# Petitioners Brief — Idaho v. United States

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## Record

- **Collection:** Supreme Court brief
- **Document type:** Petitioners Brief
- **Published:** January 1, 2001
- **Citation:** 533 U.S. 262

## Text

(6)

‘< LOD : Supreme Court, U.S.
JA NM 25 FILED
= _ No. 00-189 ean 25. 200
In The eee
Supreme Court of the United—States---—--——
.

STATE OF IDAHO,

Petitioner,

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ET AL.,

Respondents.

*

On Writ Of Certiorari
To The United States Court Of Appeals
For The Ninth Circuit

,
v

BRIEF FOR PETITIONER
¢

ALAN G. LANCE
Attorney General
CuivE J. STRONG
Deputy Attorney General
Chief, Natural Resources Division
STEVEN W. STRACK*
Deputy Attorney General
Office of the Attorney General
State of Idaho
700 W. Jefferson Street, Rm. 210
P.O. Box 83720
Boise, Idaho 83720-0010
(208) 334-2400
*Counsel of Record

COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO., (800) 225-6964
OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831

QUESTION PRESENTED

In United States v. Alaska, 521 U.S. 1 (1997), this Court
held, in the context of a statehood act, that congressional
ratification of an executive order reservation known to
contain submerged lands may imply an affirmative intent
to defeat state title to such submerged lands. The ques-
tion presented here is whether a defeat of state title to
submerged lands is implied when Congress, in a pre-
statehood act, authorizes cession negotiations with an
Indian tribe occupying an executive order reservation for
the purchase of lands “not agricultural and valuable
chiefly for minerals and timber,” with the purpose of
releasing submerged lands from the reservation.

li

PARTIES

The parties_to the proceedings before the Court of
Appeals for the Ninth Circuit were the State of Idaho, as
the appellant and cross-respondent, the United States of
America, as respondent, and the Coeur d’Alene Tribe, as
respondent and cross-appellant.

PPR Stet ae ee
a ELLE ERLE

lil

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
eee ecb uge geese cs bsenecccessssees 1
EE Oe 1
Statutory Provisions Involved...................... 1
CMLL eee G ch Gk Gh aba access sus isevicoeess 2
TE SUE Gg sacs c isd sccecssccessceccs 19
CREE AAG CARA SAGs DAG So Rv SS ees ss ereetsceee 21
RCNA e Sh wo 6 nn bere discs ver ddecces 50

iv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Page
CASES
Bowman v. McGoldrick Lumber Co., 219 P. 1063
Ee eee er en errr re eer eo 5
Burrus v. Edward Rutledge Timber Co., 202 P. 1067
Debt VE. 0 6ikcae ind canes aaesireten ee 3
Callahan v. Price, 146 P. 732 (Idaho 1915)............. 5

Choctaw Nation v. Oklahoma, 397 U.S. 620 (1970)..... passim

Confederated Bands of Ute Indians v. United States,
Se TED. WP CRD oo one ncn cuasdsenetenks cose 38, 42

Edwards v. Severin, 785 P.2d 1022 (Mont. 1990)....... 26
Idaho v. Coeur d’Alene Tribe, 521 U.S. 261 (1997)... 2, 6, 22
Johnson v. Johnson, 95 P. 499 (Idaho 1908)............. 5

Kootenai Environmental Alliance, Inc. v. Panhandle
Yacht Club, 671 P.2d 1085 (Idaho 1983)............. 5

Martin v. Waddell’s Lessee, 41 U.S. (16 Pet.) 367
Ce ook cis bie ce akaaaciesdae vas eas 19, 22, 33, 34

Minnesota v. Mille Lacs Band of Chippewa Indians,
Oe RP. Ee CE so eis ead dn yncwseenmecevevns 47, 48

Montana v. United States, 450 U.S. 544 (1981) .... passim

Northern Pac. Ry. Co. v. Hirzel, 161 P. 854 (Idaho
Sis sk nnce dnd ca ceekes Rese aee ee peerbaeks 5

Oregon ex rel. State Land Bd. v. Corvallis Sand &
eo gt me Rp Brey ere 24

Pollard v. Hagan, 44 U.S. (3 How.) 212 (1845)..... 23, 41

Vv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES —- Continued

Puyallup Tribe, Inc. v. Washington Dept. of Game, 433
oS 8 Sr ee ee ee eee 48

Shephard v. Coeur d’Alene Lumber Co., 101 P. 591
OR, ER arrears ner tse antenna poner yt ee 5

Shively v. Bowlby, 152 U.S. 1 (1894)....19, 22, 23, 24, 41
United States v. Alaska, 521 U.S. 1 (1997) ........ passim

United States v. Holt State Bank, 270 U.S. 49 (1926)
bale ache bie oe hawk bake KR RE Rae owen 20, 24, 27, 43, 44

United States v. Idaho, 210 F.3d 1067 (9th Cir. 2000) ..... 1
United States v. Idaho, 95 F.Supp.2d 1094 (D. Idaho

UR any ear Gene Ge See Qn ys gen teem gE iy eM 1
United States v. Louisiana, 363 U.S. 1 (1960).......... 23
United States v. Oregon, 295 U.S. 1 (1934)......... 22, 24
Utah Div. of State Lands v. United States, 482 U.S.

Ph Eee er re rere rer Ter eae passim
West v. Smith, 511 P.2d 1326 (Idaho 1973) ............ 4

CONSTITUTIONS, STATUTES AND RULES

Act of May 15, 1886, 24 Stat. 29........ 1, 9, 34, 35, 44
Act of May 30, 1888, 25 Stat. 160............. a, 20
Act of February 22, 1609, 25 Stat. 676........6.5565:. 14
Act of March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. 980 .............. passim
Act Of Juty Di. TOPO, BE FORE. BIR. o's occ esas 35, 48
Act of Match 5, 1071, 26 Fiat. GOP . .0.5 26 cccvesess 2, %6

ek OE Te Se es EE bo k's hac adine sivas 16

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued

Page

Act of June 21, 1966, DE De. Bee oes bie seadvicecccecss 2
Alaska Statehood Act, Pub. L. 85-508, 72 Stat. 339 :

(1998)... s0s0asae pee anneeeeee eee ates 31, 32, 39

Fort Laramie Treaty of May 7, 1868, 15 Stat. 649.... 26
Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek, Sept. 27, 1830, 7

Stat. 333 ...scvéuvncueke eee eae wean enieesaae 25
28 ULS.C. & U2EG GRU ie nicshe eee ceca na ceetedesiess 1
28 U.S.C. § 1508 Ca kee ieee ens as ciee inc incass 16
28 USA. § 13006 CRP nk ks coreec bet canekcansaces 16
28 US.C. § 1906 THR nd vcbnnvehueeessideesst es ces 16
28 US.C. § 19628 COUR ssid carina ened on tanecs 16
28 USC. § 1367 (RID kvcccw duce ced ein titans cinesis 16
28 U.S.C. § 2202 CRIED) icin c even c ih cies ceekehvess 16
Idaho Const., Art Zi, 3 UP ssickckicnciversassy 15, 48, 49
1903 Idaho Sess. LOWE GP ic ccccisavis as vesdisncnsniss 3
Idaho Code § 47-1323 (Rap iicbssvsossnie desc cnteeenes 4
idaho Code § 56-1301 (0906)... cccisveswnvasevvassies 4
Idaho Code § G7-G2U2 (HDR ss cnnsee see bsSicdavesisads 4
Idaho Code § 67-4212 (Supp. 2000)................... 4
Idaho Code § 67-4506. (EWP tac caccs000s0s uss sense dees 4
Idaho Code § 67-4305 (Supp. 2000)................... 4
Idaho Code § 70-201 (iO pee xscsicvinds cucdsveseoaeees 4

Idaho Code § 7UP206 (Iii) ss sccidoaivablaks satan 4

Vii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES - Continued

Page
MIscELLANEOUS
CUD s oo hed dace ckeesecewnnn cae 3, 15, 16
H. R. Rep. No. 1109, 51st Cong., Ist Sess. (1890) ..... 9
H. R. Rep. No. 2988, 51st Cong., 1st Sess. (1890) .... 15
H. R. Rep. No. 4053, 50th Cong., 2d Sess. (1889) ..... 3
S. Ex. Doc. No. 14, 51st Cong., 1st Sess. (1889)...... 47
S. Ex. Doc. No. 76, 50th Cong., 1st Sess.
AS CUNAN CAEN CA Wun ec Wad as'e svn es 12, 13, 38, 47
S. Misc. Doc. No. 36, 50th Cong., 1st Sess.
Se IE A et Cee er eee ere 10, 11, 12
2 Charles J. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and
ices cheek sa 6315 Creo eRe bee ea LS 26

Statistical Record of Native North Americans (M.
8 | rr eT r rer TTT eee TTT eee ere 3

1
OPINIONS BELOW

The decision of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals
(Pet. App. 1-30) is reported at 210 F.3d 1067 (9th Cir.
2000). The decision of the district court (Pet. App. 31-86)
is reported at 95 FSupp.2d 1094 (D. Idaho 1998).

JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT

The court of appeals entered its judgment on May 2,
2000. The petition for a writ of certiorari was filed with
this Court on July 25, 2000. The jurisdiction of this Court
is invoked under 28 U.S.C. § 1254.

STATUTORY PROVISIONS INVOLVED

The Indian Department Appropriations Act of May
15, 1886, 24 Stat. 29, provides in relevant part:

To enable the Secretary of the Interior to negoti-

ate with .. . the Coeur d’Alene Indians for the
cession of their lands outside the limits of the
present Coeur d’Alene reservation to the United
States, fifteen thousand dollars, or so much
thereof as may be necessary, to be immediately
available; but no agreement made shall take
effect until ratified by Congress.

The Indian Department Appropriations Act of March
2, 1889, provides in relevant part:

That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he is
hereby, authorized and directed to negotiate
with the Coeur d’Alene tribe of Indians for the
purchase and release by said tribe of such por-
tions of its reservation not agricultural and valu-
able chiefly for minerals and timber as such
tribe shall consent to sell, on such terms and
conditions as shall be considered just and equi-
table between the United States and said tribe of

2

Indians, which purchase shall not be complete
until ratified by Congress and for the purpose of
such negotiation, the sum of two thousand dol-
lars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is
hereby appropriated; the action of the Secretary
of the Interior hereunder to be reported to Con-
gress at the earliest practicable time.

Act of March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. 980, 1002.

The relevant portions of the Indian Department
Appropriations Act of March 3, 1891, 26 Stat. 989, 1027,
which ratified two cession agreements with the Coeur
d’Alene Tribe, are set out in the Joint Appendix at 376-88.
The Act of May 30, 1888, 25 Stat. 160, which granted a
railroad right-of-way across the Coeur d’Alene Indian
Reservation, is set out in the Joint Appendix at 137-40.

