# Brief for Appellee — Beer v. United States

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## Record

- **Collection:** Supreme Court brief
- **Document type:** Brief for Appellee
- **Published:** January 1, 1976
- **Citation:** 425 U.S. 130

## Text

] Supreme Court, U. $.
FILED

MAR 19 1975

No, 73-1869 , MICHAEL RODAK, JR.,CLERK
In the Supreme Court of the United States

Ocrosber Term, 1974

Perer H. Beer, ev AL, APPELLANTS
v.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, BT AL.

ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES

ROBERT H. BORK,
Solicitor General,
J. STANLEY POTTINGER,
Assistant Attorney General,
LAWRENCE G. WALLACE,
Deputy Solicitor General,
JOHN P. RUPP,
Assistant to the Solicitor General,
BRIAN K. LANDSBERG,
WALTER W. BARNETT,
MARK L. GROSS,
Attorneys,
Department of Justice,
Washington, D.C. 205230.

ING so ctdecddcetowtuntadeeokees da —
es ad ee iain
Constitutional and statutory provisions involved _-
sco loa eeeuabakeunmienal
ER ae on cabs debeneekn edad

I. The district court properly determined
that Plan II would substantially di-
lute the voting strength and potential
of black citizens of New Orleans_____-_-

A. In determining the effect of Plan
Il, the court properly con-
sidered the Plan’s dilutive ef-
fects in the context in which
the Plan would operate_______-

B. The evidence supported the dis-
trict court’s finding that Plan
II would substantially dilute
the voting strength and poten-
tial of black citizens. __._____-

Il. Appeilants’ justifications for Plan II
were insufficient to warrant the
Plan’s substantial dilution of minority
icnicdensndecennetcune

Pe iiads a cdennbuedakanecteasecanenie

571-067—75-———-1

WOoreNN KF

—

13

13

19

23
30

CITATIONS
Cases: Fage
Abate v. Mundt, 403 U.S. 182_____________. 24
Allen v. State Board of Elections, 393 U.S.

BUG. « cccecsccenegebiunteamnsendnstinedicn 18, 29
Anderson v. Martin, 375 U.S. 399___________ 22
Beer v. United States, 374 F. Supp. 357_____- 6
Burns v. Richardson, 384 U.S. 73__..-._ 18

City of Petersburg, Virginia v. United States,

354 I’. Supp. 1921, affirmed 410 U.S. 962___ 18, 29
Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 of > ae 25
Fairley v. Patterson, 393 U.S. 544._......__- 13-14
Georgia v. United States, 411 U.S. 526___ 13, 17,18
Howard v. Adams County Board of Supervisors,

453 F. 2d 455 __ __- litemanemeaieie 16
Korematsu vy. United States, 323 U. S. 24
Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268_........ 24
Louisiana vy. United States, 380 U.S. 145____ 4, 21
Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1_..---- 24
WeLaugilin vy. Florida, 379 U.S. 184... 24
Mahan v. Howell, 440 U.S. 315.00, 24
Moore v. Leflore County Board of Election

(OnMISSLONETS, 202 I. 2d AEE 16, 23, 28
Perlins vy. Matthews, 400 U.S. 379___ ==. 13, 18, 29
Reynolds vy. Sims, 377 U.S. 583__. 24
Robinson v. Commissioners Court of Anderson

County, 505 F. 2d 674___.............__. 674
san Antonio School District vy. Rodriquez, 411

Rh: Disesas wakiemartae ulcer 25
Shelton v. Tucker, 364 U.S. 479_..__.._._______ 25
Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398_... 25
South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S£301__ 17,

18, 24
Whitcomb vy. Chavis, 403 U.S. a ’ 15, 18, 21

White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755

baeeaune 15, 18, 21, 23

18

mm
Constitution and statutes: —
United States Constitution, Fifteenth Amend-
eT ae ey 1, 2, 17, 18, 24, 25

Voting Rights Act of 1965, 79 Stat. 437, as
amended, 42 U.S.C. 1973 et seq.:

Sec. 4,42 U.S.C. 1973b___...-___-______- 3, 6, 29
Sec. 5, 42 U.S.C. 1973¢__.._._._______- passim
Miscellaneous:

115 Cong. Rec. 38486__..........__________ 15
116 Cong. Rec. 5520-5521.......__________. 15
116 Comg. Rec. 56287. ....................- 15
116 Comg. Ree. 6368. ..................... 15
Oe OG, BOND GIG ow ecccnccccccnnccaccses 3

Hearings before the Subcommittee on Con-
stitutional Rights of the Senate Committee
on the Judiciary, on Amendments to the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, 91st Cong., Ist
ee aS se IEE ema tacit 14, 17, 29
Hearings before Subcommittee No. 5 of the
House Committee on the Judiciary, on
H.R. 4249, 5538, and Similar Proposals,

9ist Cong., Ist Sess_............_.______ 14, 17
Political Participation, A Report of the United
States Commission on Civil Rights (1968) __ 14

The Voting Rights Act: Ten Years After, A Re-
port of the United States Commission on
Civil Rights (1975)_.........-...._.._____ 20

Gu the Supreme Court of the Gnited States

OcTOBER ‘TERM, 1974

No. 73-1869
Perer H. Beer, ET ‘AL., APPELLANTS
Vv.
Unirep Staves OF AMERICA, ET AL.

ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES

OPINION BELOW

The opinion of the district court (J.S. App. la—72a)

is reported at 374 F. Supp. 363.
JURISDICTION

The judgment of the district court (J.S. App. T3a-
74a) was entered on March 15, 1974. A notice of ap-
peal (J.S. App. 75a-76a) was filed on April 5, 1974.
This Court noted probable jurisdiction on October 15,
1974.
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS INVOLVED

The Fifteenth Amendment to the United States

Constitution provides as follows:
(1)

2

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged
hy the United States or any State on account of
race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to
enforce this article by appropriate legislation,

Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 79 Stat.
439, as amended, 42 U.S.C. 1973¢, provides in pertinent
part:

Whenever a State or political subdivision
with respeet to which the prohibitions set forth
in section 1973b(a) [of this title] * * * are in
effect shall enact or seek to administer any vot-
ing qualification or prerequisite to voting, or
standard, practice, or procedure with respect to
voting different from that in force or effect on
November 1, 1964 * * * such State or subdivi-
sion may institute an action in the United
States Distriet Court for the District of Colum-
hia for a declaratory judgment that such quali-
fication, prerequisite, standard, practice, or
procedure does not have the purpose and will
not have the effect of denying or abridging the
right to vote on account of race or color * * *,

QUESTION PRESENTED

Whether the district court properly determined that
appellants had failed to establish that a redistrict-
ing plan proposed for councilmanie elections in the
City of New Orleans, Louisiana, will not have the
effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on
account of race or color,

STATEMENT

This is an appeal from the denial by the district
court of a declaratory judgment sought by members

of the City Council of New Orleans, Louisiana, pur-
suant to Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965,
supra, to permit implementation of a redistricting
plan proposed by the City. The court denied the re-
lief requested because it found that the redistricting
would unlawfully dilute the voting capabilities of
black voters.

The New Orleans City Council is a seven-member
body, two of whom are elected at-large and five by
single-member districts dividing the City (Pl. Ex. 4;
New Orleans Charter, 3-102, 3-103)." On March 2,
1972, the Council, complying with a charter provision
requiring the reapportionment of councilmanic dis-
tricts following the decennial census of the United
States, adopted Ordinance No. 4796 M.C.S. (“‘Plan
1’’), which redivided the city into five new couneil-
manic districts.’

Because Louisiana and its political subdivisions are
covered by Sections 4 and 5 of the 1965 Voting Rights
Act (see 30 Fed. Reg. 9897), a change in voting proce-
dures such as that provided for in Plan I may not be
implemented before it has been subjected to federal
scrutiny (J.S. App. 30a). This may be accomplished
in either of two ways: (1) the state or subdivision
involved may institute an action for a declaratory
judgment in the United States District Court for the

‘ Plaintiff-Appellants’ exhibits are cited as “PL Ex.” and
Defendant-Appellees’ exhibits are cited as “Def. Ex.”

*\ map of the districts specified in Plan I appears at
App. 623.

Under all of the redistricting plans considered by the Coun-
cil, the election of two council members on an at-large basis
would have been continued.

4

District of Columbia, and may implement the change
in voting procedures if the court finds that the voting
change ‘‘does not have the purpose and will not have
the effect’’ of unlawfully denying or abridging voting
rights; alternatively, (2) the state or subdivision may
submit the proposed change to the Attorney General
of the United States, and may implement such change
if the Attorney General does not interpose an objec-
tion. If the Attorney General does object, the pro-
posed change in voting procedures may still be made
the subject of an action for a declaratory judgment
in the United States District Court for the District
of Columbia and implemented if ultimately declared
to be lawful in purpose and effect. 42 U.S.C. 1973e.

In the present case, the City chose to submit Plan I
to the Attorney General (J.S. App. Ta), rather than
to bring an action for a declaratory judgment. By
letter dated January 15, 1973, the Attorney General
objected to that plan on several grounds, concluding
that its proposed councilmanic districts (J.8. App.
7a, mn. 26):

are drawn in a manner which appears to dilute
black voting strength by combining a number
of black voters with a larger number of white
voters in each of the five districts,

On May 3, 1973, the City Council adopted Ordinance
No. 5154 M.C.S. (“Plan 11”), which is the subject
of this litigation, and submitted the amended plan
to the Attorney General. By letter dated July 9, 1973,
the Attorney General also objected to Plan IT, stating
in part that the boundary lines specified in Plan II
“appear to effect a dilution of black voting strength
in the same manner as did the boundary lines pre-

5

scribed in [Plan I]” and noting that Plan IT “com-
bines a number of black voters with a larger number
of white voters in four of the five [councilmanic] dis-
tricts” (J.S. App. 9a-10a, n. 33). The Attorney Gen-
eral’s letter of July 9, 1973, also specifically criticized
the use of predominantly north-south districts in both:
plans that had heen submitted (id. at 10a, n. 33):

Our evaluation of Ordinance numbers 4796
and 5154 indicates that the objectionable dilu-
tion of black voting strength in both redistrict-
ing plans is primarily attributable to the
vertical [7.7., north-south] shape of the submitted
districts. Because the predominantly black
neighborhoods in the city are located generally
in an east to west progression, the vertical dis-
tricts in the submitted plans divided the black
neighborhoods and combined them with white
areas in the north and the south of the city
resulting in districts with more white than
black voters.

