposed to desegregation in any form (see
Table 3, page 138, Appendix A), they should not be ignored.
We believe that any attempt to compel an immediate de-
segregation in Florida schools would constitute a shock
treatment so drastic that any further efforts on the part
of these and similar groups would be promptly nullified.
Such efforts on the part of citizens’ committees of both
races can only take place as voluntary manifestations of
good citizenship. They cannot take place in an atmosphere
of fear and coercion.

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F. Regional
Variations

One of the most important factors which has emerged
from our study of the segregation problem in Florida is the
clear indication of marked regional variations in the in-
tensity of the feelings of the people.

The State of Florida is unlike other Southern states in
one significant respect. Geographically it is large and
sprawled out over an area of a thousand miles extending
from Pensacola in West Florida to Key West on the south-
ernmost tip.

Between these two extremes can be found startling dif-
ferences in the social customs and traditions of the people
inhabiting the various counties.

Generally speaking, the influx of people from northern
states has tended to settle in South Florida and this has
altered to some extent the social pattern of South Florida
counties, whereas North and West Florida counties have
remained to a large extent populated by people of Florida
or Southern ancestry who cling to Southern traditions and
customs.

It must be emphasized, however, that this type of gen-
eralization is apt to be misleading because counties and
communities may be found in South Florida where the de-
gree of racial differences in feeling may be even more pro-
nounced than -n the northern part of the state.

These variations indicate that there may be communities

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eases DAES

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in Florida where conditions are such that local school offi-
cials would feel justified in proceeding within a relatively
short time to integrate the white and Negro schools. On
the other hand, there are many counties, notably those
having a large Negro population, where it is apparent that
any attempt to bring about immediate desegregation would
result in violence and bring the school system to a complete
standstill.

These variations in community attitudes and conditions
preclude the practicability of any overall, statewide de-
tailed plan, time schedule or target date for desegregation
which might be evolved. We believe that whatever plan
and time schedule is adopted in each community must, if
it is to be workable, have been produced through the efforts
of the local school officials who understand the specific prob-
lems involved and who must be willing to undertake to
make the plan work. We do not believe that the courts
should undertake to perform the functions of local school
boards and we do not believe that this Court should insist
on a plan of action which, in its efforts to guard the rights
of some, must necessarily forsake the rights of all others.

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G. Discussion

In suggesting an affirmative answer to question 4B, we
have attempted to take into consideration the wide range
and complexity of the problem. We know that from its
common-sense practical aspects a successful implementation
requires the blending of the best administrative and judicial
techniques over a reasonable period of time which will vary
in each school district or county, dependent upon the cir-
cumstances. Admitted that segregation has been held un-
constitutional as a class discrimination, that does not mean
that transition to the actuality of non-segregated educa-
tion can be accomplished immediately or without planning
and preparation and administrative actions.

The public welfare of the segregated states is involved
in the transition along with administrative details. It would
be unwise not to permit the exercise of reasonable regula-
tions under the police power during the transitional period
in the interest of peace in the community and good order
and safety in the schools. The white people of the segregated
states have too long relied upon the doctrines expressed in
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. 8S. 537, 16 S. Ct. 1138, 41 L. Ed.
256 (1896) to be expected to accept complacently the new
order. Our survey amply bears this out.

Therefore, we most earnestly and sincerely urge the
Court to permit that degree of latitude necessary to the
segregated states and the county school boards therein
to bring about an effective gradual adjustment to inte-
gration so as to soften and ameliorate the transition
and preserve peace and order in the communities and the

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schools in the process and that these officials be accorded
the discretion to make the transition successfully and
effectively in good time and good order.

Even though it has been held the Negro child should not
be discriminated against in his public education nor unduly
postponed in his enjoyment of it, surely that right is not so
absolute, so compelling in its nature, that reasonable admin-
istrative procedures necessary for the public welfare can-
not be asserted during the transition period. If there ever
was a condition which needs elasticity in the application
of constitutional guaranties to meet it, certainly it is the
transition period from the segregated school system to the
non-segregated school system in the various schools of the
South.

By a concurrent application of prudent and sensible ad-
ministrative and judicial techniques the problem may even-
tually be solved. But the Court should always allow the
states involved and their officials, both state and local, the
opportunity to first work out the problem and accord to
their determinations a wide degree of discretion and lati-
tude in the integration. The Court has said in Minersville
School District v. Gobitis, 310 U. S. 586, 60 S, Ct. 1010, 84
L. Ed. 1375, (1940), it would not make itself the school board
of the country. That does not mean the Court, beginning
with the court of first instance, would not always reserve
the judicial authority to review and probe. It would ex-
ercise this authority where in proper cases duly brought
it was alleged the county school board had not made the
requisite effort in good faith to desegregate in line with
appropriate criteria or factors which we believe the Court
will outline in its implementation decision. Parenthetically
and most earnestly, we urge the Court to accept the factors
we have outlined, believing them to be essential to suc-
cessful implementation in the light of problems involved.

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-.,

Nha Bi tar aha ok ha

A EN Fl tach ENT tl EE

Part Two

Specific Suggestions
to the Court in

Formulating a Decree

57

Introductory Note

We do not suggest delay merely for the sake of delay
itself. We do suggest that sufficient time be permitted for
a gradual effective adjustment to desegregated schools to
take place in each community.

The period of time required will vary in each community
dependent upon its administrative problems and the attitude
of its people. The length of this period of transition in each
instance can only be determined by the local school authori-
ties subject to the review of the courts of first instance
when called upon to consider specific suits brought because
of a disagreement with the school authorities over admis-
sion policies.

We do not believe that any court should at any time
attempt to peremptorily compel school officials to integrate
schools in a community when it is apparent that such action
will create hostility and resentment to such a degree that
the schools cannot be operated in an orderly manner.

We believe that any attempt to establish an overall
specific plan for desegregation by the United States Su-
preme Court as a result of recommendations of a special
master would be totally unrealistic and would in effect place
this Court in the position of attempting to function as the
county schoo] board of the counties affected.

We believe that the courts of first instance should also
avoid any attempt to exercise administrative powers nor-
mally delegated to school officials. They should not be

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Pee SASL TAA aa et nn! On ey

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spit aba Aan SachaARiabednct

required to spell out in specific detail the means by which
they would require a school district to comply with the
new requirements of the law. Rather, let them leave to
responsible local school authorities the task of drafting
plans for transition, and then apply to each such plan pre-
sented in the course of litigation the test of good faith.

Widespread white hostility to immediate, enforced inte-
gration of the public schools is a fact of life in Florida, and
is just as real a factor in considering the future of public
education as schoo] finance, school construction or any other.

We ask only this; that school officials not be deprived of
the right to recognize local factors related to the welfare of
public schools and to exercise the same discretion in dealing
with the feelings of the people regarding segregation that
they would exercise in dealing with any other local condition
or problem that directly affected the proper operation of the
public schools.

We urge, therefore, that the Supreme Court remand
these cases to the courts of first instance—in all but one
of these cases federal district courts—and that it vest in
the courts of first instance broad discretionary powers to
determine as findings of fact (1) what should be a reason-
able time for transition in any given case, and (2) whether
or not specific plans for compliance with the Court’s general
directive prepared by responsible local school officials
measure up to the broad test of good faith.

We offer the following specific suggestions for the con-
sideration of the Court in the formulation of its decree:

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y= ee eee

Specific Suggestions

I. It is suggested that the United States Supreme Court
in its implementation decision or decree adopt the pro-
cedure contemplated in questions 4 (b) and 5 (d) as stated
in the footnote in the Brown decision:

‘4 (b) may this Court, in the exercise of its equity
powers, permit an effective gradual adjustment to be
brought about from existing segregated systems to a
system not based on color distinctions?’’

**5 (d) should this Court remand to the courts of
first instance with directions to frame decrees in these
cases, and if so, what general directions should the
decrees of this Court include and what procedures
should the courts of first instance follow in arriving
at the specific terms of more detailed decrees?’’

II. It is suggested that the United States Supreme Court
in its implementation decision in the Brown case direct that
the courts of first instance consider all suits brought to gain
admittance to a specific school and claiming discrimina-
tion because of color, in accord with the following general
directions:

A. The petitioner must affirmatively show;

(1) That admission to the school in question was re-
quested by the petitioner within a reasonable time
before the beginning of the school term.

(2) That the petitioner resides within the limits set
by normal geographic school districting of the school
he seeks to enter.

61

(3) That admission to said school was denied by
the local school authorities and that all other admin-
istrative remedies such as appeal to the State Board
of Education (where provided by law) have been
exhausted.

B. It is suggested that the court of first instance con-
duct hearings, take testimony, determine the merits
of the petition and the answer thereto and the equitable
reasons which may exist which would justify the school
authorities in refusing to approve the petitioner’s ap-
plication for admission to the school in question. In
conducting such proceedings, the court should consider:

(1) Evidence as to whether the state school authori-
ties and legislature have had a reasonable amount
of time to reorganize the legal provisions of the
state schoo] structure to comply with the Brown
decision.

(2) Evidence of good faith on the part of the school
authorities in seeking to comply with the Brown de-
cision and integrate the public schools. Such evi-
dence should include:

(a) Efforts previously made and in progress to
overcome practical, administrative problems en-
countered in integrating schools as proclaimed by
this Court.

(b) Efforts previously made and in progress to
promote citizens’ educational committees and in-
terracial committees for the purpose of improving
racial relations in the community and avoiding
racial antagonisms in the schools.

(3) Evidence and recommendations submitted by in-
terracial citizens’ committees which may be organ-
ized pursuant to law for the purpose of assisting the
local school authorities, or evidence and recommen-
dations submitted by impartial survey and fact-
finding teams which may be created by the State
Board of Education pursuant to its administrative
powers.

(4) Evidence of existing administrative problems

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,

of integration which have not as yet been solved and
which would jeopardize the efficient operation of the
school system if the petitioner’s application for ad-
mission was granted immediately.

