# Amicus Curiae Brief — Johanns v. Livestock Marketing Assn.

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## Record

- **Collection:** Supreme Court brief
- **Document type:** Amicus Curiae Brief
- **Published:** January 1, 2005
- **Citation:** 544 U.S. 550

## Text

Supreme Court US.
(») FILED
JQ

A
Nos. 03-1164 & 03-1165 G26 2004

IN THE

Supreme Cont of the United States

ANN M. VENEMAN, SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE, et a/.,

Petitioners,

LIVESTOCK MARKETING ASSOCIATION, et a/.,

Respondents.

NEBRASKA CATTLEMEN, INC., ef a/.,

Petitioners,

LIVESTOCK MARKETING ASSOCIATION, ef a/.,

Respondents.

ON WRITS OF CERTIORARI TO THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT

BRIEF FOR AMICUS CURIAE
THE CALIFORNIA AGRICULTURAL ISSUES FORUM
SUPPORTING PETITIONERS

SETH P. WAXMAN
Counsel of Record
RANDOLPH D. Moss
; TODD ZUBLER
BRIAN M. BOYNTON
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING
HALE AND DORR LLP
2445 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20037
(202) 663-6000

QUESTION PRESENTED.
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
STATEMENT OF INTEREST
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
ARGUMENT

TABLE OF CONTENTS

MANDATORY CONTRIBUTIONS FOR COMMOD-
ITY PROMOTION PROGRAMS Do Not IMPLI-
CATE PRODUCERS’ FIRST AMENDMENT
RIGHTS BECAUSE THE SPEECH FUNDED IS
THAT OF THE GOVERNMENT.

SSSR RHEE HEHEHE eee

SSSR HSER HEHEHE eH Ee

sa liliadiacliadiadatieeeiaiede dati tadaieieieal

A MANDATORY COMMODITY PROMOTION PRO-
GRAM IS CONSTITUTIONAL IF IT SATISFIES

INTERMEDIATE SCRUTINY. .....c.cccscececscocosesessssersserereseeees

MOST MANDATORY COMMODITY PROMOTION
PROGRAMS WILL SURVIVE INTERMEDIATE
SCRUTINY. aaa eeenerneeee

A. Mandatory Commodity Promotion Pro-
grams Further Substantial Governmental
Interests in Supporting Agricultural In-
dustries and Remedying Market Failures. ...........

1. Commodity Promotion Programs

Maintain and Expand Agricultural In-
CC

2. Ccummodity Promotion Programs Cor-
rect the Market Failure Caused by

“Free Riding.”

B. Mandatory Commodity Promotion Pro-

grams Directly Advance an Important
Governmental Purpose and Are Narrowly

Tailored.

(iii)

11

13

14

. 18

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued

1V. COMMODITY PROGRAMS THAT REQUIRE PRO-
DUCERS TO ASSOCIATE FOR IMPORTANT REA-
SONS APART FROM CONDUCTING GENERIC
ADVERTISING SATISFY THE “GERMANENESS”

TEST OF ABOOD. ..

CONCLUSION........... .

2 &

— sew ST nn

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

CASES
Page(s)
44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 484
(1996) i)
Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, 431 U.S. 209
(1977) 3, 11, 27, 30
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200
(1995) 1l
Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin

System v. Southworth, 529 U.S. 217 (2000) 4,6
Board of Trustees of State University of New York

v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469 (1989) 12, 25
Burson v. Freeman, 504 U.S. 191 (1992) 7
Central Hudson Gas & Electric Corp. v. Public

Service Commission, 447 U.S. 557 (1980) x
Charter v. USDA, 230 F. Supp. 2d 1121 (D. Mont.

2002) 6
FEC v. Beaumont, 539 U.S. 146 (2003) 10

Gerawan Farming, Inc. v. Kawamura, 90 P.3d 1179
(Cal. 2004) 12, 13, 14, 25, 26
Glickman v. Wileman Bros. & Elliott, Inc., 521

U.S. 457 (1997) passim
Keller v. State Bar of California, 496 US. 1

(1990) 4, 5, 18, 27
Lathrop v. Donohue, 367 U.S. 820 (1961) 11
Lebron v. National Railroad Passenger Corp.,

513 U.S. 374 (1995) 4, 5,6
Lehnert v. Ferris Faculty Ass'n, 500 US. 507

(1991) 11,18
Livestock Marketing Ass’n v. USDA, 207 F. Supp.

2d 992 (D.S.D. 2002) 6
McConnell v. FEC, 124 8S. Ct. 619 (2003) 10
Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697 (1931) . 7
Pelts & Skins, LLC v. Landreneau, 365 F.3d 423

(5th Cir. 2004) 26

Railway Employees’ Department v. Hanson, 351
US. 225 (1956) ll

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page(s)
Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. v. FCC, 512 US.

622 (1994) 11, 12
United States v. Frame, 885 F.2d 1119 (3d Cir.

1989) 12
United States v. O’Brien, 391 U.S. 367 (1968) 7
United States v. United Foods, 533 U.S. 405 (2001) .....passim
Waters v. Churchill, 511 U.S. 661 (1994) 3]
Webster v. Fall, 266 U.S. 507 (1925) 9
Zauderer v. Office of Disciplinary Counsel,

471 U.S. 626 (1985) 9, 10, 25

STATUTES
Beef Promotion and Research Act of 1985, 7 U.S.C.
§§ 2901 et seq. passim

Agricultural Adjustment Act, ch. 25, 48 Stat. 31

(1933) 15
Federal Agriculture Improvement and Reform Act

of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-127, 110 Stat. 888......... 15, 16, 23

Cal. Food & Agric. Code § 63901 16, 23
Cal. Food & Agric. Code § 63901.4 16
Cal. Food & Agric. Code § 65500 et seq. 29, 30
OTHER AUTHORITIES
2002 Census of Agriculture, available at
http://www.nass.usda.gov/census/ (last visited
Aug. 20, 2004) . 2, 13, 20
Alston, Julian M., et al., The California Prune
Board’s Promotion program: An Evaluation
(Giannini Foundation Research Report No.
344, Mar. 1998) 17

vii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Julian M. Alston et al., The California Table Grape
Commission's Promotion Program: An
Evaluation (Giannini Found. Research Report
No. 43, Nov. 1997) (finding substantial returns
to table grape advertising and promotion over
the period 1968-1993), available at http://
giannini.ucop.edu/Monographs/43-grapes.

(last visited Aug. 20, 2004) =

Page(s)

17, 18

California Department of Food and Agriculture
List of Marketing Programs, available at
http://www.cdfa.ca.gov/mkt/mkt/mktbrds.html

. (last visited Aug. 20, 2004)

wo BY

California Table Grape Commission, Brand Survey,
available at http://www. freshcaliforni
-com/consumer_research.pdf (last visited Aug.
20, 2004)

21

California Table Grape Commission website, avail-
able at http//www.freshcaliforniagrapes.com

(last visited Aug. 20, 2004)
Carman, Hoy F. & R. Kim Craft, An Economic
Evaluation of California Avocado Industry
Marketing Programs 1961-1995 (Giannini
— Research Report No. 345, July

17

Commodity Advertising and Promotion (Henry W.
Kinnucan et al. eds. 1992)

Crespi, John M., Promotion Checkoffs, Why So
Controversial? The Evolution of Generic Ad-
vertising Battles (National Institute for Com-
modity Promotion Research & Evaluation
2001), available at http://www. aem.cornell.edu
/special_programs/commodity/nicpre/bulletins/
rb0104.pdf (last visited Aug. 20, 2004)

15, 21

viii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page(s)
Economic Research Service, USDA, State Fact
Sheets, available at http://www.ers.usda.gov
/StateFacts/US.HTM (last visited Aug. 20,

2004)... 13, 17
Forker, Olan D. & Ronald Ww. Ward, Commodity
Advertising: The Economics and Measurement

of Generic Programs (199B).....rererereneneees 15, 16, 19, 23
Kinnucan, Henry W., A Critique of the Promotion
Evaluations Submitted in Fulfillment of the

$906 PP AIDR AGP cccccecsccececcecsssscessssesssnsscsscssossnsososscssessssssesseee 17
Kinnucan, Henry W. & @ystein Myrland, Free-
Rider Effects of Generic Advertising: The Case

of Salmon, 19 Agribusiness 315 (2003) ...........-0-0e0e0 21, 22
Lauck, Jon, After Deregulation: Constructing Agri-
cultural Policy in the Age of “Freedom To