After receipt of this letter, six of the seven council
members filed suit in the United States District
Court for the District of Columbia, pursuant to the
provisions of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act (42
U.S.C. 1973c), seeking a declaratory judgment that
Plan IT neither has the purpose nor would have the
effect of denying or abridging voting rights on the
basis of race. A three-judge court was convened, as
required by Section 5, and hearings were held on
August 9-10 and October 17-18, 1973 (J.S. App. 12a-
13a). On March 15, 1974, the district court denied
appellants’ request for a declaratory judgment per

571-067 75 2

mitting implementation of Plan I (J.S. App. la-
74a).

After discussing the evolution of Plan IT (J.S.
App. 13a-22a) and the historical background of the
Voting Rights Act in general and Sections 4 and 5
in particular (id. at 22a-37a), the district court made
detailed findings concerning the prospective opera-
tion of Plan II on minority voting strength in New
Orleans.’ The court found that residential segregation
by race still prevails in New Orleans and that New
Orleans’ black population is concentrated in an east-
west belt through the center city, with contiguous
white residential areas to the north and south (see
App. 620). Consequently, the use of predominantly
north-south redistricting lines such as those specified
in Plan II tends to create voting districts controlled
by white voters (J.S. App. 38a).

*The district court had earlier denied a petition filed by
several amici. Beer v. United States, 374 F. Supp. 357
(D.D.C.). The issue there raised by the amici is not encom-
passed in the present appeal.

‘Appellants do not challenge the accuracy of these findings,
contending instead that the court misconstrued the applicable
law in denying their request for a declaratory judgment (¢.¢.,
App. Br. 10-11, 31).

‘At the hearing before the district court, the government
introduced a map of the City showing the locations of regis-
tered voters by race (Def. Ex. 1) and an acetate overlay (Def.
Ex. 5) showing the district boundaries of Plan IL. Viewed
together, these exhibits reveal that the north-south boundaries
utilized in Plan II produce four districts into which the black
population belt located in the center city would be divided,
and that each of these districts also includes a portion of the
white residential areas adjoining the river to the south and the
lakefront to the north (App. 620). Indeed, the City official

7

In this context, the court examined the impact of
Plan If on minority voting rights in the City, using
as referents both the percentage of registered voters
who are black and the percentage of black persons
in the City’s total population. The court found that
the five single-member councilmanic voting districts
proposed in Plan IT would have the following racial
characteristics (J.S. App. 39a; see also App. 624):

—

Population Registered voters
)i-trict -
Total Black Pereent Total Black Percent
black black
a _. 117,901 36, H65 29.1 57, 387 12, 964 22.6
a 118,678 76, 109 (4.1 39,870 20,976 52. 6
a 2,651 35.8 49, 756 11, 606 23. 3
Se 118, 337 51,447 43.5 49, 505 18, 223 36. 8
a 119,532 60,437 50. 6 5, 898 19, 819 43.2
Total___... 593,471 267, 308 45.0 242,416 83, 588 34.5

EEE ae _ — oe

Thus, although black persons comprise 34.5 percent
of the registered voters in New Orleans and 45.0 per-
cent of the City’s population, under Plan Il they
would represent a majority of the registered voters—
and then by a slight margin—in only one of the City’s
five councilmanie districts.

In assessing the significance of these statistics, the
court examined several aspects of the voting history
and electoral process under which Plan II would
operate. The court found that New Orleans is char-

responsible for directing the drafting of reapportionment plans
for the City acknowledged that vertical lines tend to create
majority white voting districts (/d. at 236).

8

acterized by racial bloc voting (id. at 16a-19a, 45a)°
and that black candidates, in recent efforts for city-
wide office, have been successful only where they
“were recipients of support from white organizations
or white candidates’ (id. at 17a, footnotes omitted).

Moreover, the nomination process in New Orleans
includes both a majority-vote requirement and an
anti-singleshot limitation (J.S. App. 19a, 58a-39a).
The former means that if a candidate, in any election
involving more than two candidates, receives only a
plurality, the top two candidates are required to run
against each other for the nomination (ibid.). The
anti-singleshot limitation makes impossible the con-
centration of minority-group votes in favor of a par-
ticular candidate in the at-large elections since all
hallots containing votes for fewer than the total
number of positions available are disqualified (J.S.
App. 20a, 58a-39a). The court found that these fea-
tures of the candidate-nomination process, when
viewed in light of New Orleans’ long history of racial
bloc voting and racial discrimination generally, effee-
tively preclude the election of black candidates in
any councilmanic district in which black persons do
not comprise the majority of the registered voters—
and ensure that both of the at-large positions on the
Couneil will be filled by white candidates (J.S. App.
Oba).

*Evidence of racial bloc voting is found throughout the

hearing record, in the form of statisties (see Def. Exs. 14, 2,
j2, 33, 34) and direct testimony (see App. 545-546).

9

Accordingly, the district court concluded that under
Plan If black persons in New Orleans could hope at
most to elect one of the seven Council members (J.8.
App. 46a, 54a). The court held that this result con-
stituted a ‘‘drastic’’ dilution of the voting strength of
black persons, whether viewed from the perspective
of the percentage of all registered voters who are
black or of the percentage of black persons in New
Orleans’ total population (J.S. App. 44a). Given the
fact of racial bloe voting, black persons—who, as
noted above, comprise 34.5 percent of the registered
voters in New Orleans—could expect as a theoretical
matter to elect between two and three Council mem-
hers. Since black persons make up 45 percent of the
City’s total population, moreover, they could, if regis-
tered in proportions roughly similar to white persons,
expect to elect between three and four council mem-
hers (id. at 45a-47a).’ The court found the under-
registration of black persons in New Orleans to be
attributable in large part to the City’s long history
of racial discrimination—in public schools, publie as-
semblies, public recreational facilities, public trans-
portation, housing, employment and, perhaps most
importantly, voting (J.S. App. l6a-17a, 57a-62a).°

* But see n. 19, infra.