STATEMENT

At issue in this case are the beds and banks, or
submerged lands, of those portions of Coeur d’Alene
Lake and its tributary, the St. Joe River, that lie within the
exterior boundaries of the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reserva-
tion. As this Court has previously remarked, Coeur
d’Alene Lake is one of the nation’s “most beautiful
lakes.” Idaho v. Coeur d'Alene Tribe, 521 U.S. 261, 264
(1997). Although a portion of the Lake lies within the
exterior boundaries of the Reservation, the land sur-
rounding the Lake is owned predominately by non-
Indians, as is most land within the Reservation.! Of the

1 By the Act of June 21, 1906, 34 Stat. 335, the Coeur d’Alene
Reservation was allotted, and the surplus lands sold to non-
Indians.

3

Reservation’s 5,802 residents, only 749 are Native Ameri-
cans. Statistical Record of Native North Americans, 1036 (M.
Reddy. ed. 1993).

The State of Idaho has always had a special relation-
ship to the Lake. In 1890, when Congress was debating
Idaho’s admission to the Union, one of the questions
Congress addressed was whether the Idaho Territory had
“the requisite population and resources to entitle [it] to
statehood.” H. R. Rep. No. 4053, 50th Cong., 2d Sess. 1
(1889). During these congressional debates, Coeur
d’Alene Lake and its tributaries were frequently men-
tioned as important resources justifying Idaho’s state-
hood.2

After statehood, early Idaho laws focused on the use
of Coeur d’Alene Lake and its tributaries as commercial
corridors for the transport of lumber. In 1903, the Idaho
Legislature designated “Coeur d’Alene Lake and all of
the streams tributary to and emptying into the same” as a
lumber district. 1903 Idaho Sess. Laws 89.3

In later years, the State began addressing the need to
preserve the Lake for public use. In 1927, the Idaho

See Argument of F.T. Dubois, in H. R. Rep. No. 4053, 50th
Cong., 2d Sess. 56 (1889) (“lakes whose waters are as clear as
crystal are plentifully scattered throughout the Territory
. . . [t]he largest of these are Coeur d’Alene and Pend
Oreille . . . Lake Coeur d’Alene is about 30 miles long and 4
miles wide, on which a daily line of steamers runs”); Remarks of
Mr. Dorsey, 21 Cong. Rec. 2929 (noting that Idaho’s waterways
included the Spokane River, the Coeur d’Alene River, and the
St. Joe River); Remarks of Mr. Dubois, id. at 2938 (noting that
Coeur d’Alene Lake was an “important lake” of Idaho).

* Lumber districts were limited to certain designated
waterways, referred to later in the same act as “waters of this
State.” 1903 Idaho Sess. Laws 89, 93.

4

Legislature declared submerged lands under Coeur
d’Alene Lake “to be devoted to a public use in connection
with the preservation of said [lake] in [its] present condi-
tion as a health resort and recreation piace for the inhabi-
tants of the state. ... ” Idaho Code § 67-4305 (Supp. 2000).
The State also appropriated the waters of Coeur d’Alene
Lake “in trust for the peopie of the state of Idaho,” in
order to preserve the water “for scenic beauty, health,
recreation, transportation and commercial purposes. . . . ”
Idaho Code § 67-4304 (1995). Recreational opportunities
were also preserved through the establishment of two
state parks along the shores of Coeur d’Alene Lake and
the St. Joe River. Idaho Code §§ 67-4202, 4212 (1989 &
Supp. 2000). Both parks are within the exterior bound-
aries of the Coeur d’Alene Reservation.

Idaho also acted to protect the public’s rights to the
Lake and its tributaries. In 1931, the Idaho Legislature
created a commission to “study and investigate ways and
means of eliminating from the Coeur d’Alene River and
Coeur d’Alene Lake, so far as practicable, all industrial
wastes which pollute or tend to pollute the same... . ”
Idaho Code §§ 70-201, 204 (1999). Idaho prohibited
dredge mining on “[t]he St. Joe River, including tribu-
taries, from its origin to its confluence with Coeur
d’Alene lake... . . ” Idaho Code § 47-1323 (1997). Idaho
regulated encroachments upon Coeur d’Alene Lake to
protect “property, navigation, fish and wildlife habitat,
aquatic life, recreation, aesthetic beauty and water qual-
ity... .” Idaho Code § 58-1301 (1994).

State courts confirmed state title to the submerged
lands of the Lake, including those portions within the
boundaries of the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reservation.
West v. Smith, 511 P.2d 1326, 1329-30 (Idaho 1973). The

5

Idaho courts have also confirmed that the primary uses of
the Lake are public in nature. See Shephard v. Coeur d'Alene
Lumber Co., 101 P. 591, 592 (Idaho 1909) (holding Coeur
d’Alene Lake “is a public highway”); Burrus v. Edward
Rutledge Timber Co., 202 P. 1067, 1068 (Idaho 1921), quot-
ing Northern Pac. Ry. Co. v. Hirzel, 161 P. 854 (Idaho 1916)
(holding that State holds bed of Coeur d’Alene Lake “for
the use and benefit of the whole people”); Kootenai Envi-
ronmental Alliance, Inc. v. Panhandle Yacht Club, 671 P.2d
1085, 1088 (Idaho 1983) (applying public trust doctrine to
bed of Coeur d’Alene Lake).4

For reasons unknown to the State, the federal gov-
ernment waited over 100 years before challenging Idaho’s
assumption of sovereignty over the submerged lands of
Coeur d’Alene Lake and its navigable tributaries. It was
not until 1994 that the government brought an action to
assert ownership of submerged lands within the current
boundaries of the Coeur d’Alene Reservation, excluding

* Early Idaho court decisions created some confusion over
proprietary rights to the submerged lands of the Lake and other
navigable waters within Idaho. The Idaho Supreme Court
mistakenly ruled that Idaho had adopted the English common
law principle limiting sovereign title to those rivers or streams
affected by the tide, with the beds of nontidal streams owned in
fee by the riparian owner. Johnson v. Johnson, 95 P. 499, 502-03
(Idaho 1908). The Idaho Supreme Court later Overruled its
earlier decision, Callahan v. Price, 146 P. 732, 735 (Idaho 1915),
and even repudiated it as “clearly a legislative act and not
judicial.” Northern Pac. Ry. Co. v. Hirzel, 161 P. 854, 859 (Idaho
1916). Thereafter, the Idaho courts have consistently recognized
and confirmed state title to all submerged lands within the
State, including Coeur d’Alene Lake. E.g., Bowman v. McGoldrick
Lumber Co., 219 P. 1063, 1065 (Idaho 1923); Kootenai
Environmental Alliance, Inc. v. Panhandle Yacht Club, Inc., 671 P.2d
1085, 1088 (Idaho 1983).

6

submerged lands within Heyburn State Park, which lies
within the Reservation boundaries.°®

The government’s action was filed in the Federal
District Court for the District of Idaho, and the Coeur
d’Alene Tribe intervened. In its ruling for the government
and the Tribe, the district court made extensive factual
findings in this case, which are not in dispute. As that
court found, before the arrival of European settlers, the
Coeur d’Alene Tribe occupied millions of acres in north-
ern Idaho and northeastern Washington, centered on
Coeur d’Alene Lake, the Coeur d’Alene River, the St. Joe
River, and the Spokane River. Pet. App. 43. The Tribe’s
villages were located around the Lake and the rivers,
which provided fish, game, and plants ry to the
Tribe’s subsistence. Pet. App. 43-45.

In the 1840s, the Coeur d’Alenes, with the help of
Jesuit missionaries, began to cultivate small garden plots.
Pet. App. 46. When non-Indian settlers began to arrive in
northern Idaho, concerns arose over potential conflicts
between the Tribe’s rights of occupancy and the land
claims of the settlers. In response, President Johnson, in
1867, established a small reservation for the Tribe in the
Hangman Valley, which lies some miles south of Coeur
d’Alene Lake. Pet. App. 50. Only a small sliver of the

5 The federal government’s action against the State
followed on the heels of an unsuccessful action brought by the
Coeur d’Alene Tribe. In 1991 the Tribe brought a quiet title
action against the State of Idaho in federal district court,
claiming ownership of submerged lands within both the current
and former boundaries of the Coeur d’Alene Reservation. The
Tribe’s claims against the State were dismissed as a violation of
the State’s sovereign immunity. The dismissal was ultimately
upheld by this Court in Idaho.v. Coeur d'Alene Tribe of Idaho, 521
U.S. 261 (1997).

‘ cae

7

Lake lay within the boundaries established by President
Johnson. Id.

The Tribe was apparently unaware of the 1867 Reser-
vation; in 1871 they sent a petition to the Commissioner
of Indian Affairs requesting that the farmlands in the
Hangman Valley be set aside for their use. Id. In 1872,
they sent a second petition, requesting the addition of the
valleys along the St. Joe and Coeur d’Alene Rivers. Pet.
App. 50-51. In explaining their needs, the Tribe wrote:

[W]e are not as yet quite up to living on farm-

ing: with the work of God we took labor too, we

began tilling the ground and we like it: though

perhaps slowly we are continually progressing;

but our unaided industry is not as yet up to the

white man’s. We think it hard to leave at once

old habits to embrace new ones: for a while yet

we need have some hunting and fishing.

Pet. App. 51; App. 27.6

~ In 1873, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs directed
a three member commission to visit non-treaty tribes
within Idaho and induce them to settle upon designated
reservations. Pet. App. 54. The commissioners met with

© Other correspondence from this time frame offered
conflicting assessments of the Tribe’s needs. Several reports
emphasized the Tribe’s commitment to farming, while other
accounts noted a continued reliance on fishing. Pet. App. 52.
The trial court concluded that the estimates of tribal reliance on
farming were not necessarily based on personal knowledge, and
were inflated by cultural and personal bias, and gave greater
weight to the accounts depicting the Tribe as reliant on fishing.
Pet. App. 52-53. One letter emphasized by the trial court was
from surveyor David P. Thompson, who Suggested enlarging
the reservation to include fisheries on Coeur d’Alene Lake. Pet.
App. 52; App. 30-31.

8

representatives of the Coeur d’Alene Tribe, and, in four
days of negotiations, agreed to establish a reservation
that included the valleys of the St. Joe and Coeur d’Alene
Rivers, and the lands surrounding all but the extreme
northern portion of Coeur d’Alene Lake. Pet. App. 55-56;
App. 32-37. The agreement provided that it was not bind-
ing until ratified by Congress. Pet. App. 56.