Farm,” 5 Drake J. Agric. L. 3 (2000)...... 1, 14. 15
Lee, Hyunok, et al., Mandated Marketing Pro-
grams for California Commodities (Berkeley:
University of California Agricultural Experi-
ment Station, Giannini Foundation Information

Series No. 96-1 (1996)) —_ 17
Looney, J.W., The Changing Focus of Government
Regulation of Agriculture in the United States,

44 Mercer L. Rev. 763 (1993) .. 20
Market Share Reporter (Robert S. Lazich ed. 2003) ............ 20
Olson, Mancur, The Logic of Collective Action

(1971). : 19
Samuelson, Robert J., A Sad Primer i in Hypocrisy,

Newsweek (Feb. il, 2002) 15

The Laureates of the Univ. of Cal., Riverside, Cali-
fornia Avocado Commission, available at
http://www.development.ucr.edw/perpet-
ual/perplaureatescac.html (last visited Aug. 20,
2004) 20

ix
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page(s)
USDA, Agricultural Mktg. Programs, available at
http://www.ams.usda.gov/repromo.htm (last vi-

Sited Aug. 20, 2004)........cccceccssssesssesssessessssessessseseses 16
USDA, Agricultural Mktg. Servs. List of Fed.

Mktg. Orders, available at

http://www.ams.usda.gov/fv/moabmotab.htm

(last visited Aug. 20, 2004) .......c..cccccccsecsssesssssssssseesseeessss., 17

Vande Kamp, Phillip R. & Harry M. Kaiser, Com-

modity Promotion rinencenwsn in the U
itt 1800 ee sae 16

STATEMENT OF INTEREST'

The California Agricultural Issues Forum (“the Fo-
rum”) is a nonprofit mutual benefit corporation whose mem-
bers are entities established under state or federal laws to
collect mandatory assessments and to use those assessments
to engage in research and promotional activities relating to
particular agricultural commodities. The Forum is thus in-
timately familiar with the workings of programs like that at
issue in this case and has a substantial interest in the contin-
ued operation and success of those programs.

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

Few issues of public policy have plagued national and
state government as profoundly or as consistently as low
farm prices.’ Since at least the 1930s, Congress and the
States have attempted innumerable remedies, from produc-
tion restrictions, to antitrust exemptions, to price supports.
Fields that were already planted have been “plowed up” and
millions of newborn pigs and hundreds of thousands of sows
killed to drive up prices; taxpayers have shouldered the cost
of hundreds of billions of dollars of farm subsidies; and the
Government has taken the extraordinary step of paying
farmers not to farm.

As discussed more fully below, the problem of low farm
prices has persisted in part because most agricultural com-
modities, unlike many other goods, come from a very large
number of relatively small producers and are undifferenti-
ated between producers. In 2002, for example, there were
more than two million farms in the United States, each with

' The parties in this case have consented to the filing of this brief.
No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part, and no per-
son or entity, other than the Forum, its members, or its counsel, made a
monetary contribution to the preparation or submission of this brief.

? See, e.g., Jon Lauck, After Deregulation: Constructing Agricultural
Policy in the Age of “Freedom To Farm,” 5 Drake J. Agric. L. 3, 15 (2000)

(In the 1960 presidential election, Senator John Kennedy declared that
low farm prices were “our no. 1 . . . domestic problem.”).

2

average sales of less than $100,000.’ As a result—unlike the
IBMs or GMs of the world—the average avocado, cherry, or
grape farmer cannot possibly engage in the costly —
and promotien necessary to increase overall consumer de-
mand (and thus price) for his or her product. Experience
and economic theory show, moreover, that voluntary efforts
to band together to do so are destined to fail. The average
avocado farmer, for example, has no incentive to advertise
individually, or to join with other farmers to do 80, when the
benefit of his or her expenditure or contribution will be
shared over the thousands of other growers—many of whom
may have themselves opted not to contribute.

Mandatory agricultural research and promotion pro-
grams, like that at issue in this case, represent a singular
success in addressing this “collective action problem” and
the plight of small farms throughout the country. There are
more than one hundred existing federal and state mandatory
commodity research and promotion programs, which a
take, among other things, health and agriculture wongenr
foreign market access initiatives, consumer education, an
generic advertising—all designed to increase demand or to
improve production for particular agricultural negra
And they have had extraordinary success in doing so. In-
deed, in some cases, the return on investment to each par-
ticipant is as high as $26 for every dollar paid. No other
farm policy has come close to achieving this level of success.

The Eighth Circuit’s decision jeopardizes these pro-
grams and the countless farm-related jobs that depend on
the market demand they generate. Perhaps most disturb-
ingly, the approach adopted by the Eighth Circuit would im-
pose on Congress (and, presumably, state legislatures) sage
gle, judicially defined recipe for agricultural promotion:
Congress wants to expand demand for an agricultural com-
modity by imposing mandatory assessments on growers that

* See : : , vol. 1, ch. 1, tbl. 1, available at
See 2002 Census of Agriculture, vol. 1, ‘
http://www.nass.usda.gov/census/census02/volume 1/us/st99_1_002_002.pdf

(last visited Aug. 20, 2004).

3

are then used for advertising (along with other demand-
increasing activities), it must first implement a “broader col-
lective enterprise” in which growers’ “freedom to act inde-
pendently” is “constrained by [a] regulatory scheme,” as in
Glickman v. Wileman Bros, & Elliott, Inc., 521 U.S. 457
(1997). See United States v. United Foods, 533 U.S. 405, 412
(2001) (quoting Wileman, 521 U.S. at 469). Under the rea-
soning of the Court of Appeals, any other program of this
sort is per se unconstitutional. Nothing in the First

Amendment or this Court’s precedents compels this re-
markable conclusion.

First, contrary to the Court of Appeals’ conclusion, the
First Amendment does not even apply to the mandatory

funding of speech by a government-established entity that
delivers a message defined by the government.

Second, even if the First Amendment applies, it does
not impose any such per se rule. Rather, because mandatory
commodity promotion programs bar no speech, but simply
provide additional information to consumers; do not compel
any speech, but only the payment of money; and do not con-
vey an ideological message, but only commercial advertise-
ments, the most stringent level of scrutiny that can possibly
apply is intermediate scrutiny. Given the opportunity, the
vast majority of federal and state commodity research and
promotion programs will be able to show that they effec-
tively further an important government interest in support-
ing agricultural industries and helping to overcome tne col-

lective action problem, and that they do so in a narrowly tai-
lored manner.

Finally, many mandatory commodity programs are also
constitutional under the “germaneness” test articulated in
Abood v. Detroit P-«rd of Education, 431 U.S. 209 (1977),
because unlike the s.and-alone advertising program at issue
in United Foods, they use advertising as part of a broader
effort to expand demand—including through health and ag-
ricultural research and foreign market access efforts.

Regardless of how any particular program might fare if
subjected to the proper constitutional scrutiny, the Court of

4

i i i important federal
Appeals plainly erred in setting aside an impo
mi hove because it concluded that the program was not
accompanied by a collectivization of the industry.

ARGUMENT

NTRIBUTIONS FOR COMMODITY PROMO-
Te PROGHAMS DO NOT IMPLICATE PRODUCERS’ FIRST

AMENDMENT RIGHTS BECAUSE THE SPEECH FUNDED IS

THAT OF THE GOVERNMENT.

A. The Eighth Circuit’s determination that the gov-
ernment-speech doctrine does not apply in a case peat
compelled funding of speech (see Pet. App. 17a-18a) S| e
be rejected. This Court has recognized that it is “inevi :
that funds raised by the government will be spent for =
and other expression” and that the government may pay for
that speech with “taxes or other exactions binding - pro-
testing parties.” Board of Regents of Univ. of Wis. et v.
Southworth, 529 U.S. 217, 229 (2000). Thus, the Court wo
made clear that citizens compelled to fund ngage ie
speech have no right under the First Amendment to : ~
to funding that speech. See Keller v. State Bar of Ca 2 “
U.S. 1, 12-13 (1990). The advertising of most comm vd
promotion programs is government speech because the
boards that run the ads are instrumentalities of the sap
ment under this Court’s precedent and the messages they
deliver are defined by Congress and the state legislatures.