*The history of legislative efforts in Louisiana to keep black
citizens away from the polls was discussed by this Court in
Louisiona Vv, United States, 380 US. 145, 147-150. These efforts
have included use of a grandfather clause, a so-called “inter-
pretation test,” enactment of a law limiting participation in
primary elections to white citizens, and the use of a statewide
system of committees—whose work was directed by a committee
of the Louisiana Legislature known as the Segregation Coni-

10

After thus finding that Plan II would dilute the
voting strength of black persons, the district court
considered the justifications offered by the City for
the plan (J.S. App. 47a-53a)." The City’s purported
justifications included reliance on ward and precinct
lines” and on natural and man-made boundaries, all
of which, the City suggested, mandated the north-
south direction of the district boundaries provided
for in Plan 11." The court found that these justifica-
tions were not sufficient to warrant the dilutive effect
of Plan IL on the voting potential of black persons
within the City (J.S. App. 5la).’* In reaching this

conclusion, the court stated that the City’s purported ©

justifications did not satisfy the compelling state in-
terest standard—particularly since the “curtailment of
the black vote [caused by the plan was] to consider-

mittee—dedicated to the preservation of white social and po-
litical supremacy. This history of voting discrimination is
reflected here in the fact that no black person has ever been
elected to the New Orleans City Council (J.S. App. 17a, 62a).

* Because of its finding that Plan II would have a racially
discriminatory effect, the court did not reach the contention
that the plan was also racially discriminatory in purpose (J.5.
App. 40a-42a).

Ward lines are historical boundaries no longer used as
election boundaries for city officials. In addition, the court noted
that because of “one-man, one-vote” requirements all parties
had stipulated that ward lines could not be followed. For this
and other reasons, the court discounted professed reliance on
ward lines (J.S. App. 49a-50a, n. 219).

The court specifically stated (J.S. App. 38a, n. 161) that
it was not invalidating all plans drawn on a north-south basis,
nor holding that only an east-west plan would satisfy Section 5.
It was only speaking to, and rejecting, the specific plan
before it.

2 Contrary to appellants’ assertion, the district court did not
require that any reapportionment plan ensure “maximal poten-

ll

ably less than half of its potential, if indeed not a
complete negation of its potential” and other redis-
tricting schemes without such a drastic racial effect
had not been demonstrated to be infeasible (J.S. App.
53a; 64a). Alternatively, the court held that the City
had not offered any justification for Plan II suffi-
ciently substantial to justify “dilution of the vote
* * * on the scale indicated here” (3.8. App. 53a).

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

In considering appellants’ request for a declaratory
judgment to permit implementation of Plan II, the
district court properly held that dilution of voting
strength on a racial basis is encompassed within the
‘denying or abridging the right to vote’’ standard of
Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act. The determina-
tion of whether a particular voting change would have
such a proscribed effect necessarily involves, as rec-
ognized by the district court, an inquiry into the so-
cial and political context in which the plan would

tial black voting strength” (App. Br. 51). Rather, the court
specifically noted that a minority group is not entitled to “ ‘an
apportionment structure designed to maximize its political
advantage’” (J.S. App. 47a). The court did state, however,
that racial minorities are entitled to protection against being
“enveloped in a structure which will necessarily minimize
[their] potential for meaningful access to the political process”
(ibid.).

18 The district court also noted that the continued existence
of the two at-large seats, part of the New Orleans councilmanic
arrangement since 1954, exacerbated the dilutive effect of Plan
1I. The court found that, given the history of racial bloc
voting and the fact that black voters were in the minority
citywide, the two at-large seats were “the expectancy of the
white vote” (J.S. App. 66a). Appellants do not here contest
this finding.

12

operate and an ultimate assessment of the plan’s im-
pact on the access of minority-group members to the
political process.

In applying these principles in the present case,
the eourt found first that the councilmanic districts
provided for in Plan II would put black voters in the
minority in four of the five proposed councilmanie dis-
tricts. The court further found that black-support-
ed candidates, largely because of New Orleans’ long
history of racial bloc voting, could realistically hope
to be elected to the Council only in the single district
under the plan in which blacks would be a majority
of the registered voters. Plan II would leave undis-
turbed the present arrangement of electing two council
members on an at-large basis, and the court found that
these two seats would remain “the expectancy” of
white voters.

The court did not base its ultimate finding of the
dilutive effect of Plan II solely upon a statistical
assessment. Rather, the court considered a variety
of obstacles to full participation by blacks in the
political process in New Orleans and ultimately
concluded, we submit correctly, that Plan IL would
result in a sufficiently severe dilution of the voting
<treneth of black citizens in the City to require justifi-
cation by the appellants.

The court then subjected the justifications for Plan
Il offered by the City to careful serutiny, in light
of the magnitude of the plan’s dilutive effect. The
court found that reasonable alternatives for redistrict-
ing that would not entail the substantial dilutive ef-

13
fect of Plan II would have equally satisfied the guide-
lines proposed by the City as justifications. In view of
this and its other findings, which are fully supported
by the evidence, the court’s denial of a declaratory
judgment approving Plan Il was correct.