(5) Evidence of such a strong degree of sincere op-
position and sustained hostility on the part of the
public to the granting of the petitioner’s applica-
tion, as to give the school authorities reasonable
grounds to believe that immediate approval of the
petitioner’s application would cause a disruption of
the school system or create emotional responses
among the children which would seriously interfere
with their education. Such evidence should be care-
fully analyzed by the court to determine its validity
and all evidence of this nature which might appear
to be simulated or fabricated for the purpose of con-
tinuing segregated schools in the community should
be rejected.

(6) Evidence that the petitioner’s application was
made in good faith and not for capricious reasons.
Such evidence should demonstrate:

(a) That the petitioner personally feels that he
would be handicapped in his education, either be-
eause of lack of school plant facilities or psycho-
logical or sociological reasons if his application for
admission is denied.

(b) That the petitioner is not motivated in his ap-
plication solely by a desire for the advancement
of a racial group on economic, social or political
grounds, as distinguished from his personal legal
right to equality in public school education as
guaranteed by the 14th Amendment. This distine-
tion should be carefully drawn. This Court has
ruled that segregated schools are forbidden by the
14th Amendment because they may deprive the
Negro of an equal opportunity in acquiring an edu-
cation. During the process of desegregating schools
it should always be kept in mind that the sole legal
purpose of public schools is to educate. The
public school system has never been permitted
under Florida law to extend its activities into the

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field of public welfare or related purposes. It is
not the purpose or within the legal authority of
the Florida public school system to provide a di-
rect means of improving the social, political or
economic status of any group or individual except
as such improvement may in time result from edu-
cation itself. Public schools are not intended to
provide experiments in race relations or to use
children as sociological guinea pigs in the solution
of problems in many walks of life which adults
have not been able to solve by other means.

III. It is suggested that based upon the testimony and
evidence submitted, the court of first instance may either:

(A) Order that the petitioner’s application for admis-
sion to the school in question be granted forthwith, if
it appears that the petition was made in good faith
and that there exist no reasonable grounds for delay
on the part of the school board in approving the peti-
tioner’s application for admission.

(B) Dismiss the petition if it appears that it was not
made in good faith and well founded in law according
to the interpretation of the 14th Amendment by this
court in the Brown.case. ~

(C) Order the school authorities to hold the petition-
er’s application in abeyance for a reasonable period of
time to allow for further adjustment to a single school
system if necessary, with directions to the school au-
thorities to proceed to overcome as soon as possible
the practical or psychological and sociological factors
which prevent an immediate approval of the peti-
tioner’s application.

If the latter alternative is found to be necessary by
the court it should include in its order the following:

(1) Fix a time for rehearing of the petitioner’s appli-
cation by the court within a stated reasonable time
at which hearing additional testimony and evidence
will be received and the circumstances justifying
delay in approving the petitioner’s application for

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admission will be re-evaluated by the court in the
light of altered conditions and a supplemental order
entered in the case in accord with the findings of the
court.

(2) Direct the scho ' authorities to formulate and
submit to the court within a reasonable time a plan
designed to overcome the practical and psychological
obstacles which tend to prevent an immediate inte-
gration of the schools under their jurisdiction. The
effectiveness of the plan submitted and the efforts
which the school authorities have made in good faith
to carry it out should be considered by the court on
subsequent rehearing of the case in determining
whether additional delay is justified in granting the
petitioner’s application for admission.

65

Part Three

Legal Authority of the Court to Per-
mit a Period of Gradual Adjustment
and Broad Powers of Administrative
Discretion on the Part of Local School

Authorities.

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A. Judicial Cases
Permitting Time

Many decisions of the United States Supreme Court and
the State Supreme Courts have recognized the necessity for
granting a reasonable time in which to comply with the
decree of the Court to avoid hardship or injury to public
or private interests.

The present decision requires more consideration of the
problem of time and adjustment than in the earlier cases
since it is apparent that it involves a vast problem of human
engineering, as contrasted to previous delays for adjust-
ment granted in anti-trust cases, nuisance cases, and similar
cases where economic problems of great magnitude con-
fronted the courts.

I. United States v. American Tobacco Co., 221 U. S. 106,
31 S. Ct. 632, 55 L. Ed. 663 (1911). Recognizing the need
for adjustment to its remedies in dealing with the unlawful
combinations under the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, the Court,
in order to avoid and mitigate possible injury to the interest
of the general public, decreed the commercial combination
to be illegal; and directed the Court below to hear the
parties, ascertain, and determine a plan or method of dis-
solution, and to recreate a condition in harmony in law.
To accomplish this, the Court granted a reasonable period
(8 months) to effectuate its decree, while prohibiting any en-
largement of the corporation’s monopoly during this period.

Briefly stated, six months, with a possible extension of

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sixty days, was granted in which to work out a plan for
dissolving a combination found to control the tobacco in-
dustry in violation of the Anti-Trust Act of July 2, 1890
(26 State at L. 209, Ch. 647, USC Title 15, s1), and creating
out of the elements composing it a condition which would
not be repugnant to the prohibitions of the Act.

II. In Standard Oil Co. v. U. S., 221 U.S. 1, 31 8. Ct.
502, 55 L, Ed. 619 (1910), the Court again recognized the
need for time in putting into effect its decision. In this
case Chief Justice White stated that the magnitude of the
interests involved and their complexity required that six
months be given in which to execute a decree for the dis-
solution of a holding company controlling the oil industry
% in violation of the Anti-Trust Act of July 2, 1890, and for
the transfer back to the stockholders of the subsidiary cor-
porations of the stock which had been turned over to the
holding company in exchange for its own stock.

In the area of nuisance litigation, the Supreme Court has
often recognized the need for a period of gradual transition
in order to effectuate decisions. In the Case of New Jersey
v. New York, 283 U.S. 473, 75 L. Ed. 1176, 51 8. Ct. 519,
(1931), the State of New Jersey sued New York City in
the United States Supreme Court for an injunction restrict-
ing the dumping of New York City’s garbage into the ocean
off the New Jersey coast. Injunction was granted in the
opinion by Butler, J., affirming a special master’s report.
A decree was entered, declaring that the plaintiff State of
New Jersey was entitled to an injunction as sought in the
complaint; but that before (italics supplied) an injunc-
tion was issued, a reasonable time would be accorded to the
defendant, within which to carry into effect its proposed
plan for the erection and operation of incinerators to
destroy the waste materials which were being dumped off
the New Jersey coast, or to provide other means to be
approved by the decree for the disposal of such materials.

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Reasonable time was a question of fact to be decided
upon by the same special master, after hearing and evalu-
ating all witnesses’ testimonies from each party or witnes-
ses which the master may select to be heard. The master was
then to report to the court his findings and a form of decree.
On a rehearing of the case on December 7, 1931, (284 U.S.
585,75 L. Ed. 506, 52 8, Ct. 120) a decree was entered by
the Supreme Court prohibiting any further dumping of
refuse, etc., into the ocean off the coast of New Jersey.
Said decree was to become effective on and after June 1,
1933, and progress reports were to be filed with the clerk
of the Supreme Court on April 1 and October 1 of each
year beginning April 1, 1932, setting forth the progress
made in the construction of incinerator plants, etc., for the
final disposition of garbage and refuse, and also the amount
of material dumped at sea during the periods covered by
such reports.

Provision was also made in the decree that upon the re-
ceipt of said reports, and on due notice to the other party,
either party to the suit could apply to the Court for such
action or relief with respect to the time allowed for the con-
struction, or method of operation of the proposed incinera-
tor plants, or other means of final disposition of garbage,
etc., as may be deemed appropriate. In other words, the
flexibility of the decree permitted frequent re-evaluation to
promote the greatest justice to all parties.

On May 29, 1933 (289 U. 8.712) Mr. Chief Justice Hughes
announced a new order, based on the failure of New York
City to comply with the decree of December 7, 1931. The
defendant asked that the time for taking effect of the in-
junction be extended from June 1, 1933 to April 1, 1934.
It was ordered that these applications be heard on Novem-
ber 6, 1933, that E. K. Cambell be appointed Special Master,
empowered to hear witnesses, issue subpoenas, take evi-
dence offered by interested parties, and also such as he
may deem necessary to show:

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(A) What shall have been done by defendant city,
up to September 15, 1933, and the time reasonably re-
quired to enable it to comply with the decree.

(B) The amounts spent by the plaintiff New Jersey
to prevent harm to its beaches, waters, etc., subsequent
to June 1, 1933, and the damages sustained by them as
a result of New York’s failure to comply with the de-
cree.

The Special Master’s findings were subject to considera-
tion, revision, or approval by the Court.

On December 9, 1935 (296 U.S. 259, 80 L. Ed. 214, 56
S. Ct. 188), Mr. Justice Butler announced a new decree
modifying in effect the decree of December 4, 1933. The
latter decree enjoined New York City from dumping refuse
off the New Jersey coast, stipulating a five thousand dollars
($5,000.00) a day penalty for failure to comply. On October
7, 1935, New York City sought a modification of the decree,
and asked for a petition to have New Jersey show cause
why a ruling could not be made to the effect that ten miles
(10) off shore dumping is satisfactory as to non-floating
material, or, in the alternative, why the Court should not
modify its decree so as to permit the defendant to dump
non-floating sewage as aforesaid.

Defendant’s motion for leave to file was granted.

I ee er Cn Ee eee ee

It should be noted that the original decree was handed
down in 1931 and continued modification took place for some
four (4) years in order to effectuate the original decree.
Recognition for additional time was given each time the
case reappeared before the Court.

Ill. The Supreme Court again recognized the need for a
calm period of gradual transition to effectuate its decree,
in the Gaseous Nuisance Cases in which it took some nine
(9) years to implement its decrees.

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—

The first case was that of Georgia v. Tennessee Copper
Co., 206 U.S. 230, 51 L. Ed. 1038, 27 8S. Ct. 618 (1907).
In this case the State of Georgia sought to enjoin the de-
fendant copper companies from discharging noxious gases
from their works in Tennessee over the plaintiff’s territory.
The State alleged that such discharges were destroying
entire forest, orchard, and crop lands, and that irreparable
injuries were being done and threatened in five counties of
Georgia. A preliminary injunction was denied, but, as there
were grounds to fear that great and irreparable damage
might be done, an early day was fixed for the final hearing,
and the parties were given leave, if so minded, to try the
cases on affidavits. Mr. Justice Holmes held that if the
State of Georgia adhered to its determination, there was
no alternative to issuing an injunction, after allowing a
reasonable time for the defendants to complete the strue-
tures then being built, and efforts the companies were mak-
ing to stop the flow of fumes and gases into Georgia. The
plaintiff Georgia was permitted to submit a form of decree
on the coming in of the Court in the following October.