This Court’s decision in Lebron v. National erin
Passenger Corp. makes clear that where “the nascar
creates a corporation by special law, for the furtherance :
governmental objectives, and retains for itself permanen

+ The Court of Appeals relied on Southworth in holding that the gov-
ernment-speech doctrine does not apply to a case involving the =
funding of speech. See Pet. App. 17a-18a. But aero — a

i i hworth, too, involv e ma
actly the opposite conclusion. Sout . henge oped

i f speech, and although the government-speec
po the Court said it did not only because “{t)he University ha{d]
disclaimed that the speech is its own.” 529 U.S. at 229.

5

authority to appoint a majority of the directors of that cor-
poration, the corporation is part of the Government for pur-
poses of the First Amendment.” 513 U.S. 374, 400 (1995).
Here, the Court of Appeals concluded that Lebron was inap-
plicable because Amtrak, which was resisting a holding that
its billboards were public fora, “argued that it was not part
of the government,” whereas “in a government speech case
the defendant typically argues that it is part of the govern-
ment and therefore immune from content-related First
Amendment scrutiny.” Pet. App. 18a n.5. The court did not
explain, however, why this difference matters, unless the
governing rule is that an entity’s governmental status must
always be resolved against the entity in favor of a First
Amendment challenge. But that cannot be the law. To the
contrary, if an entity is a part of the government that cannot
make content-based distinctions when it creates a public fo-
rum for private speech, then surely that same entity remains
part of the government when it is itself the speaker.”

In the present context, moreover, not only is the
speaker a government-created entity, with government-
appointed members, but the message that it conveys is also
defined by the government. The Beef Act, for example, like
most commodity promotion programs, defines the speech at
issue: it must be about beef—speech about politics, social
issues, and anything else is not authorized—and it must con-
vey a specific message about beef, namely, that consumers
should buy more beef. See 7 U.S.C. §§ 2902(13), 2904(10). A
commodity promotion board’s speech, in other words, is fun-
damentally different from the political and ideological speech
of the State Bar in Keller, which was not specified by the
government and which this Court held lawyers could not be
compelled to subsidize. See 496 U.S. at 13-16. For these

* The fact that members of the Beef Board are nominated by state
cattle associations before being appointed by the Secretary of Agriculture
does not change this conclusion. Indeed, the same was true in Lebron,
where the President was required to make most of his appointments from
lists submitted by various groups. See 513 U.S. at 385.

6

reasons, here, unlike in Keller, there is little doubt that the
government is “accountable to the electorate and the politi-
cal process for its advocacy.” Southworth, 529 U.S. at 235.
As with all other government speech, those who disagree
with the message can blame Congress.

B. Day-to-day oversight of a commodity program by
another government agency is not required for the govern-
ment-speech doctrine to apply. The lower courts have dis-
agreed about whether the Secretary of Agriculture per-
forms any meaningful oversight of the Beef Program and
have given this question significant weight in their determi-
nations whether the Beef Program constitutes government
speech. Compare Livestock Mktg. Ass'n v. USDA, 207 F.
Supp. 2d 992, 1005-1006 (D.S.D. 2002), with Charter v.
USDA, 230 F. Supp. 2d 1121, 1187-1138 (D. Mont. 2002).
That inquiry, however, is wholly beside the point.

If an entity like the Beef Board is itself a governmental
entity that is required to deliver a government-defined mes-
sage, then its speech is necessarily government speech, and
oversight by a different government agency is irrelevant.
This Court did not ask in Lebron, for example, whether the
government-appointed directors were subject to day-to-day
oversight by some other government official. Any other
approach would force courts to make difficult, arbitrary de-
terminations regarding precisely how much government
oversight is sufficient for a particular program. For exam-
ple, is attendance by a government representative at most
but not all board meetings sufficient? If the government
representative attends but plays no active role, is the de-
fense still viable? This Court should avoid opening the door
for further litigation wrestling with minutiae of this nature
by holding that the advertising conducted by commodity
promotion boards pursuant to a specific mandate by Con-

° To the contrary, the Court recognized that “the directors of Am-
trak, unlike commissioners of independent regulatory agencies, are not, by
the explicit terms of the statute, removeable by the President for cause,
and are not impeachable by Congress.” Lebron, 513 US. at 398.

Poti

7

gress or a State is government speech that does not impli
i t impli-
cate producers’ First Amendment rights.

Il. A MANDATORY COMMODITY PROMOTION PROGRAM IS

CONSTITUTIONAL IF IT SATISFIES I
pena . NTERMEDIATE SCRU-

A. It is long settled that a law is not unconstitutional
merely because it implicates First Amendment rights. See
eg., United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 376 (1968)
Rather, before a court may declare a law unconstitutional. it
must consider whether the law serves a sufficiently impor-
tant governmental interest and does so with sufficient preci-
sion. Even content-based restrictions on core political
speech and prior restraints on speech can survive constitu-
tional scrutiny in some circumstances. See Burson v. Free-
man, 504 U.S. 191, 211 (1992); Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S.
697, 716 (1931). Thus, even if a particular commodity promo-
tion program implicates the First Amendment—because it
does not involve government speech and is not mere “eco-
nomic regulation” under the Court’s decision in Glickman v
Wileman Bros. & Elliott, Inc., 521 U.S. 457, 474-475 (1997) —

the program must be upheld if it survives th
stitutional scrutiny. e applicable con-

Rather than apply this well-established framework to
the Beef Program, the Court of Appeals held that it was not
required “to engage in such a line-drawing exercise” because
this Court had already decided in United Foods that any
mandatory commodity promotion program that is not part of
a broader regulatory scheme is per se unconstitutional. See
Pet. App. 26a. United Foods, of course, holds no such thing.
To the contrary, the Court was unmistakably clear in stating
“we ...do not consider whether the Government's interest
could be considered substantial for purposes of the Central
Hudson test.” 533 U.S. at 410. The notion that the Court
nonetheless went on to decide this issue, not only with re-
spect to the mushroom program, but also with respect to
every other commodity promotion program—and did so in
the context of reviewing whether the district court had

8

properly granted summary judgment in the Government’s
favor—is unfounded.

B. A law requiring producers of a commodity to fund
generic advertising for that commodity is subject to, at
most, intermediate scrutiny because such a law only mini-
mally impinges on the First Amendment rights of produc-
ers—if it does so at all. Six members of this Court have al-
ready indicated that a mandatory commodity promotion
program is constitutional if it passes the intermediate scru-
tiny test established under Central Hudson Gas & Electric
Corp. v. Public Service Commission, 447 U.S. 557 (1980). In
Wileman, Justice Souter, Chief Justice Rehnquist, and Jus-
tice Scalia said (in dissent) that they would have applied in-
termediate scrutiny to commodity promotion programs. See
521 U.S. at 492-493 (Souter, J., dissenting). And in United
Foods, Justices Breyer, O’Connor, and Ginsburg indicated
that if the mushroom program were subject to First
Amendment scrutiny at all, they would apply only interme-
diate scrutiny and uphold the program. See 533 U.S. at 429
(Breyer, J., dissenting).

To be sure, in neither Wileman nor United Foods did a
majority apply intermediate scrutiny, but in neither case
was it necessary for the Court to do so. In Wileman, the
Court held that the tree-fruit marketing program did not
even implicate the First Amendment. The Court questioned
in a footnote why the Court of Appeals in that case had
started its analysis with Central Hudson rather than “apply
Abood’s ‘germaneness’ test,” Wileman, 521 U.S. at 474 n.18,
but the Court never stated that a program that passed the
higher Central Hudson standard would nonetheless be un-
constitutional. Similarly, the Court in United Foods had no
reason to address whether intermediate scrutiny was appli-
cable. United Foods principally addressed and rejected the
Government’s contention that the mushroom program was
constitutional as economic regulation under the Court’s deci-

sion in Wileman. See 533 U.S. at 411-413. The Court ex-
pressly noted that the Government did “not rely upon Cen-
tral Hudson to challenge the Court of Appeals’ decision,”

9

533 U.S. at 410, and the Court therefore never addressed
whether a commodity promotion program could be constitu-
tional based on the fact that it serves important governmen-
tal purposes, independent of any connection to a broader
regulatory scheme. Neither case, therefore, forecloses the
application of intermediate scrutiny. See Waters v. Chur-
chill, 511 U.S. 661, 678 (1994) (plurality opinion of O’Connor
J.); Webster v. Fall, 266 U.S. 507, 510 (1925). )

In any event, because mandatory commodity promotion
programs are particularly unikely to impose significant
burdens on free speech, no standard more demanding than
intermediate scrutiny should apply.