ARGUMENT
I

THE DISTRICT COURT PROPERLY DETERMINED THAT PLAN
iif WOULD SUBSTANTIALLY DILUTE THE VOTING
STRENGTH AND POTENTIAL OF BLACK CITIZENS OF NEW

ORLEANS

\. IN DETERMINING THE EFFECT OF PLAN IL, THE COURT PROPERLY
CONSIDERED TIE PLAN'S DILUTIVE EFFECTS IN THE CONTEXT IN
WHICH THE PLAN WOUiD oPERATE

In analyzing the effect of Plan II, the district court
first correctly recognized that “dilution” of the vote
is encompassed within the ‘‘denying or abridging the
right to vote” standard of Section 5 (e.g., J.S. App.
33a-34a). As this Court stated in Georgia v. United
States, 411 U.S. 526, in holding the Georgia reappor-
tionment plan there at issue to be subject to Section
5 veview, “the question * * * is whether such changes
have the potential for diluting the value of the Negro
vote and are within the definitional terms of § 5” (id.
at 534), and the Court answered both parts of this
question affirmatively (id. at 934, 535). Indeed, the
Court has consistently held that Section 5 is concerned
with changes in voting procedures that have the
potential for “dilution of voting power.” See Perkins
y. Matthews, 400 U.S. 379, 390; Fairley v. Patterson,

571-067--75- —-3

|

14

393 U.S. 544, 569. And there is indication that, in
reenacting Section 5 in 1970 with the intention that it
would apply to the redistricting changes to be neces-
xitated by the combined effects of the 1970 census
and this Court's reapportionment decisions, Congress
was specifically concerned about the possibility that
redistricting could be used as a means of diluting
black voting strength.”

“As early as 1968 the United States Civil Rights Commis-
sion had reported to Congress, after an 18-month study of the
operation of the Voting Rights Act, that “[i]n areas where
[minority] registration has increased, we have moved into a
new phase of the problem [of disenfranchisement]. Political
boundaries have been changed in an effort to dilute the newly
esined voting strength of Negroes.” Political Participation.
A Report of the United States Commission on Civil Rights. p.
177 (1968).

The Civil Rights Commission's finding concerning the prev-
alence of the use of redistricting measures to dilute black vot-
ing strength was prominently and repeatedly referred to dur-
ing the Senate and House hearings held in 1969 and 1970 in
connection with Congress’ extension of the Voting Rights Act
(e.g.. Hearings before Subcommittee No. 5 of the House Com-
mittee on the Judiciary on H.R. 4249, 5538, and Similar Pro-
posals, 91st Cong.. Ist Sess. pp. 3-4 (statement of Rep. MeCul-
loch): #4, at p. 17 (testimony of Howard Glickstein, Act-
ing Staff Director, United States Commission on Civil Rights) :
id, at p. 150 (testimony of Thomas FE. Harris, Associate Gen-
eral Counsel, AFL-CIO); Hearings before the Subcommittee
on Constitutional Rights of the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary on Amendments to the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 91st
Ceng.. Ist and 2d Sess.. p. 47 (testimony of Frankie Free-
man. Member, United States Commission on Civil Rights): /d.
at p. 132 (testimony of Joseph L. Rauh, Jr.. General Counsel.
Leadership Conference on Civil Rights); ‘d. at p. 427 (state-
ment of Howard Glickstein) ; #/. at p. 518 (testimony of David
Norman, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Civil Rights Divi-
sion, U.S. Dept. of Justice) ). The connection between redist rict-

15 ,

In determining the question of dilution, the district
court in the present case explicitly recognized that a
proposed change in voting procedures does not require
justification merely because it does net maximize
minority-group voting strength (J.S. App. 47a) and
held that the governing standard is, instead, “equality
of opportunity” under the plan GJ.S. App. 37a)—the
right of the group not to “be enveloped in a structure
which will necessarily minimize its potential for
meaningful access to the political process”’ (J.S. App.
47a). This Court adopted a similar standard in up-
holding a constitutional challenge to multi-member
legislative districts because of their dilutive effects

on minority voting potential in White v. Regester,

412 U.S. 755, 766, stating in the contexi of that con-

stitutional case:
The plaintiffs’ burden is to produce evidence to
support findings that the political processes
leading to nomination and election were not
equally open to participation by the group in
question—that its members had less opportunity
than did other residents in the district to par-
ticipate in the political processes and to elect
legislators of their choice, Whitcomb v. Charis,
[403 U.S.] at 149-150.

Although this standard has thus far been utilized by

this Court only in determining whether dilution was

ing and the dilution of black voting strength was also discussed
in beth Houses during the floor debates preceding reenactment of
the Voting Rights Act (e.g. 115 Cong. Ree. 58486 (remarks of
Rep. MeCulloch): 116 Cong. Ree, 5520. 5521. 5527 (statement of
joint views of Senators Bayh, Burdick, Cook, Dodd, Fong,
Hart, Kennedy, Mathias, Scott, Tydings) ; 116 Cong. Rec. 6358
(remarks of Senator Bayh) ).

16

caused by multimember districts, it was properly
relied upon by the district court here (with due
regard to the shift in the burden of proof in the
present statutory context). As the Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit put it, in analyzing a constitu-
tional challenge to a single-member district reappor-
tionment plan (Howard vy. Adams County Board of
Supervisors, 453 F, 2d 455, 458, nn. 2),
[while the ‘‘dilution” test developed in Burns
[v. Richardson, 384 U.S, 73), and expanded
in Whitcomb, is used in those cases to test
the constitutionality of multimember district
plans, we have no hesitation in applying that
test as a measure of the constitutionality of
reapportionment plans involving only single-
member districts. In each instance, we are re-
quired to determine the same question, whether
or not there has been an unconstitutional manip-
ulation of electoral district boundaries so as to
minimize or dilute the voting strength of a
minority class or interest.”