One member of the commission, Idaho Territorial
Governor Thomas Bennett, explained in a letter to an
Idaho newspaper that the Tribe had demanded an exten-
sion of their reservation to include fishing and mill privi-
leges on the Spokane River. Pet. App. 56-57; App. 38-41.
The official report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
however, written by commission member John Monteith,
made no mention of such demands, but explained that
the Reservation boundaries were drawn to include Indian
farms and to exclude lands claimed by white settlers. Pet.
App. 56. The boundary along the Spokane River was
drawn to avoid the cost of building a steam mill for the
Tribe by making use of readily available water power. Id.

Three months after the signing of the agreement,
President Ulysses S. Grant, on November 8, 1873, set
apart a reservation for the Tribe, incorporating the
boundaries described in the agreement. Pet. App. 57. The
executive order was the result of a request from the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, who informed the Secre-
tary of Interior that the order was needed to protect the
agreed-upon lands “from trespass by white persons
pending the action of Congress upon said agreement.” Id.

Although the Commissioner of Indian Affairs had
requested the executive order as a temporary measure
pending ratification, Congress never ratified the agree-
ment. The lack of congressional action resulted in the

9

executive order remaining in place through the next
decade. This state of affairs was not Satisfactory to the
Tribe, and on March 23, 1885, they submitted a petition to
the federal government requesting new negotiations, so
that the Tribe would be “compensated for such portion of
their lands not now reserved to them; [and] that their
present reserve may be confirmed to them.” Pet. App. 68,
quoting H. R. Rep. No. 1109, 51st Cong., Ist Sess. 42
(1890).

The next year, Congress authorized negotiations with
the Tribe for the cession of their lands outside the limits
of the 1873 Reservation, and provided that any agreement
reached would not take effect until ratified by Congress.
Act of May 15, 1886, 24 Stat. 29, 44; App. 50. The autho-
rized negotiations occurred in 1887, resulting in a pro-
posed agreement that provided that “the Coeur d’Alene
Reservation shall be held forever as Indian land and as
homes for the Coeur d’Alene Indians.” App. 379. The
agreement also provided that it would “not be binding on
either party until ratified by Congress.” App. 382.

Around this same time, however, concerns arose
regarding the Department of Interior’s policies restricting
the use of Coeur d’Alene Lake by non-Indians. Around
1880, steamboats had begun using the Lake to transport
people and goods between the city of Coeur d’Alene,
which lay outside the Reservation, and a landing on the
Coeur d’Alene River, which lay within the Reservation.
Pet. App. 69. From the landing, goods were transported
overland to mining camps in the upper reaches of the
Coeur d’Alene River. The steamboat Operators trans-
ported liquor to the mines, and sold liquor to passengers
while traveling over the Lake. Id.; App. 52-58. When this
liquor trade was discovered in 1886, the Department of

10

Interior moved quickly to quash the transportation of
liquor across the Lake, citing statutes prohibiting the
introduction of liquor into “Indian country.” Pet. App. 69.
Around this same time, government agents began eject-
ing non-Indians who were fishing and camping along the
Lake and its tributaries. Pet. App. 70.7

Concerns over the restrictions on non-Indian use of
the Lake prompted Congress to delay ratification of the
1887 agreement, in favor of investigating the situation. In
1888, the Senate passed the following resolution:

Whereas it is alleged that the present area of |
the Coeur D’Alene Indian Reservation, in the

Territory of Idaho, embraces 480,000 acres of
land; that there are, according to the statistics in
the Indian Bureau, only about 476 Indians in the
tribe now occupying such reservation, or more
than 1,000 acres to each man, woman, and child;
that Lake Coeur D’Alene, all the navigable
waters of Coeur D’Alene River, and about 20
miles of the navigable part of Saint Joseph River,
and part of Saint Mary’s, a navigable tributary
of the Saint Joseph, are embraced within this
reservation, except a shore-line of about 3 1/2
miles at the north end of the lake, it being
alleged that this lake and its rivers tributary
constitute the most important highways of com-
merce in the Territory of Idaho, and are in fact
the only navigable waters, except Snake River,
now used for steam-boat navigation in the Terri-
tory; that all boats now entering such waters are

7 According to the report of a government inspector in
1886, the steamboats would stop at several landings within the
Reservation for the purpose of “putting on and taking
off . . . fishing and excursionist parties, with their supplies.”
App. 53.

1]

subject to the laws governing the Indian country
and all persons going on such lake or waters
within the reservation lines are trespassers; and

Whereas it is further alleged that the
Indians now on such reservation are located in
the extreme southwest corner of the same
around De Smedt Mission, near the town of
Farmington, in Washington Territory, where the
land is good for agriculture; and it being further
alleged that all that part of such reservation
lying between Lake Coeur D’Alene and Coeur
D’Alene River and that part between the Coeur -
D’Alene River and Saint Joseph River is a terri-
tory rich in the precious metals and at the same
time being of no real use or benefit to the
Indians: Therefore,

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior
be, and he is hereby, directed to inform the
Senate as to the extent of the present area and
boundaries of the Coeur D’Alene Indian Reser-
vation in the Territory of Idaho; whether such
area includes any portion, and if so, about how
much of the navigable waters of Lake Coeur
D’Alene, and of Coeur d’Alene and St. Joseph
Rivers; about what Proportion of said reserva-
tion is agricultural, grazing and mineral land
respectively; also the number of Indians occupy-
ing such reservation; also on what portion of
such reservation the Indians now thereon are
located; also whether, in the opinion of the Sec-
retary, it is advisable to throw any portion of
such reservation open to occupation and settle-
ment under the mineral laws of the United
States, and, if so, precisely what portion; and
also whether it is advisable to release any of the -
navigable waters aforesaid from the limits of
such reservation.

12

S. Misc. Doc. No. 36, 50th Cong., Ist Sess. (1888); App.
116-17.

Several weeks later, the Secretary of Interior
responded by enclosing a report prepared by the Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs. The Commissioner’s report
concluded that “the reservation appears to embrace all
the navigable waters of Lake Coeur d’Alene, except a
very small fragment cut off by the north boundary of the
reservation which runs ‘in a direct line’ from the Coeur
d’Alene Mission to the head of the Spokane River.” S. Ex.
Doc. No. 76, 50th Cong., 1st Sess. 3 (1888); App. 123. The
Commissioner then turned to the question of “whether it
is desirable to release any of the navigable waters men-
tioned in the resolution from the limits of said reserva-
tion.” App. 126. The Commissioner began by stating: “In
approaching this question [of release of navigable
waters], I deem it proper to refer briefly to the character
and condition of the Indians occupying the reservation
and the situation of affairs as existing amongst them.” Id.
He noted that members of the Tribe “cultivate the soil
extensively, live in comfortable houses, dress like the
whites, wear short hair, and in all other respects live and
do as white people do. . .. They own large bands of cattle
and horses and an abundance of hogs and poultry.” App.
127.

The Commissioner concluded that “[t]here are few
Indians in the entire country, if we except the five civi-
lized tribes, who are as far advanced. ...” App. 126. The
Commissioner also noted that members of the Tribe did
not reside by the Lake, stating his belief that “all, or
nearly all” of the tribal members lived on farmlands in
the Hangman’s Creek area “lying south of the Lake Coeur
d’Alene and St. Joseph River.” Id. After reciting the above

13

facts relating to the Tribe's needs, the Commissioner con-
cluded that the Tribe retained its original Indian title to
lands within the boundaries of the Reservation:
[M]y own opinion is that the reservation might
be materially diminished without detriment to
the Indians, and that changes could be made in
the boundaries for the release of some or all of
the navigable waters therefrom, which would be
of very great benefit to the public; but this
should be done, if done at all, with the full and
free consent of the Indians, and they should, of
course, receive proper compensation for any
land so taken.

Just what portion of the reservation and
navigable waters should be segregated from the
reservation, I am unable to say. That, I think,
should be determined by negotiations with the
Indians.

In conclusion I will state that in my opinion
these Indians have all the original Indian rights
in the soil they occupy. They claimed the coun-
try long before the lines of the reservation were
defined by the executive order of 1873, and the
Present reservation embraces only a portion of
the lands to which they laid claim.

I think that when the present agreement
[i.e., the 1887 agreement] shall have been rat-
ified it will be an easy matter to negotiate with
them for the cession of such portions of their
reservation as they do not need, including all or
a portion of the navigable waters, upon fair and
very reasonable terms.

App. 129-32. -
Congress rejected the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs’ recommendation to ratify the 1887 agreement.

14

Instead, Congress inserted the following language in the
Indian Department Appropriations Act of March 2, 1889:
That the Secretary of the Interior be, and he is
hereby, authorized and directed to negotiate
with the Coeur d’Alene tribe of Indians for the
purchase and release by said tribe of such por-
tions of its reservation not agricultural and valu-
able chiefly for minerals and timber as such
tribe shall consent to sell, on such terms and
conditions as shall be considered just and equi-
table between the United States and said tribe of
Indians, which purchase shall not be complete

until ratified by Congress... .

Act of March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. 980, 1002; App. 144.

The directive to seek diminishment of the Reserva-
tion was prompted by the desire to obtain a release of at
least some of the navigable waters. Pet. App. 22, n.14. The
specific directions to the Secretary of Interior, however,
omitted any mention of submerged lands. Act of March 2,
1889, 25 Stat. at 1002; App. 144.

Significantly, the 1889 Act was the last action that
Congress took with regard to the Coeur d’Alene Reserva-
tion during the territorial period. In the summer of 1889,
a group of prominent Idaho politicians met in Boise,
Idaho, to draft a constitution for submission to Congress,
in the hope of gaining statehood for Idaho. Their action
was unusual, since Congress had not passed enabling
legislation authorizing the formation of a state constitu-
tion.’ In the absence of enabling legislation, the drafters

8 In the Act of February 22, 1889, Congress enabled North
Dakota, South Dakota, Montana and Washington to form
constitutions and state governments. 25 Stat. 676. The Act
required the state constitutions to contain ordinances

15

looked to other enabling acts for guidance, and included
Standard language disclaiming title to public lands and
lands owned or held by Indian tribes. Idaho Const., Art
21, § 19; App. 370-72.9

Despite the lack of enabling legislation, Congress
approved the Idaho Constitution on July 3, 1890, and
admitted Idaho into the Union as the 43rd State. Act of
July 3, 1890, 26 Stat. 215. By this time, the negotiations
with the Coeur d’Alene Tribe had been completed, and
the results submitted to Congress for approval. The Tribe
agreed to cede the northern portion of the Reservation.
App. 384. The boundaries of the diminished Reservation
bisected the Lake, with the southern third of the Lake
remaining within the boundaries of the Reservation,
while the northern two-thirds of the Lake, along with the
surrounding uplands, were excluded from the Reserva-
tion. Id.

The 1889 agreement and the 1887 agreement were
transmitted to Congress for ratification on December 18,
1889. H. R. Rep. No. 2988, 51st Cong., 1st Sess. 26 (1890);
App. 373-75. The agreements were bundled as a package
for consideration, partly because the Tribe had insisted
on a provision stating that the 1889 agreement would not
be binding on either party until ratification of the 1887
agreement. Pet. App. 8; App. 385.