Eight (8) years later, on May 10, 1915, the Supreme
Court again heard the same case, in the State of Georgia
v. Tennessee Copper Co. and Ducktown Sulphur, Copper,
€ Iron Co., Ltd., 237 U.S. 474, 59 L. Ed. 1054, 35 S. Ct. 631
(1915).

This case is a continuation of the earlier one, supra
(1907), in regard to the nuisance of gaseous fumes harming
the property within the State of Georgia. In the earlier case,
hope was entertained that some practical method of sub-
duing the noxious fumes could be devised and by consent,
the time for entering a final decree was enlarged. Both
companies installed purifying devices. The original de-
fendant, Tennessee Copper and Georgia, entered into a
stipulation whereby the former undertook annually to
supply a fund to compensate those injured by fumes from

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its works, to conduct its plant subject to inspection in speci-
fied ways, and between April 10 and October 1, not to
‘‘operate more green ore furnaces than it finds necessary to
permit of operating its sulphuric acid plant at its normal
full capacity.’’ The State of Georgia agreed to refrain
from asking for an injunction prior to October, 1916, if
the stipulation was fully observed. Ducktown Company and
the State were unable to agree, and in February, 1914,
the latter moved for a decree according a perpetual in-
junction. Consideration of the matter was postponed upon
representation that conditions had materially changed since
1907, and leave was granted to present additional testimony
“‘to relate solely to the changed conditions,’’ if any, which
may have arisen since the case was then decided. A decree
was granted restraining the Ducktown Company from con-
tinuing to operaie its plant other than upon the terms and
conditions set out by the Court (Decree set forth in 237 U.S.
678, 59 L. Ed. 1173, 35 S. Ct. 752 (1915) ).

A new decree was issued April 3, 1916 in 240 U.S. 650, 60
L. Ed. 846, 36 S. Ct. 465, (1916). This decree modified the
former decrees as to the escapement of fumes, as to records
to be kept in regard thereto, and also as to expense of in-
spection and division of costs.

The three(3) cases, dealing with the problem of escaping
nuisances, cover a span of nine (9) years (from 1907 to
1916). It illustrates how long a period is required to adjust
to incorporeal changes and strongly suggests that human
changes obviously require greater periods, since human
emotions are not as easily controlled as are gaseous mate-
rials from sulphur and copper plants. Recognition of the
need of calm planning in good faith to reconcile difficult
problems has often been illustrated by the Court in con-
texts of economic and social changes as a result of its
decisions.

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IV. In People of the State of New York v. State of New
Jersey and Passaic Valley Sewerage Commissioners, 256
U.S. 296, 65 L, Ed. 937, 41 8. Ct. 492 (1921), at page 313,
Mr. Justice Clarke, in refusing to grant injunction relief

against the operation of sewerage disposal by New Jersey
into New York Harbor, wisely stated:

‘‘We cannot withhold the suggestion, inspired by the
consideration of this case, that the grave problem of
sewage disposal presented by the large and growing
populations living on the shores of New York Bay is
one more likely to be wisely solved by cooperative study
and by conference and mutual concession on the part
of Representatives of the States so vitally interested
in it than by proceedings in any Court however con-
stituted.’’

This quotation strongly suggests the need for time to
work out these difficult intangible relations, in an atmos-
phere of cooperation and reason, rather than a tremendous
disruption of social and economic conditions.

V. In the case of Martin Bldg. Co. v. Imperial Laundry
Co., 220 Ala. 90, 124 So. 82, the Supreme Court of Alabama
recognized the need for time in the use of injunctive
relief. In a suit by the owner of an office building to en-
join a laundry from emitting smoke over the complain-
ant’s premises, the basis of the suit was the discomfort to
the building’s tenants, endangering of their health, and the
resulting loss of tenants. The question of the abatement of
the nuisance by improved technological laundry methods
had to be further considered before the Court would grant
or refuse injunctive relief, in view of suggested means of
reducing amount of smoke by use of stokers. This acted to
delay the force of the injunctive relief sought.

75

B. Administrative Discretion
Cases

The use of administrative discretion and its limits have
often been spelled out by the Court in the areas of adminis-
trative agencies. The Court has consistently emphasized
that supervision and discretion should lie with the adminis-
trative agencies in the conducting of their functons as
economic and political governing boards. Such emphasis is
closely related to the administrative discretion which should
exist in school boards, also.

I. In United States v. Paramount Pictures, 334 U. S. 131,
92 L. Ed. 1260, 68 8. Ct. 915, (1948), Mr. Justice Douglas
reviewed a decree in an injunction suit by the United States
under the Sherman Act to eliminate or qualify certain busi-
ness practices in the motion picture industry. A provision
in the decree that films be licensed on a competitive bidding
basis was eliminated by the Supreme Court as not likely to
bring about the desired end as involving too much judicial
supervision to make it effective. This elimination was held
to require reconsideration by the district court of its pro-
hibition of the expansion of theatre holdings by distributors
and provisions for divesting existing holdings. The pro-
priety of including in the decree a provision for voluntary
arbitration of questions arising thereunder was indicated,
and denial of applications for leave to intervene by persons
challenging the eliminated provision for competitive bid-
ding was upheld.

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Mr. Justice Douglas was strongly opposed to the judiciary
administrating industry, and favored voluntary arbitration:
At page 163 he stated:

‘*It would involve the judiciary in the administration
of intricate and detailed rules governing priority, per-
iod of clearance, length of run, competitive areas, rea-
sonable return and the like. The system would be apt
to require as close a supervision as a continuous re-
ceivership, unless the defendants were to be entrusted
with vast discretion. The judiciary is unsuited to af-
fairs of business management; and control through the
power of contempt is crude and clumsy and lacking in
the flexibility necessary to make continuous and de-
tailed supervision effective.’’

The implications of Mr. Justice Douglas’s opposition to
; judicial administration of intricate and detailed rules in the
economic field could readily apply to the social relationship
’ and problems created by the recent holding in the Brown
case.

II. Further evidence of the broad discretion that was
permitted by the Supreme Court in administrative agencies
is evidenced in the case cf Alabama Public Service Commis-
sion v. Southern Railway Company, 341 U.S. 341, 95 L. Ed.

1002, 71 S. Ct. 762, (1951). A railroad, prohibited by state
law from discontinuing trains without permission of the

state public service commission was denied such permission
on the ground that though the trains were being operated
at a loss there was a public need for the service. Alleging
3 that irreparable loss would result either from continued
operation of the trains or from incurring the penalty im-
posed by state law for discontinuance without the commis-
sion’s permission, the railroad sought and obtained an in-
junction in a federal district court against the enforcement
of the statute.

anibinechitagtis eran

ee es ERTS te

The U. 8. Supreme Court, through Chief Justice Vinson,
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reversed the district court, and held that the federal court’s
exercise of such jurisdiction should, on considerations of
comity, be withheld on the ground that the state law pro-
vided for review of the commission’s order in the state
courts and for its stay pending such review.

Some persuasive language in support of state administra-
tive discretion appears at pages 347-348:

‘‘The Alabama Commission, after a hearing held in the
area served, found a public need for the service. The
court below, hearing evidence de novo, found that no
public necessity exists in view of the increased use and
availability of motor transportation. We do not at-
tempt to resolve these inconsistent findings of fact.
We take note, however, of the fact that a federal court
has been asked to intervene in resolving the essentially
local problem of balancing the loss to the railroad from

continued operation of trains . .. with public need for
that service...directly affected....’’ (Italics sup-
plied).

More support to the finality of the discretion of the com-
mission is found on page 348:

‘* .,. and whatever the scope of review of commission
findings when an alleged denial of constitutional rights
is in issue, it is now settled that a utility has no right
to relitigate factual questions on the ground that con-
stitutional rights are involved. New York v. United
States, 331 U.S. 284, 334-336 (1947)....’’ (Italics sup-

plied)

More directly in point, at pages 349-350 is found the
following:

‘ ‘* |, . as adequate state court review of an administra-

tive order based upon predominantly local factors is
available to appellee intervention of a federal court is
not necessary for the protection of federal rights. Equi-
table relief may be granted, only when the District
Court, in its sound discretion exercised with the ‘seru-
pulous regard for the rightful independence of state

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_

governments which should at all times actuate the fed-
eral courts,’ is convinced that the asserted federal right
cannot be preserved except by granting the ‘extraordi-
nary relief of an injunction in the federal courts.’ Con-
sidering that ‘few public interests have a higher claim
upon the discretion of a federal chancellor than the
avoidance of needless friction with state policies,’ the
usual rule of comity must govern the exercise of equi-
table jurisdiction by the District Court in this ease... .”’
(Italics supplied)

And again at page 351, ‘‘It is in the public interest
that federal courts of equity should exercise their
discretionary power to grant or withhold relief so as to
avoid needless obstruction of the domestic policy of
the states....’’

Ill. Further evidence of the broad discretion permitted
by the Supreme Court to state administrative agencies is
found in the case of Burford v. Sun Oil Co., 319 U. S. 315,
87 L. Ed, 1424, 63 S. Ct. 1098 (1943). In this case the Sun Oil
Co. attacked the validity of an order of the Texas Railroad
Commission granting the petitioner Burford a permit to
drill oil wells on a small plot of land in the East Texas oil
fields. The U. S. District Court for the western district of
Texas dismissed the suit by the Company; the Circuit Court
of Appeals reversed the District Court. The Supreme Court
through Mr. Justice Black reversed the Circuit Court of
Appeals, and affirmed the District Court.