Appellants appear to contend that the principles
emanating from these constitutional decisions do not
apply to the statutory review of changes in voting
procedures under Section 5 (Br, 14-17). They argue
that Section 5 review is, instead, limited to a deter-
tnination of the effects of the proposed voting change
“by itself,’ ignoring the “social, economic and po-
litical context’? in which the plan will operate (Br.
16).

See also Robinson v. Commissioners Court of bade reou
County, 505 F, 2d 674 (C.A. 5): Moore v. Leflore County Board

of Election Commissioners, 502 F. 2d 621, 624 (C.A.5).

17

However, as this Court recognized in South Carolina
v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301, 308-315, the Voting
Rights Act of 1965 was passed specifically to enforce
the Fifteenth Amendment, on the basis of an informed
congressional judgment that previous judicial and
legislative efforts to secure Fifteenth Amendment
rights had been insufficient. Section 5 ‘suspends new
voting regulations pending scrutiny by federal au-
thorities to determine whether their use would violate
the Fifteenth Amendment.’’ 383 U.S. at 334. And the
granting of a declaratory judgment under Section 5 is,
effectively, a determination that “continued suspension
of the new rule is unnecessary to vindicate rights
guaranteed by the Fifteenth Amendment.” Jd. at 335.

Accordingly, the issuance of a declaratory judgment
under Section 5 necessarily implicates constitutional
standards.” A mere determination that any denial or
abridgement of voting rights under the changed pro-
cedure would be no worse than that under the pre-

“Denial of a declaratory judgment, however, need not be
based on a finding that the proposed plan would be unconstitu-
tional since the burden of proof is on the State to show that
its changed procedure meets the statutory requirements (see
Georgia v. United States, supra, 411 U.S. at 528). Moreover.
both the Attorney General and the Deputy Assistant Attorney
General in charge of the Civil Rights Division testified during
the 1970 hearings leading to the Act’s reenactment that Section
5 also expands the substantive prohibition of the Fifteent),
Amendment for prophylactic purposes. See Hearings before
Subcommittee No. 5 of the House Committee on the Judiciary
on TLR, 4249, 5538, and Similar Proposals, 91st. Cong., Ist.
Sess., at p. 280; Hearings before the Subcommittee on Const itu-
tional Rights of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary on
Amendments to the Voting Rights Act of 1965, 91st. Cong.. Ist.
and 2d Sess.. at pp. ISO- 190, 240, DOT, 536,

18

existing procedure obviously would not satisfy the
congressional purpose to enforce the Fifteenth
Amendment. What is required, instead, is a realistic
inquiry into the effects the proposed plan would have
in actual operation in order to determine that the
statutory and constitutional rights are vindicated—
the kind of inquiry sanctioned by this Court in Whit-
comb v. Chavis, supra, and White v. Regester, supra,
where, as here, dilution of voting strength was the
issue.” Indeed, any lesser standard for granting a de-
claratory judgment under Section 5 would permit
approval of new election procedures under that sec-
tion which would be vulnerable to subsequent challenge
under the Fifteenth Amendment—a result obviously
contrary to the prophylactic purpose of Section 5. See
South Carolina v. Katzenbach, supra, 383 U.S, at
308, 309, 335, 337.

In short, “Section 5 is not concerned with a simple
inventory of voting procedures, but rather with the
reality of changed practices as they affect Negro
voters.” Georgia v. United States, supra, 411 U.S. at
jal.”

17 Whitcomb and White ave in this respect no more than a
particular application of the principle that a statute racially
neutral on its face may he chellenged as racially discriminatory
in application. See, ¢.g., Yick Wo v. Hopkins. 118 U.S. 356.

* See, also, Perkins v. Matthews, 400 U.S. 379, 390; Allen
vy. State Board of Elections, 393 U.S. 544. 548: South Carolina
v. Katzenbach, supra. 283 U.S. at 308, 315; City of Petersburg,
Virginia V. Vnited States, 354 F. Supp. 1021, 1027 (D.D.C.),
affirmed, 410 U.S. 962; ef. Burns v. Richardson, 384 U.S. 73, 83.

19

BR. THE EVIDENCE SUPPORTED TIE DISTRICT COURT'S FINDING THAT
PLAN If WOULD SUBSTANTIALLY DILUTE THE VOTING STRENGTH

AND POTENTIAL OF BLACK CITIZENS

‘The district court examined the probable effect of
Plan II in light of the detailed evidence developed in
the four-day hearing in this case. As a starting point,
the court found that Plan IL would fragment the
black vote in New Orleans so that black persons would
be in the majority, and then only slightly, in but one
of the five proposed councilmanie districts (¢.g., JS.
App. 39a-40a). The court also found that New
Orleans’ long history of racial bloe voting, reinforced
as late as 1964 by state legislation (see pp. 22-23,
infra), and Louisiana’s majority vote requirement
would continue to operate as a practical matter
to defeat black-supported candidates in any district in
which blacks do not comprise a majority of the regis-
tered voters (J.S. App. 45a-46a). Under Plan I,
then, at least four of the five redistricted council
seats would be controlled by New Orleans’ white
majority (J.S. App. 46a). Moreover, the cumulative
effect of racial bloe voting and the continued enforce-
ment of majority-vote requirements and an anti-
single-shot limitation would, as a practical matter, en-
sure that the two at-large seats would remain “the
expectancy of the white vote” (J.S. App. 66a). In a
city in which 34.5 pereent of the registered voters are
black, therefore, the overall effect of Plan IT would