Although the Senate passed a bill ratifying the 1887
and 1889 agreements on June 7, 1890, 21 Cong. Rec.

disclaiming title to “all lands... owned or held by any Indian or
Indian tribes.” Id. at 677.

° Although the district court cited this provision as
supporting its decision, Pet. App. 81-82, the court of appeals, in
reaching its conclusions, expressly disclaimed any reliance on ~
this provision. Pet. App. 24.

16

5769-70, App. 359-67, the House did not hold a vote on
the bill that year, Pet. App. 8, and the agreements were
not ratified until passage of the Indian Department’s 1891
annual appropriation bill on March 3, 1891, eight months
after Idaho’s admission to the Union. 26 Stat. at 1027;
App. 376-88.

The exterior boundaries of the Coeur d’Alene Reserva-
tion have remained the same since 1891, with one exception.
In 1893, Congress authorized negotiations to purchase the
townsite of Harrison, populated by non-Indians but located
within the Reservation. Act of March 3, 1893, 27 Stat. 612,
616. Harrison stood on the shores of Coeur d’Alene Lake,
immediately south of the mouth of the Coeur d’Alene River.
The final description of the ceded lands, as negotiated with
the Tribe, encompassed a one-mile rectangular strip of land
that included a corner of Coeur d’Alene Lake, since the
boundary of the cession descended one mile due south of the
mouth of the Coeur d’Alene River, then proceeded east. Pet.
App. 84-85; App. 392.

As previously discussed, the State exercised sover-
eignty over Coeur d’Alene Lake throughout the 20th
century. It was not until 1994 that the United States
sought to assert ownership of the submerged lands
underlying the southern end of Coeur d’Alene Lake and
the lower reaches of the St. Joe River. In its initial com-
plaint, filed in the Federal District Court for the District
of Idaho, the United States invoked federal court jurisdic-
tion under 28 U.S.C. §§ 1331, 1345, and 2202. The Coeur
d’Alene Tribe intervened, invoking federal court jurisdic-
tion under 28 U.S.C. §§ 1331, 1345, 1346, 1362, and 1367.
The State of Idaho counterclaimed, asserting sovereign
title to the submerged lands put at issue by the United
States. Pet. App. 32.

17

Following a two week trial, the federal district court,
based on the historic facts set out above, concluded that
the President, in setting aside the 1873 Reservation, had
clearly intended to include submerged lands within the
Reservation. Pet. App. 66. The court then turned to the
issue of congressional ratification. The court concluded
that by “authorizing the federal government to negotiate
with the Tribe for a release of the submerged lands,
Congress acknowledged that the Executive Order of 1873
had effectively conveyed ownership of those lands to the
Coeur d’Alenes.” Pet. App. 78. The court decreed tliat the
Tribe, and the United States as trustee, were “entitled to
the exclusive use, occupancy and right to the quiet enjoy-
ment of the bed and banks of all the navigable waters
within the current boundaries of the Coeur d’Alene
Indian Reservation,” excluding submerged lands within
Heyburn State Park. App. 8.

The State appealed, and the United States Court of
Appeals for the Ninth Circuit affirmed the district court’s
decision.!° Pet. App. 1-30. The court of appeals applied
the two-pronged test from United States v. Alaska, 521 U.S.
1 (1997), to determine, first, whether the executive branch
intended to include the submerged lands within the Res-
ervation, and second, whether Congress affirmatively
defeated state title to the submerged lands. Because the
State conceded, for purposes of appeal, that the executive
branch had intended, or by 1888 had interpreted, the 1873
Executive Order Reservation to include submerged lands,

10 The Tribe also filed a cross-appeal relating to the district
court’s refusal, on Eleventh Amendment grounds, to hear the
Tribe’s claims to submerged lands within Heyburn State Park,
which were excluded from the United States’ complaint. The
court of appeals affirmed the district court. Pet. App. 27-30.

18

the court focused on the second prong of the Alaska test.
Pet. App. 13.

The court of appeals acknowledged that the issue
under the second prong of the test is “whether the con-
gressional action at issue showed an affirmative intent to
defeat state title, that is, whether the ‘intention was defi-
nitely declared or otherwise made very plain.’ ” Pet. App.
12. The court of appeals, however, did not identify speci-
fic statutory language plainly declaring an affirmative
intent to defeat state sovereignty to submerged lands.
Nor did it identify any statute conveying submerged
lands to the Tribe. Rather, it concluded that “the affirma-
tive course of action on which Congress embarked in ~
1889 —- open-ended negotiations to purchase whatever
non-agricultural land, particularly submerged lands, the
Tribe was willing to cede — presupposes that beneficial
ownership of all land within the 1873 reservation, includ-
ing submerged lands, had already passed to the Tribe.” Pet.
App. 23 (emphasis added).

The court of appeals also purported to adopt this
Court’s admonition in Alaska that “the purpose of a con-
veyance or reservation is a critical factor in determining
federal intent.” 521 U.S. at 39. The court of appeals,
however, explicitly declined to determine the purpose of
the Coeur d’Alene Reservation as understood by Con-
gress. Pet. App. 18-19. Rather, it held that it was neces-
sary to examine purpose only as it related to the
government’s goals at the time the executive branch
reserved the submerged lands. Id.

The court of appeals issued its decision on May 2,
2000. The State of Idaho filed a petition for a writ of
certiorari with this Court on July 25, 2000. The petition
was granted on December 11, 2000.

19
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

It is a rare and extraordinary thing for a sovereign
government to abrogate the public’s ownership of lands
underlying navigable waters. Submerged lands are tied in
a unique way to sovereignty, precisely because their natu-
ral and primary uses are public in nature. Shively v.
Bowlby, 152 U.S. 1, 11 (1894). Only sovereign ownership
assures that submerged lands will be maintained for the
benefit of the whole people. If such lands are to be
removed from common public use, it must be done with
deliberation, and only after full consideration of the con-
sequences. An intent to defeat sovereign title to sub-
merged lands must also be plainly stated, because such
an important decision would not be left for inference
from ambiguous language. Martin v. Waddell’s Lessee, 41
U.S. (16 Pet.) 367, 416 (1842).

For these reasons, the Court has carefully limited the
circumstances under which it will infer an intent to sever
submerged lands from sovereignty. While Congress, with
its possession of national and municipal sovereignty over
territories, may have the authority to sever submerged
lands from sovereignty, and prevent their passage to
future States, it has done so only in “the most unusual
circumstances.” Utah Div. of State Lands v. United States,
482 U.S. 193, 197 (1987). Within Indian reservations, an
intent to defeat state sovereign title to submerged lands
has been found only where Congress conveyed the lands
in fee to the occupant tribe, and promised the tribe the
lands would never be included within any future state.
Choctaw Nation v. Oklahoma, 397 U.S. 620, 625 (1970).
Where Congress has granted tribes rights other than full
fee title, including rights of occupancy or exclusive use,

20

the Court has not inferred an intent to defeat state sover-
eign title to submerged lands within Indian reservations.
United States v. Holt State Bank, 270 U.S. 49, 58-59 (1926);
Montana v. United States, 450 U.S. 544, 554 (1981).

Within other types of federal reservations, an intent
to defeat state title to submerged lands has been found
only where Congress made the determination that state
ownership would thwart the purposes for which the res-
ervation had been established, and expressly prevented
the state from assuming sovereignty and ownership over
the submerged lands. See generally United States v. Alaska,
521 U.S. 1 (1997). Notably, in both Choctaw Nation and
Alaska, the statutes in question addressed explicitly how
the assumption of statehood would affect both sover-
eignty and title within the federal reservations at issue. —

In the case of the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reservation,
Congress never addressed the question of whether the
future State of Idaho would be denied sovereign title to
submerged lands within the Reservation. Prior to state-
hood, there were two congressional actions relating to
submerged lands within the Reservation. The first was a
Senate inquiry into allegations that steamboats on Coeur
d’Alene Lake were “subject to the laws governing the
Indian country and [that] all persons going on such lake
or waters within the reservation lines are trespassers.”
App. 116-17. After being informed by the Department of
Interior that it interpreted the Coeur d’Alene Indian Res-
ervation to embrace the submerged lands of Coeur
d’Alene Lake, Congress ordered negotiations to diminish
the Reservation, through the purchase of lands from the
Coeur d’Alene Tribe. In ordering the negotiations, how-
ever, Congress did not convey the submerged lands to the
Tribe; it did not affirm the Reservation boundaries that

21

embraced the submerged lands; it did not direct that the
public be denied access to the submerged lands or the
overlying waters; and it did not address whether the
submerged lands would later pass to the State as an
incident of its sovereignty. Rather, Congress repudiated
the Reservation as it then existed, directed its diminish-
ment, and drafted its description of the lands to be pur-
chased so as to avoid any implication that it was
recognizing tribal title to the submerged lands. Act of
March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. 980, 1002 (the “1889 Act”).

In short, Congress did not “purport to defeat the
entitlement of future States to any land reserved,” and
made “no mention of the States’ entitlement to the beds
of navigable rivers and lakes upon entry into statehood.”
Utah Div. of State Lands, 482 U.S. at 208. Further, neither
the 1889 Act, nor its legislative history, suggest that Con-
gress concluded that the future assumption of state sover-
eign title to submerged lands would thwart the purposes
of the diminished Coeur d’Alene Indian Reservation. To
the contrary, the language of the 1889 Act strongly
implies that the primary purpose of the diminished Res-
ervation was to provide lands to meet the agricultural
needs of the Coeur d’Alene Tribe, and the legislative
history described the Tribe’s members as successful
farmers. Thus, exclusive tribal control of submerged
lands, and exclusion of the public uses associated with
state sovereign title, were not necessary to fulfill the
purposes of the diminished Reservation.

ARGUMENT

Submerged lands, are, by their nature, “incapable of
ordinary and private occupation, cultivation, and
improvement; and their natural and primary uses are

22

public in their nature. ...” Shively v. Bowlby, 152 U.S. 1,
11 (1894). In ancient England, submerged lands were held
by the King “for the benefit of the whole people.” Utah
Div. of State Lands v. United States, 482 U.S. 193, 196 (1987).
Following the issuance of the Magna Carta, submerged
lands became so identified with sovereignty that it was
doubted whether “the king or any particular subject can
gain a propriety exclusive of the common liberty.” Martin
v. Waddell’s Lessee, 41 U.S. (16 Pet.) 367, 412 (1842). If
anything, American law ties submerged lands even more
firmly to sovereignty. American law rejected the sover-
eign’s rights of private property in submerged lands, jus
privatum, that was recognized in England apart from the
public’s right to submerged lands, or jus publicum. Idaho v.
Coeur d'Alene Tribe, 521 U.S. 261, 286 (1997). These “devel-
opments in American law are a natural outgrowth of the
perceived public character of submerged lands, a percep-
tion which underlies and informs the principle that these
lands are tied in a unique way to sovereignty.” Id.