The Supreme Court held that a federal equity court may
properly decline to exercise its jurisdiction invoked because
of diversity of citizenship of the parties and alleged in-
fringement of constitutional rights; to determine the valid-
ity of a state commission order, made under the authority
of a conservation statute, granting a permit to drill oil wells
on certain property, adjacent to lands owned by the com-
plainant, where the state has provided a uniform method
for the formation of policy and determination of cases by

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the commission and the state courts; and where the judicial
review of the commission’s decisions in the state courts is
expeditious and adequate; and where intervention by the
lower federal courts is likely to cause delay and conflicting
interpretation of the state law, dangerous to the success of
state domestic policies.

The Court, at page 320, explicitly states:

‘‘The primary task of attempting adjustment of these
diverse interests is delegated to the Railroad Commis-
sion, which Texas has vested with ‘broad discretion’
in administering the law.’’

The Court points out that the Texas courts have the
power of thorough judicial review of the decisions of the
Railroad Commisson; and that the Texas courts are work-
ing partners with the Commission in the business of creating
a regulatory system for the oil industry. The Commission
is charged with principal responsibility for fact finding and
for policy making and the courts expressly disclaim the
administrative responsibility. On the other hand, orders
of the Commission are tested for ‘‘reasonableness’’ by trial
de novo before the state court, and the Court may on oc-
casion make a careful analysis of all the facts of the case
in reversing a Commission order. The state court may even
formulate new standards for the Commission’s adminis-
trative practice, and suggest that the Commission adopt
them.

The Supreme Court recognized that the existence of prob-
lems throughout the oil regulatory field creates a possibility
of serious delay which can injure the conservation program ;
and that it may be necessary to stay federal action pending
authoritative determination of difficult state questions.
It recognized that questions of state regulation of the oil
industry so clearly involve basic problems of Texas policy
that equitable discretion should be exercised to give the
Texas courts the first opportunity to consider them.

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veer

IV Concrete evidence of the Supreme Court’s adher-
ence to complete administrative discretion is found in the
case of Far Eastern Conference, United States Lines Co.,
States Marine Corporation, et al. v. United States and Fed-
eral Maritime Board, 342, U. S. 570, 96 L. Ed. 576,72 8. Ct.
492 (1952). The suit was brought by the government to en-
join the dual rate system established by an association of
steamship companies known as the Far East Conference.
The companies never submitted the rates to the Federal
Maritime Board for approval, as provided for in §15 of the
Shipping Act (46 USC §814). The defense, that the issues
involved were of such a technical nature calling for the
application of administrative exercise as to make it im-
proper to bypass the Board, was upheld by the Court
through Justice Frankfurter.

It was held that the administrative agencies should not
be bypassed by the Courts in cases raising issues of fact
not within the conventional experiences of judges or in
cases requiring the exercise of administrative discretion,
even though the facts, after they have been appraised by
specialized competence, serve as a premise for legal conse-
quences to be judicially defined. ”

V. ‘‘But the courtroom is not the arena for debating
issues of educational policy. It is not our province to choose
among competing considerations in the subtle process of
securing effective loyalty to the traditional ideals of de-
mocracy, while respecting at the same time individual
idiosyncrasies among a people so diversified in social
origins and religious alliances. So to hold would in effect
make us the school board for the country.’’ Minersville
School District v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586, 60 S. Ct. 1010, 84
L. Ed. 1375 (1940), at 310 U. 8. 598 (Italics supplied).

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al

Parenthetically, the Court, in this case recognizes its
limitations in the abstract sciences, with this language at
page 597:

‘The precise issue, then, for us to decide is whether
the legislatures of tie various states and the authori-
ties in a thousand cc inties and school districts of this
country are barred f::om determining the appropriate-
ness of various means to evoke that unifying sentiment
without which there can ultimately be no liberties, civil
or religious. To stigmatize legislative judgment in pro-
viding for this universal gesture of respect for the sym-
bol of our national life in the setting of the common
school as a lawless inroad on that freedom of conscience
which the Constitution protects, would amount to no
less than the pronouncement of pedagogical and psy-
chological dogma in a field where courts possess no
marked and certainly no controlling competence.”’

Constitutional guarantees of personal liberty are not
always absolutes. Government has the right to maintain
public safety and good order.

Keeping the control of public education close to the local
people is perhaps the strftagest tradition in American edu-
cation. One of the predominant characteristics of American
education is the variation in local policies and procedures
in terms of unique local conditions. This is in sharp con-
trast to the highly centralized national system of education
of other countries.

VI. ‘‘Civil liberties, as guaranteed by the Constitution,
imply the existence of an organized society maintaining
public order without which liberty itself would be lost in
the excesses of unrestrained abuses.’’ Cox v. New Hamp-
shire, 312 U. 8S. 569, 61 S. Ct. 762, 85 L. Ed. 1049
(1941) at 312 U.S. 574.

u- :
preme Court in Barbier v. Connolly, 113 U. 8. 27, 5 S. Ct.
357, 28 L, Ed. 923 (1885), said at page 31:

VII. Speaking of the 14th Amendment, the U. S. S

‘But neither the amendment—broad and compre-
hensive as it is—nor any other amendment, was de-
signed to interfere with the power of the State, some-
times termed its police power, to prescribe regulations
to promote the health, peace, morals, education and
good order of the people...’’ (Italics supplied)

VIIL. In Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co., 272 U. S. 365, 47 8.
Ct. 114, 71 L, Ed. 303 (1926), it said at page 387:

‘*Regulations, the wisdom, necessity, and validity of
which, as applied to existing conditions, are so apparent
that they are now uniformly sustained, a century ago,
or even a half century ago, probably would have been
rejected as arbitrary or oppressive ... while the mean-
ing of constitutional guaranties never varies, the scope
of their application must expand or contract to meet
new and different conditions which are constantly
coming within the field of their operation ... Laws and
regulations must find their justification in some aspect
of the police power, asserted for the public welfare.”’

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y)
7
4

C. Remarks

The aforesaid summary shows the wise recognition by the
Supreme Court in the past of the need for time in effecting
certain economic changes in our society in order to allow a
period of healthy adjustment in sensitive areas. The cases
also show a recognition of the need for adequate local dis-
cretion in the same areas. This line of reasoning should be
applied to the even more sensitive area of desegregation
which presents a vast problem of human engineering to re-
solve the social changes sought.

Samuel Gompers, one of Amcrica’s greatest labor leaders
recognized this fact some years ago when he stated:

‘‘One fact stands out in bold relief in history of
men’s attempts for betterment. That is that when com-
pulsion is used, only resentment is aroused, and in the
end nothing is gained. Only through moral suasion and
appeal to men’s reason can a movement succeed.’*

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Part Four

Considerations Involved
in Formulating Plans

For Desegregation

87

A. Changes
in the Law

Dr. Rupert B. Vance, Professor of Sociology, University

of North Carolina, past president of the American Socio-
logical Society, writing in the Journal of Public Law,
Emory University Law School, Vol. 3, Spring 1954, Number
1, page 42, says:

‘‘National prohibition offers an example of a change
in law which did not carry through to change in the
collective behavior and attitudes of society. In spite of
our respect for the Constitution, resistance increased
and law enforcement was insufficient to bring about
social change. This resistance assumed the form of
violations, as well as evasions, of the law. Under this
situation it can be said that the 18th Amendment was
repealed in order to preserve respect for the law. This
occurred in spite of the fact that the initial change
had the support of public opinion as represented in
the (1) affirmative vote of legislatures of the states,
and was implemented both by (2) federal legislation,
as in the Volstead Act, and (3) supporting legislation
in many states. For students of social change, the con-
trast with a decision of the Supreme Court is impres-
sive.

‘*Thus, while students of law realize that social change
ean be and has been implemented by legal enactment
and judicial decision, it is also realized that resistance
to social change is of many types. Here we can say
that jurisprudence, as a social science, has shared in
the responsibility of determining the extent to which
any desired social change is enforceable by law. Laws
may be violated, and they may be evaded. Evasion

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—

carries the implication of driving a course through
gaps in the law, if not actually breaking it. Important
to the courts, to public order, and to the profession is
the whole field of conflict of laws. Oftentimes, the
change ordered by legal enactment and judicial decision
is so limited in scope that no actual evasion is drawn
upon to block social change. Some times modes of ad-
justment may exist within the choice of individuals
and groups—alternatives sanctioned in legal codes. It
is in this borderline between public and private spheres
of life that the doctrine of social change is of most im-
portance to students of jurisprudence. It must be re-
membered that issues will be decided, not on the basis
of an assumed code of ethics, but on the basis of what
ts enforceable within the system of legality.’’ (Italics
supplied)

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B. Plans for Integration

The problem involves, among other things, the collective
conscience or mores of our white citizens regarding segre-
gation. That conscience simply stated, although of varying
degrees of intensity, is that our people are not ready for
desegregation. This was demonstrated conclusively by the
survey which was made in Florida. This conscience is in-
grained because it was nurtured and cherished throughout
many generations as a way of life. It is deep-seated and its
roots rest in fears of inter-marriage of the races, racial dif-
ferences, superstitions, history, traditions and customs.

This community conscience until the Brown case had
long years of legal sanction in the field of public education.
Elimination of this legal sanction by no means eradicates
* the underlying collective conscience of the people in this
field. This attribute of the problem simply cannot be suc-
cessfully solved overnight.

This the Court undoubtedly appreciated by not making
its desegregation decision immediately effective. Its ques-
tions and its delay of implementation indicate that it is
conscious of what may be termed the equities of transition.
The Court, we believe, is imbued with the need for gravity
and for prudent concern in dealing with this collective con-
science.

We think it realizes the need for social engineering, time,
patience and community understanding. It senses the need
for conditioning and education if implementation is ever
to be a real success,

Free men are not automatuns capable of being molded

91

vane

and transformed forthwith by a new and revolutionary
judicial concept which does not square with their collective
conscience.

The enormity of the problem of compliance gives great
pause. We do not deal with implementation of a decree
against a single individual or even a minority. A successful
response to the judgment requires reconciliation to it of a
great majority of our people. The Court on its part needs for
the enforcement of its decree the amelioration of time which
is said to be a great Healer. It needs the rallying of those
who will stand by the law of the land because it is such
whether they agree with it or not and the patience of wise
administration which eschews haste, precipitate action and
premature procedures.