20

be to give black voters realistic access—at most—to

one of the seven (14 percent) council seats.”
The court did not, however, base its ultimate find-

ings merely on these statistics. Rather, it assessed
their significance in light of the residual effects of the
long history of racial discrimination in voting and
other fields in Louisiana (J.S. App. 16a, 57a—60a) and
the court’s related finding that city office holders in
New Orleans have generally been unresponsive to the

In addition to the single councilmanie district (District B)
in which black persons would comprise a slight majority (52.6
percent) of the registered voters, the court also found that
under Plan IT blacks would account for approximately one-half
(50.6 percent) of the population of a second district (District
E) (J.S8. App. 39a). This does not mean, however, that a black-
supported candidate would have a realistic chance of being
elected to the City Council from District E given the preva-
lence of bloc voting—even in the absence of under-registration
of black persons living in District E. As of the 1970 census,
the proportion of the black population of New Orleans of
veting age (267308—total black population; 152,.650—black
voting age population; 57.1 percent—percentage of black popu-
lation of voting age) was substantially below the proportion of
the white population of voting age (326.163—total white popu-
lation: 236507T—white voting age population; 72.5 percent—
percentage of white population of voting age). See The Voting
lights Act: Ten Years After, A Report of the United States
Commission on Civil Rights, 368 (1975); App. 624. If these
voting-age percentages are applied to the population mix of
Distriet E. they reveal that blacks would comprise only about
44.5 percent of the voting age population of that district—even
though they account for just over one-half of the total popula-
tion (.Ayop. 624).

21

*‘wishes and wants of the black minority’’ (J.S. App.
18a ; see id. at 63a).”

The court noted, for example, that until very re-
cently participation by black citizens in councilinanic
elections in New Orleans was limited by a variety of
legal obstacles—including requirements that persons
secking to register submit strict proof of residency of
specified duration and the confinement of registration
to one location (City Hall) (J.S. App. 16a). And it
was not until the present suit was filed that city
registrars made any concerted efforts to reach out
into New Orleans’ black community to facilitate the
registration of black persons (J.S. App. 6a, n. 65).
The tactics that have been employed throughout Lou-
isiana, including New Orleans, ‘‘with phenomenal
success to keep Negroes from voting in the State’’
were summarized in Louisiana v. United States, supra,
380 U.S. at 147-150, and significantly inform the
findings made by the district court (and previously by
the Attorney General) in this case. See White vy.
Regester, supra, 412 U.S. at 765-770.

The court also found that the access of black per-
sons in New Orleans to the political process is further

* The court's determination, accordingly, was not based on
any notion that minority-group members are entitled to be
represented in legislative councils by a proportional number of
members of their own race. See, e.g. Whitcomb v. Chavis,
supra, 403 U.S, at 152-155.

22

limited by the candidate-selection methods currently
used. Victory in the Democratic primary in New Or-
leans is generally tantamount to victory in the gen-
eral election (J.S. App. 19a, n. 73). As a rule, how-
ever, black persons seeking to run in the Democratic
primary have not been included in mayoral tickets
headed by white candidates (see id. at 17a). Indeed,
black candidates have been elected to citywide office in
New Orleans only on the rare occasions when a black
candidate was individually supported by a white or-
ganization in the City or by white candidates (ibid.).
The inability of individual black candidates to form
suecessful alliances with white candidates endorsed
by the existing “white political power structure”’ has
without exception proved fatal because it has impeded
their efforts to gain citywide exposure (ibid.).

The court’s findings indicate, moreover, that racial
bloc voting is perhaps even stronger in New Orleans
than is allegiance to the Democratic Party. The court
found that “the only notable exception” to Democratic
Party allegiance in recent years occurred in a state
legislative race in which a black candidate had won
the Democratic primary and was defeated in the gen-
eral election by a Republican because of cross-over
vote from traditionally Democratic white wards in
the City (J.S. App. 19a, n. 73). Indeed, racial bloc
voting in New Orleans was encouraged, until 1964,
by the Louisiana statute declared unconstitutional in
Anderson v. Martin, 375 U.S. 399, which required the
Louisiana Secretary of State to print, in parentheses,
the race of each candidate “‘[o]n the ballots to be used

23

in any state or local primary, general or special elec-
tion * * *” (375 U.S. at 400, n. 1).

We submit that all of these factors, viewed together,
amply support the district court’s finding that Plan II
would result in a sufficiently severe dilution of the
voting strength of black citizens of New Orleans to
require justification by the appellants. Indeed, re-
markably similar considerations were deemed by this
Court in White v. Regester, supra, 412 U.S. at 766-
767, 769-770, to justify a finding that dilution of
minority voting strength resulting from multi-member
districting was unconstitutionally discriminatory. See,
also, Moore v. Leflore County Board of Election Com-
missioners, 502 F. 2d 621, 627 (C.A. 5).