Because submerged lands are so identified with sov-
ereignty and public use, issues involving their ownership
cannot be analogized to property transactions. “Domin-
ion over navigable waters and property in the soil under
them are so identified with the sovereign power of gov-
ernment that a presumption against their separation from
sovereignty must be indulged, in construing either grants
by the sovereign of the lands to be held in private owner-
ship or transfer of sovereignty itself.” United States v.
Oregon, 295 U.S. 1, 14 (1935). Ownership can be vested in
someone other than the rightful sovereign only after affir-
mative steps are taken to sever the lands “from the pre-
rogative powers of government.” Martin, 41 U.S. (16 Pet.)
at 410.

23

The Constitution of the United States parcels sover-
eignty between the States and the federal government,
and so this Court, in addressing title to submerged lands,
was “called upon to draw the line that separates the
Sovereignty and jurisdiction of the government of the
union, and the state governments... . ” Pollard v. Hagan,
44 U.S. (3 How.) 212, 220 (1845). It soon became estab-
lished law that within the original thirteen states, sover-
eign title to submerged lands was vested in the states.
Shively, 152 U.S. at 16. Because subsequently admitted
States enter the Union on an equal footing with the
original thirteen states, they too are vested with title and
control to submerged lands. Utah Div. of State Lands, 482
U.S. at 197. Each state’s ownership and control of sub-
merged lands is “an inseparable attribute of the equal
sovereignty guaranteed to it upon admission [to the
Union].” United States v. Louisiana, 363 US. 1, 16 (1960).

Before gaining admission, however, most western
States were originally territories under the plenary con-
trol of the federal government. When the United States
acquired new territories, “they took upon themselves the
trust to hold the municipal eminent domain for the new
states, to invest them with it, to the same extent, in all
respects, that it was held by the [original states].” Pollard,
44 U.S. at 222-23. This trust extends to submerged lands.
See Shively, 152 U.S. at 49 (submerged lands are held “in
trust” for future states); Montana v. United States, 450 U.S.
544, 551 (1981) (“the Federal Government holds [sub-
merged] lands in trust for future States”). While this trust
is derived from ancient Principles defining the very
nature of sovereignty, the Constitution does not prohibit
the United States from breaching the trust. The United
States “have the entire dominion and sovereignty,

24

national and municipal, Federal and state, over all the
territories, so long as they remain in a territorial condi-
tion.” Shively, 152 U.S. at 48. The possession of both
national and municipal sovereignty over a territory vests
Congress with the authority to sever submerged lands
from sovereignty, and prevent them from passing to
future States formed out of the territory. Id.

While Congress can abrogate its responsibility to
hold submerged lands in trust for future States, it has
done so “only in the most unusual circumstances.” Utah
Div. of State Lands, 482 U.S. at 197. Firm congressional
policy has been that submerged lands “shall not be
granted away during the period of territorial govern-
ment . . . unless in case of some international duty or
public exigency.” Shively, 152 U.S. at 50. This policy has
consistently informed this Court’s interpretation of con-
gressional actions alleged to defeat state title to sub-
merged lands: “[D]isposals by the United States during
the territorial period are not lightly to be inferred, and
should not be regarded as intended unless the intention
was definitely declared or otherwise made very plain.”
United States v. Holt State Bank, 270 U.S. 49, 55 (1926). |

Further, Congress’ authority to defeat state title to
submerged lands is strictly limited to the period during
which Congress exercises municipal sovereignty over a
territory. Upon a state’s admission, “the title of the
United States to lands underlying navigable waters
within the State passes to it, as incident to the transfer to
the State of local sovereignty. . . . ” United States v.
Oregon, 295 U.S. at 14. Once vested, state title to sub-
merged lands is absolute and cannot be defeated. Oregon
ex rel. State Land Bd. v. Corvallis Sand & Gravel Co., 429
U.S. 363, 374 (1977).

25

This Court’s most recent cases have emphasized that
defeats of state title to submerged lands are to be found
only in exceptional circumstances. The court of appeals
examined what it called this Court’s “trilogy of deci-
sions” in United States v. Alaska, 521 U.S. 1 (1997), Utah
Division of State Lands v. United States, 482 U.S. 193 (1987),
and Montana v. United States, 450 U.S. 544 (1981). It is
more revealing, however, to expand the analysis to
include Choctaw Nation v. Oklahoma, 397 U.S. 620 (1970),
wherein the Court found a defeat of state title. Together,
the four decisions identify the factors that have led to a
defeat of state title to submerged lands, and the factors,
or lack thereof, that have led to the opposite conclusion.

In Choctaw Nation, the Court held that the United
States had conveyed the bed of the Arkansas River to the
Choctaw Nation. The factors the Court identified in its
decision included the fact that the tribe was granted a fee
simple patent to its lands. Id. at 625. The patent made an
express reference to the “main channel of the Arkansas
river” as a boundary. Id. at 630. Most importantly, the
treaty pledged that the Nation would enjoy the “jurisdic-
tion and government of all the persons and property that
may be within their limits west, so that no Territory or
State shall ever have a right to pass laws for the govern-
ment of the Choctaw Nation . . . and that no part of the
land granted to them shall ever be embraced in any
Territory or State.” Id. at 625, quoting Treaty of Dancing
Rabbit Creek, Sept. 27, 1830, 7 Stat. 333-34.

In later submerged lands decisions, the Court
described the decision in Choctaw Nation as a “singular
exception,” and traced the outcome in large part to “the
Government’s promise that the reserved lands would
never become part of any State,” and the fact that the

26

Nation was promised “freedom from state jurisdiction.”
Montana, 450 U.S. at 555 n.5. The Court later stated that
“indispensable to the holding [in Choctaw Nation] was a
promise to the Indian Tribe that no part of the reservation
would become part of a State.” Utah Div. of State Lands,
482 U.S. at 198.

The next submerged lands case taken up by the Court
was Montana, wherein the Crow Tribe claimed ownership
of the beds and banks of the Big Horn River. There, as
was the case in Choctaw Nation, the boundaries of the
reservation were described by reference to the mid-chan-
nel of a navigable river.11 The Crow Tribe, however, was
not expressly promised that its lands would never be
embraced within a future state. Rather, it was promised
that its reservation was set apart “for the absolute and
undisturbed use and occupation” of the Tribe. Montana,
450 U.S. at 548. Distinguishing Choctaw Nation, this Court
held that:

The treaty in no way expressly referred to the

riverbed, Packer v. Bird, 137 U.S., at 672, nor was

an intention to convey the riverbed expressed in

“clear and especial words,” Martin v. Waddell, 16

Pet., at 411, or “definitely declared or otherwise

made very plain,” United States v. Holt State
Bank, 270 U.S., at 55. Rather, as in Holt, “[t]he

11 Article 2 of the Fort Laramie Treaty of May 7, 1868, 15
Stat. 649, described the boundary of the Crow Reservation as
running up the 107th meridian “to the mid-channel of the
Yellowstone River; thence up said mid-channel to the point
where it crosses the said southern boundary of Montana....” 2
Charles J. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties 1008 (1904).
This portion of the Yellowstone River has been found to be
navigable. Edwards v. Séverin, 785 P.2d 1022, 1023-24 (Mont.
1990).

27

effect of what was done was to reserve in a
general way for the continued occupation of the
Indians of what remained of their aboriginal
territory.” Id., at 58.

450 U.S. at 554. The Court also found that “the situation
of the Crow Indians at the time of the treaties presented
no ‘public exigency’ that would have required Congress
to depart from its policy of reserving ownership of beds
under navigable waters for the future States,” because “at
the time of the treaty the Crows were a nomadic tribe
dependent chiefly on buffalo, and fishing was not impor-
tant to their diet or way of life.” Id. at 556.

Six years after Montana, the Court again addressed
the issue of title to submerged lands within a federal
reservation in Utah Div. of State Lands. The situation
addressed in Utah Div. of State Lands was unique, since it
involved a reservation set aside for the specific purpose
of preserving a navigable lake as a potential reservoir
site. 482 U.S. at 199. Further, no third party was involved,
so the only issue was whether the reservation of sub-
merged lands would defeat state title. To answer the
question, the Court began by noting that when the fed-
eral government reserves submerged lands, it “may not
also intend to defeat a future State’s title to the land”
because the “land remains in federal control, and there-
fore may still be held for the ultimate benefit of future
States.” Id. at 202. Thus, the Court held, “we would not
infer an intent to defeat a State’s equal footing entitle-
ment from the mere act of reservation itself.” Id.12 Rather,

12 Notably, in support of the proposition that an intent to
allow the State obtain title to submerged lands within a federal
reservation “would not be unusual,” this Court cited decisions
addressing submerged lands within Indian reservations,
namely, Montana and Holt State Bank. 482 U.S. at 202.

28

the Court formulated a two prong test to address alleged
defeats of state title arising from reservations of sub-
merged lands. The Court held that “the United States
would not merely be required to establish that Congress
clearly intended to include land under navigable waters
within the federal reservation; the United States would
additionally have to establish that Congress affirmatively
intended to defeat the future State’s title to such land.” Id.
While the Court went on to hold, under the first
prong, that there was no intent to include the submerged
lands within the reservation in question, it also applied
the second prong, holding that “Congress did not clearly
express an intention to defeat Utah’s claim to the lakebed
under the equal footing doctrine upon entry into state-
hood.” Id. at 208. In support of its holding, the Court
identified three factors. First, the Act in question did not
“purport to defeat the entitlement of future States to any
land reserved,” but merely reserved land from sale, entry,
settlement or occupation. Id. Second, the Act made “no
mention of the States’ entitlement to the beds of naviga-
ble rivers and lakes upon entry into statehood.” Id. Third,
the transfer of the lakebed to the State would not defeat
the purpose of the reservation, which was to develop a
reservoir or water reclamation project at the lake. Id.

In this Court’s most recent submerged lands deci-
sion, United States v. Alaska, the Court turned once again
to the question of state title to submerged lands within a
federal reservation. This time, however, the submerged
lands in question had originally been reserved or set
aside by the executive branch, not Congress. The Court
employed the two prong test used in Utah Div. of State
Lands, requiring a clear intent to include submerged lands

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29

within the federal reservation, and an affirmative expres-
sion of intent to defeat the future state’s title to such land.
Alaska, 521 U.S. at 41. For the two reservations in ques-
tion, the Court concluded that the first prong of the test
was met, since the executive branch had clearly intended
to include submerged lands within the reservations. Id. at
39-40, 55. The decisive question presented to the Court
was whether Congress had taken additional actions that
affirmatively defeated state title to submerged lands
within the two areas reserved or set aside by the execu-
tive branch.