The Court stands not in need of the whip and the scourge
of compulsion to drive our people to obedience, but rather
the rational solution of time in which the loyalty, patience
and understanding of the law-abiding will come forward
and lead the way to peaceful, reasonable and successful
compliance.

Not only to be consjdered is the need of reconciling this
collective conscience to desegregation but others of im-
portance to be considered include the safety of school chil-
dren, the peace of the community, the mutitudinous admin-
istrative problems affected, the impact upon teachers’ jobs,
particularly Negro teachers’, the transportation of school
children, the revisions of laws and regulations, the redis-
tricting of attendance areas, the reallocation of physical
school plant facilities and others involved in the transition
from a segregated school system to a non-segregated system.
All require time, wise administration and patience for their
solution.

Gradual effective adjustment to integration presupposes
that there will be a plan. But because there is a wide variety
of local conditions, no specific plan can be outlined which

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would be acceptable under all conditions and in all com-
munities.

We think integration must proceed in Florida on a county
by county basis because of the fundamental differences in
various areas of the state which we have attempted to
demonstrate in this brief.

A great many plans for integration have been developed
in Florida and other states and all of them have their ad-
herents. A plan of gradual integration starting with the
first grade and working on up through high school over
a 12 year period is believed by some advocates to be the
answer for their community but it is rejected in other places.

Another plan for beginning the integration process at
the college level and gradually working down to the first
grade can be supported by valid arguments, but it too is
rejected by many educational leaders as being unworkable
in some communities.

Other plans which have been advanced include a gradual
reorganization of school attendance areas; designated
schools whose students will be composed of volunteers from
both races during the transition period; a simultaneous in-
tegration of all school grades over a period of time based
on the scholastic level of the students as determined by ex-
aminations. These and many other plans are being consid-
ered by school authorities whose job it will be in the final
analysis to devise a plan which will be accepted and will
work in their particular school districts.

The one factor which all of these plans share in common
is the need for sufficient time to carry them out and the
one point on which agreement can be reached by school
authorities who are willing to undertake a program of in-
tegration is that the plan adopted for their specific area
must be unique in that it will take into consideration the
exact problems of that area and no other.

= 93
Bi...

If this planning and action is permitted by the Court,
we believe that local school authorities should take into
consideration two primary factors: first, the material
aspects of integration which include the use of present
school buildings, the construction of new buildings, trans-
portation, teachers’ jobs and assignments, school popula-
tions within attendance areas and the administration im-
practicabilities and inequities that would arise in these
dislocations in any effort to effect a too hasty non-segrega-
tion; second, the intangible considerations including com-
munity thinking, customs, mores, overt acts that might
result from the impact of premature integration, the schol-
astic standards of the schools and the feelings of children.

We realize that objection has been made to gradualism
in seeking methods of integrating white and Negro schools,
that delay might tend to create feelings of hostility and
encourage organized opposition. The advocates of this
theory apparently feel that the shock treatment is to be
preferred and that if a difficult job has to be done, the
quicker it is done, the better.

In this belief we are positive they are mistaken. Strong
opposition already exists in the South to desegregation.
It will be intensified in direct proportion to the amount
of hasty precipitation and coercion that is applied.

Already there is springing up in our state opposition
organizations, some of which through their literature en-
courage violence. Burning of crosses and circulation of
hate literature are becoming more and more prevalent.
But minimizing these manifestations of defiance are thou-
sands of law-abiding citizens of both races, many influential
newspapers and loyal organizations who are trying to meet
the situation calmly and patiently. But their attitudes have
always been buttressed on the assumption of gradualism
and local autonomy. If that assumption is cut from under
them by a decree of immediate desegregation or even a
decree of a period of short delay which does not permit a

94

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large degree of local determination, we frankly doubt
whether we can save our public school system. This ob-
jection to gradualism may be valid in Northern states where
segregation has been practiced but where the people as a
whole do not share the intense feelings on racial differences
which have become an ingrained part of the culture of the
South.

There is no reason to think that sufficient delay in integra-
tion of the schools of Florida to allow for a period of gradual
adjustment would create new problems or intensify those
already existing.

The problems are already here and must be recognized
realistically by anyone conscientiously seeking a solution.
There is every logical reason to believe that any attempt
to use the shock treatment of immediate compulsory inte-
gration of schools in Florida would only result in translat-
ing the present passive intellectual differences in thought
and emotional feelings to an active, positive and violent
physical resistance.

When all is said and done, it may be that about the best
advice on the subject was contained in a speech by Gover-
nor David S. Walker of Florida in 1867 to a meeting of
Freedmen in Tallahassee’.

Governor Walker said:

‘‘The great question now to be solved, is whether two
different races can live in peace together under the
same government with equal political rights. In my
reading of history, I do not remember any instance in
which this has ever been done. But God has placed the
work upon us and with His blessing we must try our
best to accomplish it. In the first place, therefore, I
say let each one of us of all colors resolve to cultivate
kindly relations with one another and never allow our-

1. Semi-weekly Floridan, Tallahassee, Florida, April 23, 1867,
page 2.

— 95

—

selves to be arrayed in hostility to each other—let us
always speak kindly to and of one another. I have never
known a man in my life who had the true principles of
a Christian gentleman in him, who would wantonly
wound the feelings of any human being, however

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Part Five

CONCLUSION

There are two ways in which the Brown decision may be
viewed by history. First, it may be considered as a seismic
shock which struck without warning and engulfed a large
part of the nation in a tidal wave of hate and inflamed
emotions and carried away a public school system which
took half a century and billions of dollars to build, or

Second, it may be looked upon as a high goal which this
Court has fixed for men of good will to strive to attain and
which they may attain in due course if rational considera-
tion is given to human frailty and faith is maintained in
the slow but sure upward movement of democracy.

Many think that our democracy is now face to face with
the toughest job in practical government it has ever had
to tackle without going to war. Some way must be found
to protect the constitutional rights of a minority without
ignoring the will of the majority. We think the only an-
swer is time and the patient efforts of those who value de-
mocracy more than their personal longings and private
prejudices. We hope that this court will accept this answer.

Ricuarp W. Ervin
Attorney General of
the State of Florida

Ratpu E. Opum

Assistant Attorney General,
State of Florida

97

(Appendix A)

Results of a Survey of Florida Leader-
ship Opinion on the Effects of the
U.S. Supreme Court Decision of May
17, 1954 Relating to Segregation in
Florida Schools

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Introduction

As a result of the decision of the United States Supreme
Court of May 17, 1954, declaring unconstitutional racial
segregation in public education, Florida and other southern
states are confronted with problems of tremendous gravity
and complexity.

While it enunciated a new principle of law, the Court
did not prescribe the manner in which this principle
should be translated into action in the states and com-
munities affected. Instead, it restored the cases to the
docket for further argument as to the method of adjust-
ment which should be called for in subsequent decrees,
inviting the Attorneys General of states requiring or
permitting segregation in public education to appear as
amici curiae.

In anticipation of the preparation of a brief for sub-
mission in response to this invitation, the Attorney General
of the State of Florida requested the assistance of social
scientists and other educators in compiling facts concerning
the problems which the State of Florida would encounter
in complying with the decision of the Court.

This is their report.

RICHARD W. ERVIN

Attorney General

101
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aa

ATTORNEY GENERAL’S
RESEARCH ADVISORY COMMITTEE
FOR THE STUDY OF PROBLEMS OF

DESEGREGATION IN FLORIDA SCHOOLS

The committee was chosen by the Attorney General to
assist him in conducting a survey to determine leadership
opinion among Florida citizens regarding problems created
by the U. S. Supreme Court’s decision of May 17, 1954,
abolishing segregation in the public schools.

The individuals asked to serve on this committee were
chosen on the basis of their professional standing in the
field of education; their specialized knowledge and train-
ing which would be of value in conducting such a survey;
and their reputation for civic-mindedness and impartiality.
The committee selected Dr. Lewis Killian, Associate Pro-
fessor of Sociology at Florida State University, to act as
director of research and coordinator for the project. While
certain parts of this report were written by Dr. Killian
and others, the entire report and all its findings have been
reviewed and approved by the entire membership of the
committee.

Mr. Richard W. Ervin Dr. Sarah Lou Hammond
Attorney General School of Education
(Ex Officio) Florida State University

Mr. Thomas D. Bailey Mr. Robert D. Gates
State Superintendent of Department of Education
Public Instruction

(Ex Officio) |

102

SE RENAL ANE SOE TSS UN NEAT 8

Ss SPENT ee See Te,

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Mr. Ralph E. Odum
Assistant Attorney General

Dr. Ralph Eyman, Dean
School of Education
Florida State University

Dr. Gilbert Porter

Executive Secretary

Florida State Teachers
Association

Dr. J. B. White, Dean
School of Education
University of Florida

Dr. Manning J. Dauer

Department of Political
Science

University of Florida

Dr. Don Larson

Department of Political
Science

University of Miami

Dr. George Gore, President
Florida Agricultural and
Mechanical University

Mr. Angus Laird, Director
State Merit System

Dr. Robert E. Lee
Department of Education

Mr. Ed Henderson

Executwe Secretary

Florida Education
Association

Dr. Richard Moore,
President
Bethune-Cookman College

Dr. R. L. Johns
School of Education
University of Florida

Dr. Mode Stone
School of Education
Florida State University

Mr. D. E. Williams
Department of Education

Dr. T. J. Wood

Department of Political
Science

Unwersity of Miami

Dr. Lewis M. Killian

Department of Sociology
Florida State University
(Coordinator of Research)

103

Fie 0 .

The Report
and the
Conclusions*

Just as the effects of segregation, held by the Court to
be discriminatory, are essentially psychological, the prob-
lems of desegregation are also social and psychological
as much as they are legal.

An eminent student of race relations in the South, Guy
B. Johnson, has said, ‘‘ Anyone who thinks that the transi-
tion from segregation to racial co-education can be made
without problems, tensions, and even personal tragedies is
a fool. Anyone who thinks that the transition means the end
of cwilization is also a fool,’”

The purpose of this study was to deliueate as far as is
possible the problems, the tensions and, perhaps, the trage-
dies, which might be expected to arise in the course of this
transition in Florida communities. This was a fact finding,
research study. There was no intent to predict whether
this transition will take place nor to make value-judgments
as to whether it should or should not occur.