First, commodity promotion programs involve -
pelled funding of only amare nonideological, ce.
cial speech. Whatever the level of scrutiny applicable to a
restriction on commercial speech that deprives consumers of
truthful, nonmisleading information, see 44 Liquormart, Inc
v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 484, 501-504 (1996) (plurality opin.
ion of Stevens, Kennedy, and Ginsburg, JJ.); id. at 517
(Scalia, J. concurring in part and concurring in judgment); id.
at 518 (Thomas, J., concurring in part and concurring in
judgment), this Court’s precedents are clear that a regula-
tion of commercial speech that results in more, rather than
less, speech implicates First Amendment rights to only a
limited degree. As a plurality of the Court noted in 44 Li-
quormart, the principal reason commercial speech even war-
rants First Amendment protection is because consumers
have an interest in receiving product information. See id. at
496 (plurality opinion of Stevens, Kennedy, Souter, Gins-
burg, JJ.). A law that provides consumers with more infor-
mation therefore should be analyzed differently than a law
that limits the flow of information.

In Zauderer v. Office of Disciplinary Counsel, 471 U.S
626 (1985), for example, the Court applied highly deferential
review in upholding a requirement that an attorney’s adver-
tisement disclose that clients must pay costs in contingent
fee cases because it was “reasonably related to the State’s
interest in preventing deception of consumers.” Jd. at 651.

10

Although the State’s interest in that case focused on pre-
venting consumer deception, see United Foods, 533 U.S. at
416, the Court made clear that “[bJecause the extension of
First Amendment protection to commercial speech is justi-
fied principally by the value to consumers of the information
such speech provides, . . . [a person’s] constitutionally pro-
tected interest in not providing any particular factual infor-
mation in his advertising is minimal.” 471 U.S. at 651.

Second, laws that regulate the payment of money, even
if used for speech, tread less heavily on free-speech rights
than laws that regulate speech directly. The payment of
money simply is not the equivalent of speech. As the Court
recently explained in upholding a ban on corporate campaign
contributions, “restrictions on political contributions have
been treated as merely marginal speech restrictions subject
to relatively complaisant review under the First Amend-
ment, because contributions lie closer to the edges than to
the core of political expression.” FEC v. Beaumont, 539
U.S. 146, 162 (2003) (internal quotation omitted). For this
reason, the Court has held that campaign contribution limits
are not subject to the “strong presumption against constitu-
tionality of the sort often thought to accompany the words
‘strict scrutiny.”” McConnell v. FEC, 124 S. Ct. 619, 656
(2003).

By the same token, laws that compel (rather than limit)
the funding of speech implicate First Amendment rights to a
lesser degree than laws that actually compel speech itself.
Indeed, this Court’s cases make clear that laws compelling
funding of speech do not trigger exacting scrutiny. In
Abood, for example, before even reaching the germaneness
inquiry, the Court invoked a relaxed form of scrutiny—
citing “the legislative assessment of the important contribu-
tion of the union shop to the system of labor relations estab-
lished by Congress”—in reaffirming that an employee may
be compelled to pay fees to a union even if the employee has
ideological objections to the union’s collective bargaining ac-

11

tivities. 431 U.S. at 222;’ see also Lathrop v. Donohue, 367
U.S. 820, 843 (1961) (Wisconsin “might reasonably believe”
that compelled payment of bar dues by all lawyers in the
State served “legitimate interests in raising the quality of
professional services”). If an employee can be compelled to
pay for ideological speech relating to collective bargaining in
order serve the important governmental interest in labor
policy, then surely a farmer can be compelled to pay for
commercial speech in order to serve the equally important
governmental interest in agricultural policy.

C, The Court of Appeals erred in concludin

U nited Foods prevented it from undertaking an ee te
determination whether the Beef Act can be sustained under
intermediate scrutiny. Because the Eighth Circuit has not
considered the application of intermediate scrutiny, this
Court, rather than address the issue in the first instance
should reverse the decision of the Court of Appeals and re-
mand the case for application of that test. See Adarand
Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200, 237 (1995) (remand-
ing for application of the proper level of scrutiny).

Ill. MOST MANDATORY COMMODITY PROMOTION

WILL SURVIVE INTERMEDIATE SCRUTINY. —

Under intermediate scrutiny, a law will be upheld
against constitutional challenge if “it furthers an important
or substantial governmental interest,” “the governmental
interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression,”
and if the restriction “is no greater than is essential to the
furtherance of that interest.” Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v.
FCC, 512 U.S. 622, 662 (1994) (internal quotation omitted).

.
The “germaneness” inquiry of Abood and its i
nes progeny is used to de-
termine whether activities outside of core collective bargaining activities
~ be funded with mandatory dues. See, e.g., Lehnert v. Ferris Faculty
ss'n, 500 U.S. 507, 519 (1991). The separate determination, initially
pre by the Court in Railway Employees’ Department v. Hanson
351 U.S. 225 (1956), and acknowledged in Abood, that compelled funding of
ive bargaining is constitutionally justified, entailed an application of
a relaxed form of intermediate scrutiny. See Abood, 431 U.S. at 222.

12

“To satisfy this standard, a regulation need not be the least
speech-restrictive means of advancing the Government’s
interests.” Jd.; see also Board of Trs. of State Univ. of N.Y.
v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 480 (1989).

Whether a particular commodity promotion program
survives First Amendment scrutiny is a fact-intensive in-
quiry that must be made on a case-by-case basis. See Turner
Broad., 512 U.S. at 664-665. But most, if not all, mandatory
commodity promotion programs—even if they involve only
or primarily generic advertising—should pass this test.
Such programs further an important governmental interest
in helping to sustain important agricultural industries and
overcoming the structural impediments that prevent farm-
ers from engaging in significant demand-expanding activ-
ity—either individually or through voluntary collective ac-
tion. Indeed, in United States v. Frame, 885 F.2d 1119 (3d
Cir. 1989), the Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit con-
cluded that the Beef Program survived even strict scrutiny
precisely because supporting the beef industry is a compel-
ling governmental purpose, the Program is ideologically
neutral, and the mandatory nature of the Program is neces-
sary to combat the free-rider problem. See id. at 1133-1137.

More recently, in a thorough and well-reasoned opinion,
the California Supreme Court held that, under the State
Constitution (which is generally more protective of free-
speech rights than the United States Constitution), commod-
ity promotion programs are subject to only intermediate
scrutiny. See Gerawan Farming, Inc. v. Kawamura, 90 P.3d
1179, 1192 (Cal. 2004). In considering the application of in-
termediate scrutiny, the court (1) held that “the objective of
maintaining and expanding markets for agricultural prod-
ucts, thereby ensuring the viability of California agriculture,
is a substantial objective,” id. at 1193; (2) rejected the argu-
ment that “the government’s interest is not substantial sim-
ply because the [California Marketing Act] has delegated the
decision whether to create a marketing program in a given
sector of the agricultural economy to the agricultural pro-
ducers themselves,” id.; (3) accepted the State’s position that

13

if the generic advertising at issue is “an efficacious means of
significantly improving the sale of agricultural products in
this state,” then the challenged program directly advances
the government’s interests, id.; and (4) rejected the plain-
tiffs argument that a program funded from producer as-
sessments is always unconstitutional because it could be
funded from general tax revenues, see id. at 1194. This
Court, if it rejects the government-speech defense and ad-
dresses the application of intermediate scrutiny, should ap-
ply a similar analysis under the federal Constitution.

A. Mandatory Commodity Promotion Programs Fur-
ther = ae yc ern Interests in Sup-

Market Failures. an ee

. Agriculture is of fundamental importance

mies of the United States and satiate oe aoe
over two million farms in the United States produced $200
billion worth of goods, and farm-related employment ac-
counted for approximately 26 million jobs—over 15% of the
total jobs in the United States.’ For California, which has
the largest agricultural production of any State in the Na-
tion, the total amount of sales of agricultural products was
well over $25 billion in 2002, there were almost 100 million
acres of farmland that year, and in 2000, farm-related em-

~~ accounted for 15.1% of the State’s over 19 million
obs.