The first reservation addressed in Alaska was a
national petroleum reserve. After finding that the execu-
tive branch had intended to include submerged lands
within the reserve, the Court turned to the question of
whether Congress intended to defeat state title to the
submerged lands. The Court found such intent in § 11(b)
of the Alaska Statehood Act. Alaska, 521 U.S. at 44. Sec-
tion 11(b) provided that the United States would have the
“power of exclusive legislation . . . as provided by [the
Enclave Clause of the Constitution, Art. I, § 8, cl. 17] over
such tracts or parcels of land as, immediately prior to the
admission of said State, are owned by the United States
and held for military . . . purposes, including naval
petroleum reserve numbered 4 [the National Petroleum
Reserve].” Alaska, 521 U.S. at 41. The Court concluded
that Section 11(b), “which noted that the United States
owned the Reserve and which included a statement of
exclusive legislative jurisdiction under the Enclave
Clause, reflected Congress’ intent to ratify the inclusion
of submerged lands within the Reserve and to defeat the
State’s title to those lands.” Id. at 46.

30

In interpreting Section 11(b), the Court also relied
heavily upon the purpose of the Reserve, which was to
secure ownership of valuable oil deposits. Id. at 40. The
Court noted that ownership of submerged lands was
“necessary to prevent the Reserve’s petroleum resources
from being drained from beneath submerged lands.” Id.
at 42. In light of this fact, the Court concluded:

[Defeating state title to submerged lands was
necessary to achieve the United States’ objective
— securing a supply of oil and gas that would
necessarily exist beneath uplands and sub-
merged lands. The transfer of submerged lands

' at statehood - and the loss of ownership rights
to the oil deposits beneath those lands - would
have thwarted that purpose.

Id. at 42-43.15

The second set of submerged lands addressed in
Alaska was within the boundaries of an area withdrawn
and set apart as a wildlife refuge, pursuant to an applica-
tion submitted to the Secretary of Interior by the Bureau
of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife. Id. at 46.14 After finding
that the withdrawal was intended to include submerged
lands that served as wildlife habitat, the Court addressed
whether Congress had affirmatively defeated state title to
the submerged lands. The Court found such intent in
§ 6(e) of the Alaska Statehood Act. Section 6(e) addressed
the circumstances under which Alaska would assume

13 The Court had earlier examined purpose as it related to
the executive intent to include the submerged lands within the
reservation. 521 U.S. at 39-40. :

14 At the time of statehood, the application was still
pending. Department of Interior regulations in force at that time
set such lands apart pending final approval of the application.
521 U.S. at 57-58.

al

POOR IETS eR ETT A en me

31

sovereignty over fish and wildlife management. It pro-
vided that the federal government would retain “admin-
istration and management of the fish and wildlife
resources of Alaska” until the Secretary of Interior certi-
fied to Congress “that the Alaska State Legislature has
made adequate provision for the administration, manage-
ment, and conservation of said resources in the broad
national interest.” Pub. L. 85-508, 72 Stat. 339, 340-41. The
Act also provided that:

All real and personal property of the United

States situated in the Territory of Alaska which

is specifically used for the sole purpose of con-

servation and protection of the fisheries and

wildlife of Alaska . . . shall be transferred and

conveyed to the State of Alaska by the appropri-

ate federal agency; Provided . . . That such

transfer shall not include lands withdrawn or

otherwise set apart as refuges or reservations
for the protection of wildlife. .. .

Id. at 340-41.

Based on this strong language, the Court inferred an
intent to defeat state title to submerged lands. It held that
“Section 6(e) of the Alaska Statehood Act expressly pre-
vented land that has been ‘set apart as [a] refug[e]’ from
passing to Alaska.” 521 U.S. at 61. It further concluded
that “[iJn § 6(e) of the Statehood Act, Congress clearly
contemplated continued federal ownership of certain
submerged lands . . . so long as those submerged lands
were among those ‘withdrawn or otherwise set apart as
refuges or reservations for the protection of wildlife.’ ” Id.
at 57. The only real issue was whether the refuge in
question included submerged lands. Here, the Court
turned to the purpose of the Reservation. It held that
“waters within the boundaries of the Range were an

32

essential part of the habitats of the species the Range was
designed to protect, and [the] retention of lands underly-
ing those waters was critical to the Government’s goal of
preserving these aquatic habitats.” Id. at 52. Because
“[t]he 1957 application to create the wildlife refuge
clearly encompassed submerged lands,” id. at 61, the
Court concluded that “the operative provision of the
Alaska Statehood Act, § 6(e), reflects a very clear intent to
defeat state title.” 521 U.S. at 57.

The common thread running through the cases where
this Court has found a defeat of state title to submerged
lands is an unmistakable expression of congressional
intent that the lands in question would not be subject to
state sovereignty. In Choctaw, the Tribe was expressly
promised at the time of treaty-making that no part of the
reservation would become part of a state. Twice, this
Court has emphasized this promise was indispensable to
the holding in Choctaw. Utah Div. of State Lands, 482 U.S.
at 198, Montana, 450 U.S. at 555 n.5.

In Alaska, Congress asserted Enclave Clause jurisdic-
tion over the petroleum reserve, establishing that it was
not just reserving proprietary rights to itself, but was
denying the assumption of state sovereignty over lands
within the reserve. Alaska, 521 U.S. at 46. For the wildlife
refuge, Congress expressly prevented all lands within the
refuge from passing to the State upon its admission.
Importantly, the provision was made in the context of
§ 6(e) of the Alaska Statehood Act, which addressed the
general assumption of state sovereignty over fish and
game resources and the lands and-property related to the
assumption of such sovereignty.

In short, a defeat of state title to submerged lands
within federal reservations has been found only where it

33

was clear, from the language and context of the statute in
question, that Congress contemplated the effects of its
action on the assumption of state sovereignty over sub-
merged lands. Where the statute in question simply con-
veyed or reserved property rights, rather than allocating
rights of sovereignty, no defeat of state title to submerged
lands has been found. This principle is not new; in fact, it
was applied in one of this Court's earliest submerged
lands decisions, Martin v. Waddell’s Lessee. There, the
Court, describing the history of the State of New Jersey,
found that during the colonial period, all sovereign and
Proprietary rights had been conveyed from King Charles
II to the Duke of York, and then to the Proprietors of East
New Jersey. 41 U.S. (16 Pet.) at 407. In 1702, the Propri-
etors of East New Jersey surrendered all rights of govern-
ment and sovereignty to Queen Anne, explicitly retaining
all rights of private property. Id. at 407, 415-16. The Court
held that the surrender of sovereignty carried with it title
to submerged lands, despite the express retention of all

property rights. Id. at 416. The Court stated:

[I]f the great right of dominion and ownership
in the rivers, bays and arms of the sea, and the
soils under them, were to have been severed
from the sovereignty, and withheld from the
crown; if the right of common fishery for the
common people . . . was intended to be with-
drawn, the design to make this important
change in this particular territory would have
been clearly indicated by appropriate terms; and
would not have been left for inference from
ambiguous language.

41 U.S. (16 Pet.) at 416.

By the same token, in order to find that the federal
government has defeated state title to submerged lands
within a federal Indian reservation, the government must

34

do more than retain property rights for itself or the
occupant tribe. Congress must affirmatively intend to
sever the submerged lands from future state sovereignty
and dedicate the lands to federal or tribal uses which
would be thwarted if the lands were subject to state
sovereignty. An intent to defeat state title must also be
definitely declared or otherwise made plain: because of
the importance of submerged lands to sovereignty, and
their dedication to public use, an intent to sever sub-
merged lands from sovereignty “would not have been left
for inference from ambiguous language.” Martin, 41 U.S.
at 416.

In the case of the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reservation,
there is no evidence that Congress exercised its municipal
sovereignty over the Territory of Idaho to sever the sub-
merged lands of Coeur d’Alene Lake and the St. Joe River
from sovereignty and convey them to the Coeur d’Alene
Tribe for its proprietary use. Nor is there any-reason to
conclude that Congress severed the submerged lands
from state sovereignty and dedicated them to the exclu-
sive use of the federal government.

Up to the point of Idaho’s admission, Congress
passed three acts specifically addressing property rights
within the Coeur d’Alene Reservation. The first was the
Act of May 15, 1886, 24 Stat. at 44, which authorized
negotiations with the Coeur d’Alene Tribe for the pur-
chase of its lands outside the limits of the 1873 Executive
Order Reservation. The second was the Act of May 30,
1888, 25 Stat. 160, which authorized a railroad right-of-

way across the 1873 Reservation. The third was the Act of ©

March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. at 1002, which authorized the
purchase of certain lands within the 1873 Reservation.
The 1889 Act was the last action Congress took with

+ 7” 2 hayt FIR * S80
rere ERM ee eee eS by Cert Ie Ts eal tied aia i Na Dae

35 7

respect to the Coeur d’Alene Reservation before passage
of the Idaho Statehood Act, which accepted the terms of
Idaho’s constitution and admitted Idaho to the Union.
Act of July 3, 1890, 26 Stat. 215. It is informative to review
each of the above Acts in turn, comparing each to the
congressional acts reviewed in this Court’s submerged
lands decisions.

The Act of May 15, 1886.

Little need be said about the 1886 Act, since neither
the district court nor the court of appeals interpreted the
1886 Act as defeating state sovereign title to submerged
lands. Indeed, the 1886 Act did nothing but authorize
negotiations “with the Coeur d’Alene Indians for the
cession of their lands outside the limits of the present
Coeur d’Alene Reservation to the United States. ...” Act
of May 15, 1886, 24 Stat. at 44; App. 50. Nothing on the
face of the Act implies an intent to defeat, or even
address, state sovereign title to submerged lands within
the reservation. Additionally, Congress made plain its
intent that the 1886 Act was not to be construed as taking
any final action with regard to the Tribe’s lands, by
providing that “no agreement made shall take effect until
ratified by Congress.” App. 50. -

The Act of May 30, 1888.

Likewise, little need be said about the 1888 Act,
which granted an “extension of [a] railroad through the
lands in Idaho Territory set apart for the use of the Coeur
d’Alene Indians by executive order, commonly known as
the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reservation. ...” Act of May
30, 1888, 25 Stat. 160; App. 137. The court of appeals did
not specifically identify the 1888 Act as defeating state
title to submerged lands, holding only that Congress’
passage of the Act “supports congressional recognition of

36

the 1873 reservation, which Congress by this point knew
included submerged lands.” Pet. App. 21 n.13. Beyond
recognizing the existence of the 1873 reservation, how-
ever, the 1888 Act does not purport to defeat state title to
submerged lands, or otherwise convey or reserve such
lands. The Act does mention Coeur d’Alene Lake and the
St. Joe River, but only as geographic points describing the
location of the railroad right-of-way, which crossed the
Lake.