Prediction of the problems which might arise if desegre-
gation of public schools were undertaken in the near future
are hased upon four types of data. These are:

* Prepared by Dr. Lewis Killian, Department of Sociology, Florida
State University.

1. ‘‘The Impending Crisis of the South,’’ New South, VIII,
No. 5 (May, 1953), (Atlanta: Southern Regional Council), 5.

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| Sa Diets

1. The expressed attitudes of various groups of leaders,
both white and Negro, toward the Court’s decision and
toward the possible implementation of it in Florida.

2. An historical analysis of the way in which Negroes have
availed themselves of a privilege from which state restric-
tions were removed by a similar federal court decision,
the privilege of voting in primary elections.

3. An analysis of relevant information pertaining to school
administration, instructional services, and the quality of
education as they might be affected by desegregation.

4. The experience of other states and communities in which
programs of desegregation have been undertaken.

In the study of human behavior it is impossible to ask
all of the questions which are relevant to that behavior.
The selection of questions always implies certain assump-
tions concerning the situation being studied, and these
assumptions should be made explicit.

The basic assumptions of this study are:

1, That the Court will desire a minimum of intergroup
conflict and public disorder in any program of desegre-
gation which might be undertaken. On this assumption,
information indicative of the likelihood of conflict and
widespread disorder in various situations becomes highly
important.

2. That expressed attitudes are to some extent and in cer-
tain types of situations indicative of later behavior. This
is particularly important when it is the attitudes of occu-
pants of key positions in the power structure of a group
which are concerned.

s

3. That the attitudes of people in leadership, power, and
prestige roles are of more importance as determinants of

106

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‘ Lie BNO at “ a
a te =
PL AAG LIRR is eicaset tac s
- A RR Be A i nasi SE

social change than are the attitudes of larger numbers of
people not occupying such roles.

4. That the behavior of people in one situation is to some
extent indicative of the behavior of the same or different
people in similar but not identical situations.

The conclusions of this study are based on the findings
of several separate, but related, constituent studies which,
together, constitute the general research project. Each study
is presented in detail in a separate subsection of the report.
The general conclusions, drawn from all of these studies,
are found in the chapter preceding the detailed reports
of the separate studies.

The sub-studies, in order of presentation, are:
1. An attitude-opinion poll, based on mailed questionnaires,
of 9 white and 2 Negro groups of leaders throughout the
state. (Page 113)

2. An attitude-opinion poll, based on personal inter-
views, of white leaders in 10 selected counties and Negro
leaders in 8 of these counties. (Page 133)

3. An historical analysis of trends in Negro voter regis-
tration in Florida, 1940-1954. (Page 177)

4. An analysis of relevant information pertaining to school
administration and instructional services as they might be
affected by desegregation. (Page 185)

5. An intensive study, utilizing various methods, of lead-
ership attitudes and opinions in a metropolitan area and
a rural area in southeastern Florida. (Page 201)

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

1. On the basis of data from all relevant sources included
in this study, it is evident that in Florida white leadership
opinion with reference to the Supreme Court’s decision is
far from being homogeneous. Approximately three-fourths

107

ee ae

GMB akan

LT a,

ot the white leaders polled disagree, in principle, with the
decision. here are approximately 3U per cent who violently
disagree with the decision to the extent that they would re-
fuse to cooperate with any move to end segregation or would
actively oppose it. While the majority of white persons
answering opposed the decision, it is also true that a large
majority indicated they were willing to do what the courts
and school officials decided.

2. A large majority of the Negro leaders acclaim the de-
cision as being right.

3. Only a small minority of leaders of both races advocate
immediate, complete desegregation. White leaders, if they
accept the idea that segregation should be ended eventu-
ally, tend to advocate a very gradual, indefinite transition
period, with a preparatory period of education. Negroes
tend to advocate a gradual transition, but one beginning
soon and lasting over a much shorter period of time.

4. There are definite variations between regions, coun-
ties, communities and sections of communities as to whether
desegregation can be accomplished, even gradually, with-
out conflict and public disorder. The analysis of trends in
Negro registration and voting in primary elections, shows
similar variations in the extent to which Negroes have
availed themselves of the right to register and vote. At
least some of these variations in voting behavior must be
accounted for by white resistance to Negro political par-
ticipation. This indicates that there are regional varia-
tions not only in racial attitudes but in overt action.

Regional, county and community variations in responses
to questionnaires and interviews are sufficiently marked to
suggest that in some communities desegregation could be
undertaken now if local leaders so decided, but that in others
widespread social disorder would result from immediate

108

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—_ cia

steps to end segregation. There would be problems, of
course, in any area of the state, but these would be vastly
greater in some areas than in others.

5. While a minority of both white and Negro leaders ex-
pect serious violence to occur if desegregation is attempted,
there is a widespread lack of confidence in the ability of
peace officers to maintain law and order if serious violence
does start. This is especially true of the peace officers them-
selves, except in Dade County. This has important impli-
cations. While it is true that expressed attitudes are not
necessarily predictive of actual behavior, there seems little
doubt that there is a minority of whites who would actively
and violently resist desegregation, especially immediate
desegregation. It has been concluded from the analysis of
experiences with desegregation in other areas, ‘‘A small
minority may precipitate overt resistance or violent oppo-
sition to desegregation in spite of general acceptance or
accommodation by the majority.’”

6. Opposition of peace officers to desegregation, lack of
confidence in their ability to maintain law and order in
the face of violent resistance, and the existence of a posi-
tive relationship between these two opinions indicates that
less than firm, positive action to prevent public disorder
might be expected from many of the police, especially in
some communities. Elected officials, county and school, also
show a high degree of opposition. Yet it has been pointed
out, again on the basis of experience in other states, that
the accomplishment of efficient desegregation with a mini-
mum of social] disturbance depends upon.

A. A clear and unequivocal statement of policy by leaders
with prestige and other authorities;

2. Kenneth B. Clark, ‘‘Findings,’’ Journal of Social Issues, IX,
No. 4 (1953), 50.

109

a

teed |

B. Firm enforcement of the changed policy by authorities
and persistence in the execution of this policy in the
face of initial resistance ;

C. A willingness to deal with violations, attempted viola-
tions, and incitement to violations by a resort to the
law and strong enforcement action;

Pel edd Dash

D. A refusal of the authorities te resort to, engage in or
tolerate subterfuges, gerrymandering or other devices
for evading the principles and the fact of desegregation ;

E. An appeal to the individuals concerned in terms of their
religious principles of brotherhood and their acceptance
of the American traditions of fair play and equal justice.

It may be concluded that the absence of a firm, eathusi-
astic public policy of making desegregation effective would
create the type of situation in which attitudes would be
most likely to be translated into action.*

7. In view of white feelings that immediate desegregation
would not work and that to require it would constitute a
negation of local autonomy, it may be postulated that the
chances of developing firm official and, perhaps, public sup-
port for any program of desegregation would be increased
by a decree which would create the feeling that the Court
recognizes local problems and wil! allow a gradual tran-
sition with some degree of loca] determination.

8. There is a strong likelihood that many white children
would be withdrawn from public schools by their parents
and sent to private schools. It seems logical, however, that
this practice would be confined primarily to families in the
higher income brackets. As a result, a form of socio-eco-
nomic class segregation might be substituted for racial
segregation in education.

4. Experience shows that when the steps listed above have been
taken, predictions of serious social disturbance have not been
borne out.

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TABLE 8

PER CENT OF GROUPS POLLED WHO BELIEVE MOST OF
OTHER SPECIFIED GROUPS DISAGREE WITH THE DECISION

Specified Group
Group and Most People Whitesin Negroes in
Number® in Florida Community Community

Principals and Sup. (W) 65.6" 73.0 25.1
(N-756)

P.T.A. (W) 61.6 87.5 42.5
(N-375)

Editors 59.3 69.5 _
(N-118)

Radio Station Man. 43.6 72.3 =
(N-54)

Ceunty Officials 74.8? 80.8 47.8
(N-224)

School Officials 75.7 85.5 52.5
(N-303)

Legislators 69.1 78.6 39.1
(N-79)

Ministers 48.6° 48.6 ied
(N-101)

Negro Principals 7.8 26.7 8.9
(N-180)

P.T.A. (Negro) 16.3 37.2 15.1
(N-86)

1. N-770.

2. N-230.

8. N-309.

*For ministers, this question asked how most of the members of

their congregation felt.

**This group not asked how Negroes as a separate group felt.

143

TABLE §

PER CENT OF EACH GROUP DESIGNATING VARIOUS
METHODS OF ENDING SEGREGATION AS

MOST "EFFECTIVE
METHOD
No

Group and Immedi- Very Other Infor-

Number ate Gradual Gradual* mation Total
_ Peace Officers 5 9.2 90.3? 100.0
_ (N-1669)
Pripeipals and
; Sup. (W) 3.1 71.7 19.5 5.4 99.7

(N-771)

[PTA(W) 43 651 137 41170 ~~» 1002

(N-375)

' Editors 5.1 60.2 19.5 15.3 100.1

4
2

(N-118)
Radio Station
Man. 14.8 46.3 25.9 12.9 99.9
_ (N-54)
_ County Officials 5.2 49.1 16.0 29.6 99.9
' (N-230)
School Officials 4.9 62.8 9.7 22.6 100.0
(N-309)
Legislators 11.4 49.4 17.7 21.5 100.0
(N-79)
Ministers 5.9 47.5 33.7 12.9 100.0
(N-101)
Negro Principals 9.8 31.6 55.7 2.9 100.0
(N-174)
P.T.A. (Negro) 13.9 26.7 46.5 12.8 99.9
(N-86)

&

i

***Other gradual’’ includes ‘‘Keeping existing school boundaries
for the time being, but immediately letting children who want to
do so go to the closest school regardless of race,’’? and ‘‘A one or
two year period of preparation before any schools are integrated.’’
1. These peace officers gave no information or answered **Segre-
gation should be kept.’’