8
See 2002 Census of Agriculture, vol. 1, ch

. , Vol. 1, ch. 1, tbl. 1, available at

http://ww.nass.usda.gov/census/census02/volume l/us/st99_1 002 002.pdf

(last visited Aug. 20, 2004); Economic Research Service, USDA, State

Fact Sheets, available at http://www .
-vkdien ie, ae

” See 2002 Census of Agri

griculture, vol. 1, ch. 2, tbl. 2, available a
http://www.nass.usda.gov/census/census02/volume 1/us/st99 2_002_002 at
(last visited Aug. 20, 2004); Economic Research Service, USDA State
Fact Sheets, available at http://www.ers.usda.gov/StateFacts/CA htm
(last visited Aug. 20, 2004) (jobs total for 2001). )

14

It is clear that given the importance of agriculture to
the economy of the United States and various individual
States, the governmental interest in supporting the agricul-
tural industry is substantial. The California Supreme Court
so concluded in Gerawan Farming, see 90 P.3d at 1193, and
even the Justices in dissent in Wileman agreed that main-
taining and expanding markets for covered commodities are
“substantial government interests,” 521 U.S. at 492 (Souter,
J., dissenting). Mandatory commodity promotion programs
directly advance this governmental interest in two ways:
(1) increasing demand for agricultural commodities, and (2)
addressing market failures that result in suboptimal spend-
ing on agricultural research and promotion.

1. Commodity Promotion Programs Maintain
and Expand Agricultural Industries.

Maintaining a vibrant and stable agricultural industry is

of utmost importance both to the United States and to indi-
vidual States. That task, however, is not an easy one.
Weather, disease, and pests—uncontrollable and unpredict-
able—can drastically affect crop output. Moreover, agricul-
tural markets respond poorly to gluts in the market that de-
press prices. See Jon Lauck, After Deregulation: Construct-
ing Agricultural Policy in the Age of “Freedom To Farm,” 5
Drake J. Agric. L. 3, 5 (2000). “Instead of adjusting supply
when prices sink to unsustainable levels, farmers often
maintain production levels—believing that they need to op-
erate at full-capacity in order to make up for lower prices—
or increase their production.” Jd. Indeed, many farmers
have turned to new technologies to increase production in an
attempt to make up for lower prices. But this effort has
been likened to running on a treadmill: “(G)reater produc-
tion through more technology . . . compound[s] the low price
problem, creating the need for even more productivity 1m-
provements.” Jd. at 5-6. Furthermore, the sheer number of
farmers, their small relative size, and the perishability of

—~<ena «oe

15

crops weaken farmers’ bargaining positions.'’ The bargain-
ing power disparity between farmers and large-scale food
proce » rs is especially pronounced. See id. at 8. Together,
the various economic problems that plague agricultural
markets and make farming a highly volatile enterprise have
been called “the farm problem.”

Since the 1930s, the federal and state governments have
responded to these market problems in a number of ways.
One early legislative response was the Agricultural Adjust-
ment Act, ch. 25, 48 Stat. 31 (1933), which “created the au-
thority for the regulation of production.” Lauck, supra, at
12. The flaws of production controls, however, were imme-
diately seen when “{s]ix million little pigs and two-hundred
thousand sows were killed to boost hog prices, leaving the
country horrified by the mass matricide and infanticide.” Jd.
(internal quotation omitted). An alternative to production
controls are government price support mechanisms such as
nonrecourse loans and subsidies. See id. at 13-19. But of
course, “direct government payments to farmers . . . cost the
federal government more money” than other forms of regu-
lation. /d. at 17. Indeed, between 1978 and 2002, the federal
government spent in excess of $300 billion—or about 10% of
the national debt in 2002—on farm subsidies."”

A complement (and, at times, an alternative) to gov-
ernment regulation of supply and government subsidization
has been legislation that allows producers of a commodity to
band together and fund generic advertising to stimulate de-
mand. See, e.g., Federal Agriculture Improvement and Re-

° Olan D. Forker & Ronald W. Ward, Commodity Advertising: The
Economics and Measurement of Generic Programs 7 (1993).

'' See John M. Crespi, Promotion Checkoffs, Why So Controversial?
The Evolution of Generic Advertising Battles, National Inst. for Commod-
ity Promotion Research & Evaluation 3 (2001), available at http://www.
aem.cornell.edu/special_programs/commodity/nicpre/bulletins/rb0104. pdf
(last visited Aug. 20, 2004).

'? Robert J. Samuelson, A Sad Primer in Hypocrisy, Newsweek,
Feb. 11, 2002, at 49.

16

form Act of 1996 (“FAIR Act”), Pub. L. No. 104-127,
§ 501(b)(1), 110 Stat. 888 (1996). The Beef Program, for
example, is expressly “designed . . . to maintain and expand
domestic and foreign markets and uses for beef and beef
products.” 7 U.S.C. § 2901(b). Similarly, California's com-
modity research and promotion programs are intended to
“increase overall demand for [the] commodities” covered and
to “avoid economic waste and maintain stable agricultural
markets.” Cal. Food & Agric. Code §§ 63901(e), 63901.4.

Such programs play a substantial role in today’s agricul-
tural a” A se conducted in the late 1990s re-
vealed that there were at least 102 commodity programs in
operation with combined budgets of nearly $700 million.” At
present, there are 17 national federal programs that cover
blueberries, beef, cotton, dairy, eggs, milk, Hass avocados,
honey, lamb, mangoes, mushrooms, peanuts, popcorn, pork,
potatoes, soybeans, and watermelons." For California alone,
there are 48 mandatory commodity programs established
under state law, including programs for California’s top five
agricultural products (dairy products, greenhouse/nursery
products, grapes, lettuce, and cattle/calves), and 12 federal

'3 See Phillip R. Vande Kamp & Harry M. Kaiser, genes pe
motion Programs in the United States 2, 8 (1999), available a
http://www.aem.cornell.edu/special _programs/commodity/nicpre/bulletins/
rb0104.pdf (last visited Aug. 20, 2004); see also Forker & Ward, supra, at
101.

'4 See USDA, Agricultural Mktg. Programs, available at
http://www.ams.usda.gov/repromo.htm (last visited Aug. 20, 2004).

. Dee tae

17

marketing orders.'’ The total budget for all of the California
commodity programs in 1992 was $112.94 million.'®

Numerous econometric studies confirm that these pro-
grams are highly effective in increasing demand and thus
yield a positive return to the producers who fund them. In-
dependent third-party evaluations of several federal com-
modity promotion programs (required by § 501(c) of the
FAIR Act) show that the Dairy, Beef, Soybeans, Pork, Rai-
sins, Eggs, Walnuts, Florida Tomatoes, and Papaya pro-
grams have all generated average returns of 4:1 or better."’

Apart from these federally mandated studies, numerous
other evaluations have concluded that commodity research
and promotion programs yield substantial positive returns
to producers."* Of particular relevance here, the expert re-

'S See Economic Research Service, USDA, State Fact Sheets, avail-
able at http://www.ers.usda.gov/StateFacts/CA.htm (last visited Aug. 20,
2004); California Dep’t of Food and Agric., List of Marketing Programs,
available at http://www.cdfa.ca.gov/mkt/mkt/mktbrds.html (last visited
Aug. 20, 2004) (two voluntary marketing “agreements” are excluded from
the total of 48); USDA, Agricultural Mktg. Servs., List of Fed. Mktg. Or-
ders, available at http://www.ams.usda.gov/fv/moabmotab.htm (last vis-
ited Aug. 20, 2004).

'© See Hyunok Lee et al., Mandated Marketing Programs for Cali-
fornia Commodities 25 (Berkeley: Univ. of Cal. Agric. Experiment Sta-
tion, Giannini Found. Info. Series No. 96-1, Aug. 1996).

Henry W. Kinnucan, A Critique of the Promotion Evaluations
Submitted in Fulfillment of the 1996 FAIR Act 24 (table 1) (draft paper
presented at the NEC-63 meetings held in Baltimore, Md. on Mar. 26,
2004) (Dairy (4.3:1), Beef (5.7:1), Soybeans (9.3:1), Pork (26.2:1), Raisins
(7.3:1), Eggs (6.6:1), Walnuts (4.0:1), Florida Tomatoes (27.2:1-30.9:1), and
Papaya (10.1:1-31.2:1)).