The Act of March 2, 1889.

The congressional action that received the primary
attention of the court of appeals was the 1889 Act, which
authorized negotiations for a cession of a portion of the
1873 Reservation. The court paid particular attention to
the Act’s legislative history. The history of the 1889 Act
started with Congress’ consideration of the 1887 agree-
ment, which would have confirmed the 1873 boundaries.
Pet. App. 21. As part of its consideration of the 1887
agreement, Congress attempted to ascertain, through an
inquiry to the Department of Interior, whether the Coeur
d’Alene Reservation included submerged lands. Supra at
10-12; App. 116. In response, the Department of Interior
submitted a report to Congress stating that the Coeur
d’Alene Reservation “appears to embrace all the naviga-
ble waters of Lake Coeur d’Alene,” with the exception of
a small fragment at the extreme north end of the Lake.
App. 123. The court of appeals held that the report put
Congress on notice that the executive branch construed
the 1873 Reservation to include submerged lands. Pet.
App. 21.

The court of appeals attached significance to the fact
that “[a]lthough Congress had the opportunity and the —
power to repudiate the executive reservation and the

3

37

1887 agreement, it did not do so.” Pet. App. 15. Instead,
Congress authorized cession negotiations for the “pur-
chase and release by said tribe of such portions of its
reservation . . . as such tribe shall consent to sell.” Act of
7 March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. at 1002, App. 144. The court of
appeals held:

The express reference to the reservation as the
Tribe's reservation, explicit recognition that the
choice to sell was the Tribe’s, and reference to
tribal release of portions of its reservation all man-
ifest an awareness and acceptance by Congress
of the boundaries of the 1873 reservation -
boundaries that included submerged lands.

<>

Although Congress may have. been unhappy to
learn that the executive reservation included
submerged lands, its actions show recognition
and acceptance of the passage of beneficial own-
ership to the Tribe, for it sought to regain as
much submerged land as possible. The affirma-
tive course of action on which Congress
embarked in 1889 - open-ended negotiations to
purchase whatever non-agricultural land, par-
ticularly submerged lands, the Tribe was willing
to cede —- presupposes that beneficial ownership
of all land within the 1873 reservation, including
submerged lands, had already passed to the
Tribe.

Pet. App. 22-23 (emphasis in original).

1. The court of appeals, by holding that Congress did
not “repudiate” the 1873 Executive Order Reservation,
simply mischaracterized Congress’ actions. Congress not
only repudiated the 1873 Reservation, but such repudia-
tion was the underlying purpose of the 1889 Act. The
very reason that Congress required renewed negotiations

38

was Congress’ refusal to accept the Reservation bound-
aries established in the 1873 Executive Order and the
1887 agreement.

The court of appeals was correct in one respect: Con-
gress had the authority to repeal the 1873 Executive
Order if it chose to do so. Executive orders do not vest
the occupant tribe with compensable title, but only a
right of permissive occupancy akin to a tenancy at will.
Confederated Bands of Ute Indians v. United States, 330 U.S.
169, 176 (1947). It is not surprising, however, that Con-
gress chose not to repeal the 1873 Executive Order. An
outright repeal of the Order would have left the Tribe’s
farmlands unprotected. A repeal also would not have
resolved outstanding claims of aboriginal title within the
boundaries of the Reservation. As the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs noted in his 1888 Report, it was the Indian
Department’s position that “these Indians have all the
original Indian rights in the soil they occupy” and that
such rights predated the 1873 Executive Order. App. 131.

Given the above concerns, Congress chose to repudi-
ate the 1873 Reservation, and its inclusion of submerged
lands, by refusing to accept the existing Reservation
boundaries, and directing further negotiations that would
result in a radical diminishment of the Reservation. Con-
gress’ action can be characterized as an “acceptance” of.
the 1873 Reservation only through the most twisted
application of logic.

2. The holding of the court of appeals cannot be recon-
ciled with this Court’s submerged lands decisions. As
discussed above, this Court has inferred an intent to
defeat state title to submerged lands only where Con-
gress, by a definite declaration or plain statement of

39

intent, severs submerged lands from future state sover-
eignty and dedicates them to specific federal or tribal
uses. The 1889 Act simply has no comparison to the
strong language that led to defeats of state title in Choc-
taw Nation and Alaska. Unlike Choctaw Nation, there is no
language promising that Reservation lands would never
be part of a future state, or otherwise severing submerged
lands within the Coeur d’Alene Reservation from future
State sovereignty. The 1889 Act was a repudiation of the
1873 boundaries, and an authorization to negotiate new
boundaries; nothing more. There is no basis for conclud-
ing that Congress intended to defeat future state sover-
eignty over submerged lands. Indeed, there is no
indication on the face of the Act, or in its legislative
history, to indicate that Congress gave any thought to the
effect its actions may have on future state sovereign title
to submerged lands.

The 1889 Act is also distinguished from the provi-
sions reviewed in Alaska. In both of the provisions
reviewed in Alaska, Congress plainly stated its intent to
prevent the assumption of state sovereignty over the
_ Teservations at issue. See Alaska, 521 U.S at 41 (discussing
assertion of exclusive Enclave Clause jurisdiction over
petroleum reserve); Pub. L. 85-508, 72 Stat. at 340-41
(discussing state assumption of sovereignty over fish and
wildlife management and ownership of associated prop-
erties). Nothing in the 1889 Act compares to the language
reviewed in Alaska. No provision in the Act limits the
future assumption of state sovereignty over the Coeur-
d’Alene Reservation. As such, the operative language is
analogous to that reviewed in Utah-Div. of State Lands,
since it did not “purport to defeat the entitlement of

40

future States to any land reserved,” and made “no men-
tion of the States’ entitlement to the beds of navigable
rivers and lakes upon entry into statehood.” 482 U.S. at
208. In short, the 1889 Act lacks any indication that Con-
gress intended to address the issue of whether sub-

merged lands within the Reservation would be subject to -

future state sovereignty. In the absence of such evidence,
it cannot be reliably concluded that Congress intended to
defeat state sovereign title to submerged lands.

3. The court of appeals also failed to appreciate the
significance of the fact that the 1889 Act lacked any
express reference to submerged lands. The operative lan-
guage of the Act merely directed the Secretary of Interior
to “negotiate with the Coeur d’Alene tribe of Indians for
the purchase and release by said tribe of such portions
of its reservation not agricultural and valuable chiefly
for minerals and timber as such tribe shall consent to
sell... .” 25 Stat. at 1002; App. 144. The lack of an
express reference to submerged lands is especially reveal-
ing. As the court of appeals noted, the Act was prompted
by Congress’ displeasure upon learning that the Depart-
ment of Interior interpreted the Reservation to embrace
submerged lands. Pet. App. 23. Yet, in the 1889 Act,
Congress failed to list submerged lands among the lands
to be purchased.

The omission of any mention of submerged lands in
the 1889 Act could not be anything other than purposeful.
The most natural reading of the omission is that Congress
understood that the submerged lands were part of the
regalia of sovereignty, and not subject to tribal ownership
or disposal. Rather, Congress limited its express recogni-
tion of tribal property rights to the uplands adjacent to
the Lake. Such a limitation reflects the understanding

PIE we

41

that the lake was a public highway whose use was lim-
ited by tribal ownership of the adjacent uplands, which
were necessary to construct the landings and shore facili-
ties needed to make the Lake useful as a highway of
commerce. !5

The fact that the language in the 1889 Act applied
only to uplands is analogous to the situation addressed in
Utah Div. of State Lands. There, the Court held that the
language of withdrawal was necessarily limited to
uplands otherwise open to settlement. 482 U.S. at 203.
The intent to limit the withdrawal to uplands was only
affirmed by the fact that the federal purpose of develop-
ing Utah Lake as a reservoir was fully met by the reserva-
tion of title to adjacent uplands, and did not require
defeat of public title to the lakebed. 482 U.S. at 206-08.
Here, Congress’ purpose of securing public use of the
Lake did not require recognizing tribal title to the lake-
bed, since its purpose was fully met by acquiring tribal
title to adjacent uplands. Indeed, it would have been
incongruous for Congress to affirmatively defeat public
title to the Lake for the sole purpose of purchasing it back
from the Tribe. Congress therefore declined to expressly
recognize tribal title to the lakebed.

15 Congress’ refusal to recognize tribal title to submerged
lands was consistent with the fact that at this point in history,
the prevailing law was this Court’s decision in Pollard v. Hagan,
which held that Congress could not defeat state title to
submerged lands. Pollard, 44 U.S. (3 How.) at 28-29. It was not
until the 1894 decision in Shively v. Bowlby that the Court
confirmed the power of Congress to defeat future state title to
submerged lands during the period of territorial government.
152 U.S. at 48.

42

Similar omissions of express references to submerged
lands have figured prominently in this Court’s past deci-
sions. See Montana, 450 U.S. at 554 (“[t]he treaty in no
way expressly referred to the riverbed”); Utah Div. of
State Lands, 482 U.S. at 203 (“[t]he words of the 1888 Act
did not necessarily refer to lands under navigable
waters”). In short, an express reference to lands under
navigable waters is crucial to the determination that Con-
gress definitely declared or otherwise made plain its
intent to defeat state title to the submerged lands. This
rule is of especial application to the 1889 Act, where the
executive branch had construed the Reservation bound-
aries to embrace submerged lands, and Congress’
response was to order the purchase of certain uplands
and the negotiation of new boundaries. If Congress had
intended to recognize and affirm tribal title to the lake-
bed, it would have naturally included the Lake in the
description of the lands to be acquired.

4. Itis beyond question that the 1889 Act did not convey
any lands to the Coeur d’Alene Tribe. At most, Congress
recognized the Tribe’s pre-existing rights of exclusive use
and occupancy, and directed the purchase of those rights.
See Confederated Bands of Ute Indians v. United States, 330
U.S. 169, 176 (1947) (holding that Indian reservations set
aside by executive orders vest the occupant tribes with
rights of permissive occupancy). In fact, this conclusion is
implicit in the court of appeals’ holding that Congress
was directing the purchase of lands that “had already
passed to the Tribe.” Pet. App. 23.

Congress’ recognition that the Tribe held an exclusive
right of occupancy to lands within the Reservation, how-
ever, does not imply that Congress intended to sever
submerged lands within the Reservation from future state

)

er CEI

43

sovereignty. In this Court’s decisions addressing title to
submerged lands within Indian reservations, a defeat of
state title has been inferred only where Congress explic-
itly granted or conveyed the submerged lands to the
occupant Tribe in fee. Choctaw, 397 U.S. at 635. Where the
Act in question granted or recognized tribal rights of
exclusive use or occupancy, no defeat of state title has
been found.