144

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TABLE 12

CONFIDENCE OF PEACE OFFICERS IN ABILITY TO COPE
WITH SERIOUS VIOLENCE, BY ATTITUDE
TOWARDS DESEGREGATION*

Belief that Police Could Maintain Order
Attitude If Serious Violence Started

They Could They Couldn’t Total

Segregation should

be kept 193 836 1029
Segregation should be

ended, gradually

or immediately 54 bt 118

r= +.45

* Peace officers who answered ‘‘Don’t Know’’ have been omitted
from this table.

TABLE 13

CONFIDEMCE OF PEACE OFFICERS THAT POLICE WOULD
ENFORCE SCHOOL ATTENDANCE LAWS FOR MIXED
SCHOOLS, BY ATTITUDE TOWARDS DESEGREGATION*

Judgment of Willingness of Police to
Attitude Enforee Attendance Laws

They Would They Wouldn’t Total

Segregation should

be kept 151 796 947
Segregation should be

ended, gradually

or immediately 67 36 103

ean e

* Peace officers who answered ‘‘Don’t Know’’ have been omitted
from this table.

147

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TABLE 14

5 PER CENT OF PEACE OFFICERS EXPRESSING VARIOUS
4 ATTITUDES, BY REGION
; Attitude Expressed
‘ Region Keep Desegregate Desegregate No
} Segregation Gradually Immediately Inf. Total
; I 83.5 15.0 1.5 100.0
| (N-133)
; II 93.1 4.6 8 1.5 100.0
» (N-130)
Il 86.7 12.0 1.2 99.9

(N-83)
; Iv 92.9 6.3 7 99.9
_— (N-269)
a Vv 94.8 3.3 z 1.1 99.9
) (N-269)
' VI 90.1 9.2 6 99.9
— (N-335)
_ vu 100.0 100.0
' (N-27)
_ VII 83.4 > 14.2 9 14 99.9
' (N-423)
4
3

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TABLE 15

PER CENT OF WHITE PRINCIPALS AND SUPERVISORS
AGREEING OR DISAGREEING WITH THE
DECISION, BY REGION

No

Region Agree Disagree Neutral Inf. Total
I (N-71) 53.5 42.2 1.4 28 99.9
II (N-151) 38.4 54.3 6.6 7 100.0
III (N-38) 60.5 36.8 2.6 99.9
IV (N-135) 47.4 46.7 3.7 2.2 100.0
V (N-99) 47.5 40.4 8.1 4.0 100.0
VI (N-117) 65.0 30.8 3.4 8 100.0
VII (N-30) 33.3 60.0 6.7 100.0
VIII (N-121) 71.9 20.7 5.0 2.5 100.1

TABLE 16

PER CENT OF WHITE PRINCIPALS AND SUPERVISORS
WILLING OR UNWILLING TO COMPLY, BY REGION

Would Would Not No

Region Comply Comply Inf. Total
I (N-71) 81.7 15.5 2.8 100.0
Il (N-151) 78.1 21.2 a 100.0
Ill (N-38) 78.9 21.1 ae 100.0
IV (N-135) 80.0 17.8 2.2 100.0
V (N-99) 84.8 11.1 4.0 99.9
VI (N-117) 94.0 5.1 8 99.9
VII (N-30) 76.7 23.3 sae 100.0
VIII (N-12:) 93.4 4.1 2.5 100.0

149

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PER CENT OF PEACE OFFICERS PREDICTING MOB
VIOLENCE, BY REGION

TABLE 17

—y

Per Cent Predicting

Region Mob Violence
I (N-133) 33.8
II (N-130) 36.1
TI (N-83) 26.5
IV (N-269) 39.9
V (N-269) 31.2
VI (N-335) 27.5
VII (N-27) 63.0
VIII (N-423) 20.6

NUMBER AND PER CENT OF PEACE OFFICERS AND WHITE
PRINCIPALS AND SUPERVISORS PREDICTING

TABLE 18

SERIOUS VIOLENCE, BY REGION

GROUP
Region Principals and
Peace Officers Supervisors
No. Per Cent No. Per Cent
I 75 56.4 20 28.2
U 81 62.3 55 36.4
I 39 47.0 10 26.3
IV 144 53.5 28 20.7
V 129 48.0 20 20.2
VI 159 47.5 16 13.7
VII 16 59.3 13 43.3
Vill 135 31.9 12 9.9
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_—

TABLE 19
NUMBER AND PER CENT OF PEACE OFFICERS AND WHITE

PRINCIPALS AND SUPERVISORS DOUBTING THAT

PEACE OFFICERS COULD COPE WITH SERIOUS
VIOLENCE, BY REGION’

Principals and

Region Peace Officers Supervisors
Number’ Per Cent Number Per Cent
I 105 78.9 53 74.6
II 109 83.8 111 73.5
Ti 74 89.2 27 71.1
IV 223 82.9 110 81.5
V 230 85.5 73 73.7
VI 265 79.1 76 65.0
VII 24 88.9 22 73.3
Vi 314 74.2 80 66.1

* Based on total of respondents who answered ‘‘No’’ or ‘‘Don’t
Know’’ to question, ‘‘Do you think the peace officers in your
community would be able to maintain law and order if serious

violence is started ?’’

151

Atay SS a

TABLE 20

NUMBER AND PER CENT OF LEGISLATORS FAVORING EACH
OF FIVE POSSIBLE COURSES OF LEGISLATIVE ACTION

Course of Action Number Per Cent

Legislation to preserve segregation in-

definitely by whatever means possible 32 40.5
Legislation to preserve segregation for

a few more years, contemplating even-

tual integration but permitting time

for development of public acceptance 8 10.1
Legislation permitting voluntary com-

pliance with Court’s decision by local

school officials, after consultation with

patrons 4 5.1
Setting up legal machinery to permit

gradual adjustment on a local option

basis with provision for interracial

committees, group discussions by

school patrons and other means to

bring about harmonious and peaceful

compliance over a requisite period of

time 18 22.8
No legislative action 10 12.7
No information given 7 8.8

Total 79 100.0
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Leadership

Opinion

By

Personal Interview
...and Conclusions*

While the mail questionnaire method may produce a large
volume of data in a short time, this method has many dis-
advantages. One of the most important is the difficulty en-
countered in analyzing the answers to open-ended questions,
questions which the subject may answer in his own words.
Another limitation is the difficulty encountered in reaching
subjects who are not included on some mailing list, such as
informal, non-official leaders in a community power struc-
ture. Hence the mail questionnaire study of leadership
opinion in the state was supplemented by a study of leader-
ship opinion in 10 selected counties by the use of personal
interviews.

Selection of Counties.

The 10 counties selected by the Research Advisory Com-
mittee for intensive study included: Charlotte, Hillsborough
and Pinellas, in the southwest coastal region; Orange and
Lake, in the central, so-called ‘‘Ridge Section’’ of the

* Prepared by Dr. Lewis Killian, Department of Sociology, Flor-
ida State University.

153

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Bs aber eh att ae Te a a
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Poe? tere

peninsula ; Duval, in the northeast coastal region ; Lafayette,
a rural, inland county in the the north central portion;
Gadsden, a rural county in the northwest part of the
state; and Washington, a rural county, and Escambia, an
urban county, in the extreme northwest portion of the pan-
handle of Florida.

In the selection of these counties, the following factors
were considered :

1. Representation of the different sections of the state.
(The southeast section was not included because an inten-
sive study was made in Dade County and nearby areas by
the University of Miami).

2. Inclusion of both rural and urban counties.

3. Inclusion of counties with less than 10 per cent Negro
population (2) or more than 50 per cent (1). The state has
5 counties in the former category and 2 counties in the
latter.

4. Inclusion of certain counties which, on the basis of pre-
liminary evidence, appeared to be areas of relatively high
or relatively low resistance to desegregation.

Method of Study.

Interviews were conducted by 16 public school employ-
ees from various counties, 12 white and 4 Negro principals
or supervisors. No interviewer was assigned to work in his
home county. For unavoidable practical reasons, no inter-
views with Negro subjects were obtained in two counties,
and in three other counties only a limited number were ob-
tained, these by white interviewers.

The interviewers, all carefully chosen for the task, were
given one day of intensive training in the selection of sub-
jects for interview, interviewing techniques, and interview
recording. A schedule consisting of thirteen open-ended
questions, similar to the structured questions used on the

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_———

mail questionnaire and supplemented by suggested probing
questions, was furnished. The interviewers were also given
a list of community leaders, official and non-official, whom
they should attempt to interview. It should be noted that
the field workers were instructed to follow the advice of
local informants in selecting subjects, both white and Ne-
gro, considered to be important figures in the power struc-
ture of the community.

Each interviewer wrote, at the completion of his field
work, an independent analysis of the situation in the county
he studied. In addition, a content analysis was made of all
interviews by a team of eight analysts, four white and four
Negro, from the State Department of Education, the
Florida A. and M. University, and the Florida State Uni-
versity. In this apalysis the interviews were coded for
IBM tabulation. After analysis and coding were com-
pleted, approximately one-half of the interviews were coded
for two items a second time by another member of the
team, white and Negro members exchanging interviews. A
reliability check on these items revealed a high degree of
reliability between ratings by separate analysts, indicating
that personal and racial biases in the interpretation of the
interview protocols were slight.

Findings.

Interviews were obtained from a total of 460 white sub-
jects and 195 Negro subjects. Of the white subjects, 263
were official leaders (County, city and school officials,
judges, peace officers, and schoo] employees) and 197 were
non-official leaders (business, professional, civic club, re-

1. Statistical analysis of the interview data was done in the
Sociology Research Laboratory of the Florida State University,
under the direction of Prof. Robert McGinnis and Dr. John M.
Haer. Responsibility for the interpretation of the results is as-
sumed by the Research Advisory Committee.

‘ 155

ge

ligious, labor, youth). There were 42 Negro subjects who
were school employees, and 153 non-official Negro leaders,
including a large number of insurance men, undertakers,
and independent business men.