= See, e.g., Hoy F. Carman & R. Kim Craft, An Economic Evalua-
tion of California Avocado Industry Marketing Programs 1961-1995, at
46 (Giannini Found. Research Report No. 345, July 1998) (average bene-
fit/cost ratio of 1.89); Julian M. Alston et al., The California Prune Board’s
Promotion Program: An Evaluation 48 (Giannini Found. Research Re-
port No. 344, | far. 1998) (From 1992 to 1996, “investments by prune grow-
ers in promotion through the [California Prune Board] yielded them
marginal returns of at least $2.65 for every dollar spent.”); Julian M.
Alston et al., The California Table Grape Comm ssion’s Promotion Pro-

18

port of Professor Ronald Ward, which was entered into evi-
dence, indicates that the Beef Program has increased de-
mand for beef and generated a positive rate of return for
beef producers who fund the program through assessments.
See J.A. 170-173. Professor Ward concluded that on aver-
age, “for each dollar spent on the checkoff assessments,”
producers realized “an additional [$]5.67 net gain.” J.A. 172.

2. Commodity Promotion Programs Correct the
Market Failure Caused by “Free Riding.

Mandatory programs also advance the governmental in-
terest in a strong agricultural economy by correcting a mar-
ket failure—caused by the collective action problem—that,
with rare exceptions, prevents producers, acting on their
own, from spending funds to expand overall demand for
their products. The collective action problem that hampers
voluntary efforts by farmers to promote their homogenous
agricultural products is similar to that accepted by this
Court in other contexts to justify compelled funding of
speech or association. See, e.g., Lehnert, 500 US. at 517
(“{T]he considerations that justify the union shop in the pri-
vate context—the desirability of labor peace and eliminating
‘free riders’—are equally important in the public-sector
workplace.”); Keller, 496 U.S. at 12 (“It is entirely appropri-
ate that all of the lawyers who derive benefit from the
unique status of being among those admitted to practice be-
fore the courts should be called upon to pay a fair share of
the cost of the professional involvement in this effort.”). The
federal and state commodity promotion programs that are
intended to address the collective action problem in agricul-
ture deserve similar deference.

gram: An Evaluation (Giannini Found. Research Report No. 43, Nov.
1997) (finding substantial returns to table grape advertising and promo-
tion over the period 1968-1993), available at
http://giannini.ucop.edu/Monographs/43-grapes.pdf (last visited Aug. 20,
2004).

19

The market failure addressed by mandatory commodity
research and promotion programs is well documented. At-
tempts to increase demand for agricultural products through
promotion are plagued by “free riding”: individuals are
unlikely to contribute voluntarily to the provision of a good
or service that they share collectively with others if they can
“free ride” on the contributions of others with impunity. See
Forker & Ward, supra, at 10 (a “free rider” is an “individual
who shares in the benefits but is not willing to pay the ap-
propriate share of the costs”). Advertising for homogenous
agricultural commodities is such a good, and, thus, farmers
of most commodities (like avocados, cherries, and grapes)
are unlikely to engage in voluntary consumer advertising—
either individually or collectively.

Most farm commodities, which are often distinguishable
only by their packaging (if any), exhibit some characteristics
of “cooperative goods.” Forker & Ward, swpra, at 21. Coop-
erative goods are “[pJroducts that cannot be differentiated”
and for which advertising (brand or generic) “may increase
total demand, but . . . cannot change market shares among
product suppliers.” Jd. For such goods, the free-rider prob-
lem prevents the optimal level of promotion from being un-
dertaken: “There would be little incentive for one brand ad-
vertiser to promote his goods, since all other suppliers would

benefit without paying their share of the advertising cost.”
Id.

The problem of free riding is exacerbated when there
are numerous actors involved, none of which maintains a
dominant market position. As the number of participants in
a collective endeavor grows, each participant receives an
increasingly smaller fraction of the total benefits from every
dollar it individually contributes to the provision of the col-
lective good, making the incentive to shirk and free ride on
the contributions of others increasingly strong. See gener-
ally Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action 33-36, 43-
48 (1971). At the same time, both the costs of making pri-
vate contractual arrangements and the costs of identifying
and punishing free-riders (say, by ostracism) increase.

20

Most agricultural industries are highly fragmented:
“(A lgriculture is made up of a large number of wisely dis-
persed, atomistic producers[.]”"” In 2002, each of the over
two million farms in the United States had, on average, sales
of less than $100,000, and in California there were 79,631
farms, with average total sales of just $323,205.” For exam-
ple, there are 6,000 avocado growers just in California.” In
contrast, 75% of the U.S. soft drink market is concentrated
in two companies (Coca-Cola and PepsiCo), each of which
had annual revenues in 2003 of at least $20 billion; 75% of the
U.S. peanut butter market is controlled by three companies
(J.M. Smucker (Jif), Unilever (Skippy), and ConAgra Foods
(Peter Pan)), each of which had annual revenues in 2003 of at
least $1.3 billion; and 56% of the U.S. breakfast cereal mar-
ket is concentrated in three companies (Kellogg, Kraft
Foods, and Quaker Oats), each of which had annual revenues
in 2003 of at least $8 billion.”

For these reasons, individual brand advertising is
unlikely to occur for many agricultural products. The aver-
age small farmer—unlike Coke, Jif, and Kellogg—cannot af-
ford to run branded consumer advertising, and, even if he or

'° J.W. Looney, The Changing Focus of Government Regulation of
Agriculture in the United States, 44 Mercer L. Rev. 763, 767 (1993).

? See 2002 Census of Agriculture, vol. 1, ch. 1, tbl. 1,
http://www.nass.usda.gov/census/census02/volume 1/us/st99_1_002_002.pdf
(last visited Aug. 20, 2004); id. vol. 1, ch. 2, tbl. 2, available at
http://www.nass.usda.gov/census/census02/volume 1/us/st99_2_002_002.pdf
(last visited Aug. 20, 2004).

2! See The Laureates of the Univ. of Cal., Riverside, California Avo-
cado Commission, available at http://www.development.ucr.edu/perpet-
ual/perplaureatescac.html (last visited Aug. 20, 2004).

22 See Market Share Reporter 273, 395 (Robert S. Lazich ed. 2003);
C.McGlone et al., Smucker (J.M.) Co., The - Initiating Coverage,
Deutsche Bank Securities Inc. (Mar. 2003); Hoover’s, Company Records
for Coca-Cola Co., PepsiCo, Inc., Kellogg Co., Kraft Foods Inc., Quaker
Oats Co., The J.M. Smucker Co., Unilever PLC, and ConAgra Foods, Inc.,
2003 Annual Sales. (Quaker Oats was acquired by PepsiCo, Inc. in 2001.)

21

she could, it would not be economically rational to do so.”

One commentator has described the small farmer’s plight as
follows:

For farmers growing homogenous products, in the
absence of a significant market presence, there is no
incentive for . . . an individual producer . . . to en-
gage in advertising because other producers of the
same commodity may free ride upon this advertis-
ing. An individual producer] [can] either advertise
in the hopes of establishing a distinguishable brand
or refrain from advertising altogether. More often
than not, because agricultural commodities are in-
distinguishable, the latter decision is made. Thus, a

suboptimal level of advertising is expended in the
industry[.]

Crespi, supra, at 11-12. Indeed, the expert report submitted
in this case explains that individual agricultural commodity
advertising is often impossible: “Given both the high entry
cost for developing a meaningful promotion program and the
free rider issue, for many industries the only option is to
fund an industry wide effort ....” J.A. 168.

The free-rider problem is also likely to undermine any
voluntary efforts by producers collectively to generate ge-
neric advertising because “(gjeneric advertising of a ho-
mogenous commodity is a type of public good.” Henry W.
Kinnucan & @Mystein Myrland, Free-Rider Effects of Generic
Advertising: The Case of Salmon, 19 Agribusiness 315, 315

* Thus, it is no surprise that with respect to many commodities, con-
sumers do not recognize brands and do not make purchase decisions based
on brand. A survey of 808 primary grocery shoppers revealed that when
purchasing fresh grapes, the following factors, rather than brand, are the
most important: ripeness/freshness, whether the grapes are seedless,
taste, price, color, size, appearance, and whether the grapes were in sea-
son, organic, domestically grown, and conveniently packaged. See Cali-
fornia Table Grape Comm'n, Brand Survey, available at http://www.
freshcaliforniagrapes.com/consumer_research.pdf (last visited Aug. 20,
2004). By contrast, 40% of peanut butter shoppers said brand was the
most important factor to them. See id.