For example, in Holt State Bank, the Court was asked
to determine title to the submerged lands underlying
Mud Lake on the Red Lake Indian Reservation. 270 U.S.
at 52. The Court deemed it significant that lands within
the Reservation had never been formally granted to the
Tribe, nor had the rights of the Indians been affirmatively
declared. Id. at 58. Rather, what had been done was to
“reserve in a general way for the continued occupation of _
the Indians what remained of their aboriginal terri-
tory....” Id. The Court held that this recognition of the
aboriginal right of occupancy was insufficient to deny the
State sovereign title to the submerged lands of Mud Lake,
since there was nothing in the recognition that “even
approaches a grant of rights in lands underlying naviga-
ble waters. ...” Id. at 58-59.

In Montana, there was a ratified treaty setting apart
lands for the exclusive use of the Tribe, but the Court
analogized the Tribe’s rights in reservation lands to those
recognized in Holt State Bank: “[A]s in Holt, ‘[t]he effect of
what was done was to reserve in a general way for the
continued occupation of the Indians what remained of
their aboriginal territory.’ ” 450 U.S. at 554, quoting Holt
State Bank, 270 U.S. at 58. Again, the right of occupancy,
even though permanent and exclusive, was held insuffi-
cient to defeat sovereign title to submerged lands, since it

44

did not amount to a conveyance of the riverbed in clear
and especial words. Id.

Together, Holt State Bank and Montana establish that
the United States’ recognition of a tribal right of exclusive
use and occupancy does not imply an intent to defeat the
future assumption of state sovereignty over submerged
lands. There must be more. In the 1889 Act, however,
there was nothing more. Congress conveyed no property
rights to the Tribe; it simply authorized the purchase of
the Tribe’s existing rights of occupancy. Indeed, Congress
took care to assure that its action would not be construed
as granting the Tribe any recognizable rights until it had
an opportunity to review and approve the results of the
negotiations it authorized. See Act of May 15, 1886, 24
Stat. at 44 (“no agreement made shall take effect until
ratified by Congress”); Act of March 2, 1889, 25 Stat. at
~ 1002 (“which purchase shall not be complete until ratified
by Congress”). App. 51, 144.

In short, the 1889 Act, at most, recognized existing
tribal rights of occupancy within the Reservation, and
then only until the completion of negotiations to pur-
chase the timber and mineral lands. As in Holt State Bank
and Montana, this recognition of the Tribe’s continued
occupation of what remained of their aboriginal territory
did not amount to a grant or conveyance sufficient to
infer an intent to defeat state title to submerged lands
within the Reservation.

5. Because the 1889 Act contains no plain statement of
intent to defeat state title to submerged lands, no further
inquiry is needed. But, if the Court were to look beyond
the plain language of the Act, as did the court of appeals,
the purpose of the Reservation would be a critical factor -

45

in determining whether a defeat of state title is implied
by the terms of the Act. See Alaska, 521 U.S. at 52 (noting
that in prior submerged lands decisions, the Court
“focused on the purpose of the conveyance or reservation
as a critical factor in determining congressional intent”).
Defeats of state title to submerged lands within federal
reservations have been found only where the assumption
of state title would have thwarted the purpose of the
reservation.

For example, in Choctaw Nation, state title to sub-
merged lands could not be reconciled with the stated
purpose of the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek, which
was to guarantee the Nation exclusive sovereignty over
its lands, and forbid the inclusion of those lands in any
future state. Choctaw Nation, 397 U.S. at 625. In Alaska,
state ownership would have thwarted the government
objectives of retaining exclusive federal sovereignty over
petroleum reserves and aquatic wildlife habitat. 521 U.S.
at 43 (“[t]he transfer of submerged lands at statehood -
and the loss of ownership rights to the oil deposits
beneath those lands - would have thwarted that purpose
[of securing a supply of oil and gas”]); id. at 52 (“waters
within the boundaries of the Range were an essential part
of the habitats of the species the Range was designed to
protect, and . . . retention of lands underlying those
waters was critical to the Government's goal of preserv-
ing these aquatic habitats”).

In the case of the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reservation,
neither of the lower courts bothered to determine the
purposes of the Reservation as understood by Congress,
nor did they explain how the purposes of the Reservation
would be thwarted by state ownership of submerged
lands. The court of appeals determined there was no need

46

“that Congress apprehend the purpose of the reservation
at the time it takes action recognizing the executive reser-
vation.” Pet. App. 18 n.11. Thus, the court limited its
discussion of purpose to the finding that when establish-
ing the reservation by executive order, “the government’s
negotiators and agents were aware of the Tribe’s depen-
dence on fishing in 1873.” Pet. App. 19.

The court of appeals’ failure to explore the purposes
of the Reservation, as understood by Congress, is inde-
fensible. The 1889 Act was not an affirmation of the 1873
Executive Order Reservation or its purposes; it was a
mandate to radically alter the Reservation to meet the
changing needs of the Tribe. As such, examination of the
purposes of the altered Reservation is required to fully
understand congressional intent.

The purposes of the altered Reservation are easily
discerned on the face of the 1889 Act. Although the
language is directed toward the purchase of certain lands,
Congress’ objectives for the continuing Reservation are
also evident. Congress directed the Secretary of Interior
to negotiate with the Tribe for the purchase and release of
“such portions of its reservation not agricultural and
valuable chiefly for minerals and timber. . . . ” 25 Stat. at
1002; App. 144. The express language of the Act directs
the Secretary of Interior to protect the Tribe’s agricultural
lands, reflecting the fact that the primary purpose of the
continuing Reservation was to protect the Tribe’s agri-
cultural activities.

The fact that Congress’ primary purpose for the new
Reservation was to protect the Tribe’s agricultural land is
supported by the legislative history. The reports submit-
ted to Congress in relation to the 1887 agreement uni-
formly portrayed the Coeur d’Alene Indians as farmers.

47

The commission that negotiated the 1887 agreement
reported that “[t]he reservation is one of the best we have
visited . . . [t]he Indians have good productive farms,
good houses, barns, gardens, horses, hogs, cattle, domes-
tic fowls, wagons, agricultural implements of the latest
patterns, and indeed everything found on flourishing
farms.” S. Ex. Doc. No. 14, 51st Cong., 1st Sess. 50 (1889);
App. 217.

In 1888, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in
responding to the Senate’s inquiry regarding Coeur
d’Alene Lake, affirmed the Tribe’s reliance on agriculture,
and added that “[t]here are few Indians in the entire
country, if we except the five civilized tribes, who are as
far advanced. .. . ” S. Ex. Doc. No. 76, 50th Cong., 1st
Sess. 5 (1888); App. 126. Given this legislative history, and
the express language in the 1889 Act, Congress clearly
anticipated that after the diminishment of the Coeur
d’Alene Reservation, the primary purpose of the Reserva-
tion would be to provide the lands nécessary to sustain
the Tribe’s agricultural efforts.

Even assuming, for purposes of argument, that the
purpose of the reduced Reservation was to provide fish-
ing opportunities for the Coeur d’Alene Tribe, such a
purpose is not necessarily incompatible with state sover-
eignty over submerged lands. Federal protection of tribal
fishing rights does not imply the exclusion of state sover-
eignty over natural resources. Indian hunting and fishing
rights “can coexist with state management of natural
resources.” Minnesota v. Mille Lacs Band of Chippewa
Indians, 526 U.S. 172, 204 (1999). The Court has “repeat-
edly reaffirmed state authority to impose reasonable and

48

necessary nondiscriminatory regulations on Indian hunt-
ing, fishing, and gathering rights in the interest of conser-
vation.” Id. at 205. State authority over hunting and
fishing by tribal members extends to lands within the
boundaries of Indian reservations. Puyallup Tribe, Inc. v.
Washington Dept. of Game, 433 U.S. 165, 175-77 (1977).

The recognition that States may regulate treaty hunt-
ing and fishing when necessary for conservation “accom- - :
modates both the State’s interest in management of its
natural resources and the [tribe’s] federally guaranteed

-treaty rights.” Minnesota, 526 U.S. at 205. By employing
such a standard, “treaty rights are reconcilable with state
sovereignty over natural resources.” Id. Thus, state sover-
eignty over submerged lands and federal protection for
tribal fisheries are not irreconcilable, distinguishing this
case from Alaska, where state ownership of submerged
lands would have thwarted the primary purposes of the
reservations.

The Act of July 3, 1890.

The final action Congress took with regard to Indian
reservations within the Idaho Territory was the Act
admitting Idaho to the Union. Act of July 3, 1890, 26 Stat.
215. Although there was no specific mention of the Coeur
d’Alene Reservation, the Act affirms the following provi-
sion in the Idaho Constitution:

And the people of the state of Idaho do agree
and declare that we forever disclaim all right
and title to the unappropriated public lands
lying within the boundaries thereof, and to all
lands lying within said limits owned or held by
any Indians or Indian tribes; and until the title
thereto shall have been extinguished by the
United States, the same shall be subject to the
disposition of the United States, and said Indian

49

lands shall remain under the absolute jurisdic-
tion and control of the congress of the United
States... .

Idaho Const., Art. 21, § 19.

The court of appeals did not read this provision as a
defeat of state title to the submerged lands at dispute
here, but it did cite the provision as “weigh[ing] in favor
of the conclusion we have reached, for it disclaims title to
land ‘held by’ Indians.” Pet. App. 24.

The court of appeals’ conclusion, however, presup-
poses that Congress had, prior to statehood, affirmatively
acted to defeat state title to submerged lands. On its own,
the provision cannot be read as a defeat of state title to
submerged lands within the boundaries of the Coeur
d’Alene Indian Reservation. As this Court has repeatedly
recognized, during the territorial period, submerged
lands within the boundaries of Indian reservations are
held in trust for future States, unless Congress takes
affirmative action to defeat state title to the submerged
lands prior to the State’s admission. Montana, 450 U.S. at
551.

The language of Article 21, Section 19 of the Idaho
Constitution merely disclaims title to lands owned or
held by Indian tribes. It does not alter tribal title or
convey any interests not already held. Thus, in the
absence of a pre-statehood act that defeated state title to
submerged lands within the Coeur d’Alene Indian Reser-
vation, those lands, at the point of statehood, continued
to be held by the United States in trust for the State of
Idaho, and were not “held by any Indians or Indian
tribes.” Given that fundamental fact, the disclaimer pro-
vision in the Idaho Constitution does not affect the issues
before the Court.

50
CONCLUSION

The judgment of the United States Court of Appeals
for the Ninth Circuit should be reversed.

Respectfully submitted.

ALAN G. LANCE

Attorney General
CuIvE J. STRONG

Deputy Attorney General

Chief, Natural Resources Division
STEVEN W. STRACK

Deputy Attorney General

January 2001

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Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/brief%3Amicro_IA40386019_1726%3A10. Public record. Not legal advice.