Distribution of the interviews by counties, for Negro and
white, are shown below:

cso |

County White Negro
3 Charlotte 34 None
} Duval 47 31
4 Escambia 40 64
j Gadsden 27 7
5 Hillsborough 79 43
% Lafayette 20 None
x Lake 43 7
¥ Orange 47 21
4 Pinellas 90 13
F Washington 33 9
z On the basis of statistical analysis of the interviews and
i the impressions reported by the field staff, the findings

indicated below were reached. Although a different method
of study was used, these findings do not differ significantly
from those of the questionnaire study.

These findings are:

:
i

1. The majority of white subjects (67.7 per cent) are in
disagreement with the decision, but only 4.1 per cent of the
; Negroes interviewed disagreed.

Even white subjects who thought the decision was right
4 expressed, for the most part, fear that violence would occur
. if desegregation were not worked out gradually or if, in
the words of some, ‘‘it is crammed down our throats.”’
Some whites violently opposed to the decision made such
statements as, ‘‘The decision is an outrage; it is wrong and
will never work,’’ and ‘‘These colored children should be
treated in such a way that they would not want to come
back to school.’’

Ce ee Ce ee

156

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On the other hand, a Negro interviewer summarized the
opinions of Negroes in one county in the words, ‘‘God is
behind the court’s decision. He will see that it is carried
out, but he doesn’t want us to hasten,’’ and in another coun-
ty in the words, ‘‘This problem should have been met
squarely years ago. There is no need attempting to cir-
cumvent, but settle the problem once and for all instead of
passing it into the laps of our children.’’

2. Slightly less than half (45.7) per cent of the whites
indicated that they would not cooperate with the decision
of the courts or local school officials as to how to effect
desegregation, only 16 per cent indicating that they would
actively oppose attempts to end segregation.

Caution must be exercised in inferring that a major seg-
ment of the white leadership represented here would ‘‘go
along’’ with any plan for desegregation, regardless of
its nature. It must be considered that many informants may
have been indicating willingness to comply with what they
thought the courts and, particularly, the school officials
would do, but not with anything that they might possibly
decide.

3. One reason given by white subjects for disagreement
with the decision was that it is a violation of ‘‘states’
rights’’ and, in effect, a negation of local autonomy.

4. White leaders are almost unanimously opposed to any
immediate steps to end segregation in their communities,
only 4 out of 460 favoring such steps.

5. Of the Negro leaders, only 28.2 per cent favor immediate
ending of all segregation in public education in their com-
munities, but 58.9 per cent believe that the transition should
begin within the next three years.

6. Whites and Negroes differ sharply in their assessment

of white community opinion on the decision, 77 per cent of
the white leaders believing most of the white people in their

r . ™ 157

Sy ys ae

communities disagree with the decision, but only 25.1 per
cent of the Negroes believing this.

’ 7. Whites and Negroes differ sharply in their assessment
f of Negro opinion in their communities, 54.3 per cent of the
" white leaders believing that most Negroes disagree with the
i decision, but only 6.1 per cent of the Negro leaders believ-

ing so.

fs 8. While only 30 per cent of the whites believe that even
5 a few Negro children could be admitted now to a previously
i all white school without resulting violence, 76.4 per cent of
the Negroes believe that this could be done without causing
violence.

j 9. Of the subjects answering the question (210 white, 82
Negro), a majority of Negroes (89 per cent) believe that
peace officers could and would maintain law and order if
violence started, but only 46.7 per cent of the whites believe
this. A great many subjects in both groups did not answer
this question.

Be Pea Ree 5 i IST Sp

10. While many white leaders seem to expect trouble and
even violence to occur if desegregation is attempted, there
was no definite group or category of people which was
specified by more than 10 per cent of the respondents as
being likely to cause this trouble.

11. White leaders designated the primary grades and the
colleges and universities most frequently as the best place
to start desegregation if it were undertaken (primary—
31.7 per cent; college—13.3 per cent; both—8.5 per cent)
but Negro leaders designated all grades from primary
through high school most often (32.3 per cent).

12. Specific problems other than violence which might arise
from desegregation were identified by a greater proportion
of whites than of Negroes, although only a minority of each
group designated any given eventuality as a likely prob-
lem. The problems most often designated by whites were:
getting white teachers to teach in mixed schools; using
Negro teachers in mixed schools; maintaining discipline
on school busses and in classes; getting white parents to

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RE TSP OA OAR cls RI UE oan din

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_—

send their children to mixed public schools; keeping pres-
ent academic standards; and getting tax support for mixed
schools.

13. In no county does it appear that more than a small
segment of whites is ready to accept immediate and
abrupt desegregation. In two counties, however, a majority
of the white leadership interviewed (in one, 59.5 per cent,
in the other, 72.4 per cent) believe that desegregation can
be accomplished peacefully and effectively if it is done over
a period of years, with a preparatory program of educa-
tion, and at a rate determined by the local citizens.

14. In one county, the high frequency of belief among white
leaders that segregation should be kept, that violence would
result from desegregation, and that peace officers could
not cope with such violence, makes it appear very likely
that conflict and disorder would result if an attempt to
start desegregation by any means was undertaken even
within from five to ten years from the present.

15. Inspection of the interview protocols and the reports
of the field staff reveal that even within counties there is
wide variation in readiness by whites of different commun-
ities to accept desegregation.

ln one county there is one community in which both Ne-
gro and white leaders fear serious violence, in which or-
ganized, violent opposition to desegregation is anticipated,
and in which, indeed, organized but peaceful opposition has
already appeared. In the same county is a community in
which, in the judgment of both white and Negro interview-
ers, gradual but effective desegregation could be accom-
plished in the next few years. Similar situations exist in
all but two of the counties, both predominantly rural but
differing in region and proportion of Negroes in the
population.

16. Concrete suggestions for effective first steps towards
gradual desegregation offered by subjects include a period
of education preparatory to the first steps, and the work-
ing together in interracial committees of adults who would
study together the problems confronting their community.

159

eT iets

SI LE IRA OPTRA EE

CRG EREE RS LOEB ELS AHS SIBLE SAME abt a Di A EMR Ts Sis i is EPL COMET,

THE PERSONAL INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Position :
How Selected:

1. Just what do you understand the Supreme Court de-
cision to mean?

2. How do you feel about the decision?
Probing:

Feel it was right?
Feel it was wrong?
Feel it was neither right nor wrong—just not sure?

If right,
Not at this time?

We need time?
We should try to end segregation immediately?

If wrong,
Should cooperate because it is the law?
Will not cooperate in ending segregation?
Will actively oppose the action?

If neutral,
Will do whatever the courts and school officials
say?
3. How do you think most of the people of Florida feel
about it?

4. How do you think most of the people of this commun-
ity feel about it?

Probing:
How do white people feel about it?
How do colored people feel about it?

5. Do you think there are any people in this community
who feel differently about this?
If yes, probing:
How do they feel about it?
What kind of people are they? (General descriptive

terms)
Are they organized in any way?

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ww

What kinds of things do you think they would do to
put across their viewpoint?

6. Now, suppose the local school board decided in the next
few years that it had to let a few colored children who
lived in a mostly white attendance area go to the near-
est school. What dc you think would happen?

Probing:
What would people in this community do?

Would anyone try to keep them from attending the
school?

If so, who would they be? (Not by name—just a gen-
eral description) What kinds of things would
they do?

Who would be the leaders?

Who would participate?

Would the existing law enforcement staff of this
community be able to prevent violence from occur-
ring?

Under what conditions would they be able to prevent
violence, and under what conditions would they
not be able to?

7. Now, suppose that in the next few years a few colored
persons in your county applied for admittance to a
white school and a court ordered that they be admitted.
What do you think would happen?

Probing:
What would people in this community do?
What would the school board do? (Admit them im-
mediately? Try to fight the court order? Resign?)
If they decided to admit them, would anyone try to
keep them from attending school?
(Continue as in question 6)

8. Suppose the local school board decided that it had to
let all children go to the school nearest their home.
What do you think would happen?

Probing: (Same as for question 6)
9. If segregation in the schools were done away with in

the next few years, what problems do you think would
come up?

. 161

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Probing:

In the employment of white teachers?

In the employment of colored teachers?

In transportation of children to school?

In getting public support for school finance pro-
grams?

In keeping order among the children in the classroom
and on the playground?

In getting parents, white and colored, to send their
children to mixed schools?

In getting fair treatment by teachers of all children
regardless of race?

In keeping high teaching standards in the schools?

10. What ways can you suggest for handling any of the
problems you have mentioned?

11. Suppose public school segregation had to be ended
sooner or later. What do you think would be the best
way to do it?

Probing:

There just isn’t any way?

Assign all children to school on the basis of geo-
graphical location immediately?

Keep present school boundaries at first and let chil-
dren who want to do so go to the closest school?

Have a one or-two year period of preparation before
any steps are taken to end segregation?

Try to work it out over a period of years?

12. If it had to be done in the next few years, in what grades
do you think it would be easiest to start admitting col-
ored and white to the same schools?

13. Is there anything I haven’t touched on in my questions
which you would like to comment on?

Personnel Interviewed
A. Leaders (Officials)

County Commissioners, Chairman
Mayor or City Manager

Sheriff

Chief of Police

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County Judge

County Solicitors

Superintendent of Schools

County Health Officer

County Board of Public Instruction, Chairman
County Schoo] Trustees, Chairman

County Commissioners

City Commissioners

Deputies

Police Officers

Cireuit Judge

State Attorney

Judge, Court of Criminal Record

County Board of Public Instruction, Members
County School Trustees, Members

B. Leaders (Non-officials)

School principals

School supervisors

Teachers

PTA leaders

Women’s Club leaders

Chamber of Commerce president

Civie and Veterans’ organizations leaders
Newspaper editor or publisher

Bankers

Lawyers

Doctors

Realtors

Labor union leaders

Undertakers

Insurance men

Leading business men

Directors, housing projects

Other leaders designated by respondents as:

(1) Being in a position to know what people in the com-
munity are thinking and doing.

(2)

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Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/brief%3Amicro_IA40386408_0043%3A20. Public record. Not legal advice.