22

(2003). The “benefits of any price rise caused by the adver-
tising are shared by all of the commodity’s producers re-
gardless of whether they paid into the program.” Id. And
this “ability to ‘free ride’ weakens the producer’s incentives
to contribute to the program.” Jd. “Hence, in the parlance
of public good theory . . . ‘collective’ goods like generic ad-
vertising tend to be under-provided relative to the social op-
timum.” /d.; see also J.A. 168 (without mandatory commod-
ity promotion programs, “it is impractical if not impossible
for producers within some industries to address the informa-
tional needs for the good of the total industry”).

Empirical evidence confirms what theory predicts.
Economic analysis of individual firm advertising patterns,
for example, reveals that firms generally commit the most
resources to consumer advertising where there is strong
product differentiation (such as is created by meaningful
brands) and a highly concentrated industry structure (7.e.,
where there are few sellers).”’ Furthermore, the actual his-
tory of some voluntary commodity promotion programs sup-
ports the theory. For example, the experience of the Ameri-
can Egg Board shows how a voluntary promotion program
can unravel due to the free-rider problem. In the first years
of the Egg Board’s voluntary program, very few producers
requested refunds. But by 1988, almost half of the assess-
ments were being refunded. See Forker & Ward, supra, at
126. The same phenomena occurred in the cotton research
and promotion program, which before 1990 allowed produc-
ers to request a refund of their assessments. Over time the
percentage of producers requesting refunds increased stead-
ily, severely undermining the program’s efficacy and fair-
ness. See id. at 122 (noting that 35% of producers were re-
questing refunds by 1990).

In short, absent the use of mandatory programs, only
commodities with concentrated market structures will

** See Michael S. Willis & Richard T. Rogers, Market Share Disper-
sion Among Leading Firms as a Determinant of Advertising Intensity,
13 Rev. of Indus. Org. 503-506 (1998).

23

achieve even close to optimal levels of product promotion.
In markets where small farmers predominate, commodity
advertising will be nonexistent. And in addition to generat-
ing a suboptimal amount of commodity promotion—and thus
favoring industries with greater market concentration—the
free-rider problem also allows some producers unfairly to
benefit from the consumer advertising, if any, that is actu-
ally produced.

Legislation requiring producers of a commodity to band
together and to fund promotion collectively is a straightfor-
ward response to the collective action problem. See Forker
& Ward, supra, at 10 (the mandatory commodity promotion
programs that replaced earlier voluntary programs “are a
direct outgrowth of the potential free-rider problem.”);
Commodity Advertising and Promotion xiv (Henry W. Kin-
nucan et al. eds., 1992) (forward by Alan D. Forker)
(“([)nherent in the voluntary arrangement is the ‘free rider’
problem. In addition to the inequity involved, the ‘free rider’
issue made it difficult to collect enough money to develop
effective programs.”). Indeed, Congress and the States have
recognized the free-rider problem when enacting commodity
promotion programs. See FAIR Act § 501(b)(7) (such pro-
grams employ “promotion methods and techniques that in-
dividual producers and processors typically are unable, or
have no incentive, to employ.”); Cal. Food & Agric. Code
§ 63901(c) (commodity promotion programs needed for agri-
cultural industries, “which tend to be decentralized with
many small entities operating in diverse locations.”). More-
over, Congress recognized that it is small producers in par-
ticular who need to be able to come together to promote
their products collectively. See FAIR Act § 501(b)(10)
(“[GJeneric commodity promotion programs are of particular
benefit to small producers who often lack the resources or
market power to advertise on their own and who are other-
wise often unable to benefit from the economies of scale
available in promotion and advertising.”).

24

B. Mandatory Commodity Promotion Programs Di-
rectly Advance an Important Governmental Pur-
pose and Are Narrowly Tailored.

1. As the dissenting opinion in Wileman suggests, the
question whether a particular program directly advances the
important governmental purposes of “stabiliz{ing] markets
for covered agricultural products and maintain[ing] the
prices received by farmers” necessarily requires case-by-
case analysis. 521 U.S. at 492 (Souter, J., dissenting). The
vast majority of commodity research and promotion pro-
grams, and the Beef Program in particular, however, should
satisfy this test.

The dissenting Justices in Wileman, for example, noted
that the Government offered nothing more than “specula-
tion” in support of its contention that the treefruit program
“appreciably increase[d] the total amount of advertising for”
mushrooms. /d. at 501. Here, in contrast, the record amply
demonstrates that the Beef Program has substantially in-
creased demand (and thus price) and that, without the pro-
gram, neither individual cattlemen nor voluntary associa-
tions would have the incentive or ability to engage in similar
demand-expanding activity. See J.A. 168-173. Moreover,
there is no reason to believe that the program creates any
disincentives for cattlemen to engage in voluntary advertis-
ing—if they were otherwise so inclined or able—particularly
since they actually have more, rather than less, revenue to
spend given the program’s success. |

Similarly, even under the reasoning of the dissenting
Justices in Wileman—who questioned whether the Agricul-
tural Marketing Agreement Act of 1937 (“AMAA”) was im-
plemented in a manner consistent with the “the Act’s stated
purposes,” see 521 U.S. at 494, 495-499 (Souter, J., dissent-
ing)—the Beef Act and the vast majority of other programs
raise no concerns.” The purpose of the Beef Act, for exam-

°S Whether the adoption of any given federal marketing order is ra-
tional, moreover, is a fact-specifie question that should be analyzed on a
case-by-case basis.

25

ple, is “to maintain and expand domestic and foreign mar-
kets and uses for beef and beef products,” 7 U.S.C. § 2901(b),
and it directly advances this purpose by targeting a single
commodity for promotion throughout the United States. See
521 U.S. at 493 (“(I]f the Government were to attack these
problems across an interstate market for a given agricul-
tural commodity or group of them, the substantiality of the
national interest would not be open to apparent question.”).
Similarly, California’s overall approach to commodity re-
search and promotion, far from being arbitrary, is best de-
scribed as comprehensive. Forty-eight commodities are
covered, including the State’s top five, and the coverage
spans producers statewide.

2. The Beef Act and the vast majority of similar re-
search and promotion programs are, likewise, narrowly tai-
lored. Under intermediate scrutiny, the “fit” between the
legislative purpose and the means used to achieve that end
need not constitute “the single best disposition but one
whose scope is in proportion to the interest served.” Fox,
492 U.S. at 480 (internal quotation omitted). Moreover, it is
well settled that the government may “attack problems
piecemeal, save where their policies implicate rights so fun-
damental that strict scrutiny must be applied.” Zauderer,
471 U.S. at 651 n.14.

By their nature, most commodity research and promo-
tion programs are quite narrowly tailored: (1) they do not
limit in any way a farmer’s ability to speak on any subject he
or she may choose to address; (2) they do not require any
producer “to engage in any actual or symbolic speech”; and
(3) they “do not compel the producers to endorse or to fi-
nance any political or ideological views.” Wileman, 521 U.S.
at 469-470. Moreover, non-mandatory efforts at joint adver-
tising have not succeeded. See supra pp. 21-22.

Some have argued that a law authorizing the mandatory
collection of assessments from producers of a commodity to
be used for promotion is not narrowly tailored because there
exists the supposedly less restrictive alternative of funding a
promotion program with “general [tax] revenue.” Gerawan

26

Farming, 90 P.3d at 1194; Pelts & Skins, LLC v. Landre-
neau, 365 F.3d 423, 434 n. 21 (5th Cir. 2004). That argument,
however, misunderstands the purpose of the laws at issue.
As discussed in more detail above, laws allowing producers
of a commodity to put in place a mandatory commodity pro-
motion program are a direct response to the collective action
problem that prevents those producers from banding to-
gether voluntarily to produce the optimal amount of adver-
tising for that commodity. The remedy for a market failure
that prevents a group from acting together to produce a
good for its collective benefit is not to make someone else
pay for the good. Just as the problem of collective action in
the labor context is not more narrowly redressed by requir-
ing that all taxpayers fund a union’s collective bargaining
activities, Congress was entitled to make the judgment that
only those who most directly benefit from the demand-
expanding activity of the Beef Program should be required
to fund that effort.

Finally, unlike the AMAA, neither the Beef Act nor the
vast majority of similar laws takes an inconsistent stance
with respect to credits for individual brand advertising. Cf.
Wileman, 521 U.S. at 502-503 (Souter, J., dissenting). A
credit program, moreover, is unfair to smaller producers,
who cannot afford to purchase their own advertising; risks
promoting one or two powerful brands instead of the overall
industry; and ignores the fact that effective consumer adver-
tising is very expensive and thus effective only when re-
sources are combined.

IV. COMMODITY PROGRAMS THAT REQUIRE PRODUCERS TO
ASSOCIATE FOR IMPORTANT REASONS APART FROM CON-
DUCTING GENERIC ADVERTISING SATISFY THE “GER-
MANENESS” TEST OF ABOOD.

As discussed above, a mandatory commodity program
that does nothing more than undertake generic advertising
can be sustained under the government-speech doctrine or
under intermediate scrutiny. But as the Court explained in
Wileman and United Foods, a law requiring that producers
jointly fund various commercial activities—just one of which

27

is generic advertising—designed to strengthen the economic
position of their industry, is also constitutional under the
“germaneness” test of Abood and Keller.”

A. In Abood, the Court applied a relaxed form of scru-
tiny and held that nonunion employees could be compelled to
fund, over their ideological objections, activities that were
“germane” to the union’s collective bargaining function. 431
U.S. at 235; see also Keller, 496 U.S. at 13-14 (“The State
Bar may therefore constitutionally fund activities germane
to” the goals of “regulating the legal profession and improv-
ing the quality of legal services” with “the mandatory dues
of all members.”). Compelling employees to associate for
purposes of collective bargaining was justified to “distribute
fairly the cost of these activities among those who benefit
[and] counteract[] the incentive that employees might oth-
erwise have to become ‘free riders’ [who] refuse to contrib-
ute to the union while obtaining the benefits.” Abood, 431
U.S. at 222: see also Keller, 496 U.S. at 12.

The Court applied this germaneness test in both Wile-
man and United Foods. In Wileman, the Court held that to
the extent the tree-fruit marketing program at issue impli-
cated the First Amendment, it was constitutionai under
Abood because the generic advertising was “unquestionably
germane to the purposes of the marketing orders.” Wile-
man, 521 U.S. at 473. In United Foods, the Court declined
to follow Wileman because “almost all” of the mandatory
assessments for the mushroom promotion at issue there
were used for generic advertising and thus the only program
the compelled assessments served was “the very advertising
scheme in question.” 533 U.S. at 412, 415.

In combination, United “ods and Wileman make clear
that compelled funding of generic advertising undertaken by

* Whether the Beef Act is constitutional under this standard is rea-
sonably encompassed within the questions presented. If the Court does
not reach this issue, however, it should make clear that it is not implicitly
foreclosing this independent and previously established defense.

28

a commodity research and promotion program is constitu-
tional under Abood if the advertising is “germane to a pur-
pose related to an association indepencent from the speech
itself.” United Foods, 533 U.S. at 415. Where a program
requires producers to associate in order cooperatively to
market their product, as in Wileman, this requirement is
met. See id. The same is also true where a law requires
preducers of a commodity to associate for other economic
purposes, such as undertaking research and development
that will benefit the entire industry or working to open or
expand export markets for a commodity. Such purposes,
which further the overarching goal of improving the eco-
nomic position of an agricultural industry, are related to
economics, not speech.

Moreover, as in the union context, there is a need to
mandate collective action to pursue these activities. The
free-rider problem that affects small producers of commodi-
ties in fragmented industries (discussed above) prevents
those producers from banding together voluntarily to en-
gage in the optimal amount of research and development and
efforts to expand export markets. For a group of producers,
research and promotion and market access activities, like
generic promotion, are “public goods.” Ifa new seedless va-
riety of grape is developed, a method for dealing with pests
is improved, a compound in grapes that prevents heart dis-
ease better understood, or an export market for grapes
opened, then all grape producers benefit. Such “goods” are
often too expensive for one producer to pursue and often dif-
ficult, if not impossible, to pursue through voluntary collec-
tives, which face the threat of free-riding.

In short, mandatory associations for research and de-
velopment, export market development, and other similar
activities are precisely the sorts of economic arrangements
governed by Abood. Accordingly, to the extent generic ad-
vertising is germane to these programs, the entire program
is constitutional under Abood and its progeny.

B. For many commodity programs, the germaneness
test will be readily met. First, many commodity programs

29

require producers to associate for an economic purpose dis-
tinct from generic advertising. The Ketchum Act, Cal. Food
& Agric. Code §§ 65500 et seq., which establishes the Cali-
fornia Table Grape Commission, for example, states that its
purpose is not merely to support generic advertising, but to
“aid producers of California fresh grapes in preventing eco-
nomic waste in the marketing of their commodity, to develop
more efficient and equitable methods in such marketing, and
to aid such producers in restoring and maintaining their pur-
chasing power at a more adequate, equitable, and reasonable
level.” Cal. Food & Agric. Code § 65500(g). The statute,
therefore, gives the Commission the authority, among other
things, (1) to “conduct . . . scientific research” regarding “the
dietetic value of fresh grapes,” “cultural practices and prod-
uct handling,” and “vie production, storage, refrigeration,
inspection, and transportation of grapes,” and (2) “to present
facts to and negotiate with state, federal, and foreign agen-
cies on matters which affect the marketing and distribution
of fresh grapes.” Id. § 65572(h), (i), (k).

In practice, moreover, many commodity research and
promotion programs engage in significant economic activity
distinct from generic advertising. To use the California Ta-
ble Grape Commission again as an example, it funds re-
search into the phytonutrients in grapes that may prevent
or cure disease; viticulture research related to the develop-
ment of new varieties of grapes, the control of pests, and
other issues of concern to growers; and category manage-
ment research to determine how retailers can most effec-
tively sell grapes to consumers. The Commission also un-
dertakes substantial efforts to open foreign markets to Cali-
fornia grapes. It worked, for example, with the United
States Department of Agriculture and the United States
Trade Representative to open China and Australia to Cali-
fornia grapes, and it continues to work to keep those and
other markets open.”’ These activities and many others fur-

” See generally California Table Grape Commission website, avail-
able at http://www.freshcaliforniagrapes.com (last visited Aug. 20, 2004).

30

ther California’s goal of “aid[ing] producers of California
fresh grapes.” Cal. Food & Agric. Code § 65500(g).

Second, the generic advertising undertaken by commod-
ity research and promotion programs of this sort is unques-
tionably “germane” to the economic purpose of the pro-
grams. See Wileman, 521 U.S. at 473. The advertising itself
increases demand for the commodity. Moreover, the adver-
tising often works in tandem with the program’s non-speech,
economic activities. For example, the statute governing the
California Table Grape Commission authorizes it to “educate
and instruct the public with respect to . . . the healthful
properties and dietetic value of fresh grapes.” Cal. Food &
Agric. Code § 65572(i). And in practice, the Commission’s
advertising campaign, which has described grapes as “The
Natural Snack,” pursues exactly that goal. Programs like
this, that engage in advertising as just one tool among many
to increase demand, and that would not receive adequate
funding if left to voluntary contributions, satisfy the ger-
maneness test of Abooa.

C. The Beef Program itself readily meets this test. Its
purpose—"to strengthen the beef industry’s position in the
marketplace and to maintain and expand domestic and for-
eign markets and uses for beef,” 7 U.S.C. § 2901(b)—is
purely economic and unrelated to speech. And the pro-
gram’s advertising is germane to this purpose. The generic
beef advertising is just one part of a larger program involv-
ing significant research and consumer information activities,
including research and education projects addressing food-
borne pathogens, the proper handling of beef products, nu-
trition and health, and cattle diseases, including mad cow
disease. See, e.g., Brief for Pet’rs Nebraska Cattlemen 13-
16, 49 n.16. Because the Court of Appeals failed even to con-
sider whether the Beef Program could pass muster under
Abood’s germaneness test, a remand with respect to this is-
sue is appropriate.

CONCLUSION

For the reasons stated avove, the judgment of the
Court of Appeals should be reversed.

AUGUST 2004

Respectfully submitted,

SETH P. WAXMAN
Counsel of Record
RANDOLPH D. Moss
TODD C. ZUBLER
BRIAN M. BOYNTON
WILMER CUTLER PICKERING
HALE AND DORR LLP
2445 M Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20037
(202) 663-6000

Counsel for the California
Agricultural Issues Forum

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Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/brief%3Amicro_IA40385014_0740%3A16. Public record. Not legal advice.