II

APPELLANTS’ JUSTIFICATIONS FOR PLAN II WERE INSUFFI-
CIENT TO WARRANT THE PLAN’S SUBSTANTIAL DILUTION
OF MINORITY VOTING STRENGTH

Following its finding of dilution of black voting
strength the district court examined in detail the
City’s justifications for Plan II, stating that the City’s
burden is to satisfy ‘‘the high standard” of the com-
pelling interest test (J.S. App. 52a) and coneluding
that the City had not offered justifications sufficiently
substantial to warrant ‘‘dilution of the vote * * * on
the scale indicated here” (J.S. App. 53a). Appellants
contend that they need show only a “rational basis’’
for the Plan (Br. 22-26), and assert that their justi-
fications, in the form of ‘“‘guidelines’’ to those respon-

|

24

sible for drafting the plan (set forth at pp. 28-29 of
their brief), satisfy this test.

This contention ignores the fact that a Section 5
proceeding entails an inquiry made to insure preser-
vation of Fifteenth Amendment rights (South Caro-
lina v. Katzenbach, supra, 383 U.S. at 355)—an
inquiry made in the implementation of legislation
designed to insure that “millions of nonwhite Amer-
icans will now be able to participate for the first time
on an equal basis in the government under which
they live” (7d. at 337).

This Court has consistently demanded a high stan-
dard of justification for state laws or procedures which
curtail or diminish constitutionally pretected rights
(see, e.g., Korematsu v. United States, 325 U.S, 214,
Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1; McLaughlin vy. Flo-
ida, 379 U.S. 184; Anderson Vv. Martin, 375 U.S. 399)
and, of course, the Fifteenth Amendment specifically
prohinits denial or abridgement of voting rights on a
racial basis, whether accomplished directly or indi-
rectly (see, eg., Lane v. Wilson, 307 U.S. 268).
Accordingly, even though Plan {L would not amount
to an absolute denial of the black citizen’s right toe

* Appellants’ contention that a reapportionment plan re-
viewed under Section 5 must be upheld if supperted by “rea-
sonable” or “legitimate” state interests relies on cases stemming
from Leynolds v. Sims, 377 US. 585 (see Br. at 22). The cases
cited by appellants, however, did not involve any allegation
that voting rights were being abridged on a racial basis (see,

¢.q. Abate v. Mundt, 403 U.S. 182, 184, n. 2; Mahan v.

Tlowell, 410 U.S, 3515, 318, mn. 5), but were instead concerned
with allegations of deviations from the “one-man, one-vote”
standard of the Fourteenth Amendment.

25

vote and there was no finding of racial purpose, a
“searching judicial scrutiny’’ was appropriate because
the plan’s dilutive effects would ‘‘impinge upon con-
stitutionally protected rights.’’ San Antonio School
District v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 40; see id. at 37-38.

Thus, regardless of whether the appellants’ burden
here was best characterized by the “compelling state
interest’ standard, the district court, after finding
that the plan would substantially dilute black voting
strength, correctly subjected appellants’ justifications
for the plan to careful scrutiny. In this context, we
submit, that scrutiny should balance the magnitude of
the plan’s dilutive effects (in light of the importance
of the rights protected by the Fifteenth Amendment
and by Section 5) against the non-racial justifications
offered for the plan. Unless those justifications show
that the reasons supporting the particular plan ™
outweigh its dilutive effects, the plan should be
rejected.”

** Appellants dispute the district court’s statement that, were
any justification possible for a voting plan whieh curtailed
minority voting rights, the plaintiff must demonstrate that
“nothing but [the plan] proposed * * * was feasible” (J.S.
App. 53a). However, this statement merely acknowledges the
principle that, when a State attempts to justify action which
curtails constitutional rights, it must choose the least restrictive
alternative, or the course of action with the least effect on
those rights. See, e.g... Dunn v. Blumstein, 405 U.S. 330, 543;
Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398, 407; Shelton v. Tucker, 364
U.S. 479, 488,

*Under this general approach in those instances of sub-
missions to him under Section 5 which arguably involve some
dilution of minority voting strength, the Attorney General has
requested that the State or political subdivision come forward

26

Under this standard, we submit, the district court
correctly concluded that “the interests which the
City asserts” do not “‘justify * * * the magnitude”
of Plan II’s dilution of black voting strength (J.S.
App. 53a). The court’s findings and the evidence at
trial demonstrated in several ways that substantially
less dilutive alternatives could satisfy the City’s guide-
lines approximately as well as Plan II. Evidence
was presented, for example, that plans in which dis-
tricts were drawn on an east-west, rather than north-
south, basis would comply with most of the city’s
enidelines. Indeed, the member of the City Council
staff primarily responsible for the initial drafting of
plans for the Couneil’s consideration testified that he
developed two east-west plans with which the staff
was satisfied (App. 336-337). Consideration by the
Council of such plans would have been one way to
avoid the disproportionate number of majority white
districts ereated by Plan IT’s north-south scheme.”

with justifications for the partienlar reapportionment plan in
question. The Attorney General has ultimately not objected to
the great majority of proposed reapportionments that have been
submitted to him under the Votine Rights Act: from the date
of the Act's original enactment through December 31, 1974,
some 443 reapportionment plans were submitted to the Attorney
General. and he interposed objections under Section 5 to 72 of
them (many of which were then revised and approved as
resubmitted).

**The record suggests that the City’s insistence on north-
south lines had its genesis in ward boundaries established in
1912 or 1914 (App. 185-184). This fact, plus the concern to
preserve insofar as possible the historic boundaries of the dis-
tricts from at least the last reapportionment in 1961 (id. at
176. 200), suggest that the Council did not consider the effect
of its actions on those newly enfranchised by the Voting
tights Act of 1965.

es

27

Three of the “guidelines” used in drafting Plans I
and II “—ward and precinct lines, natural boundaries,
and man-made boundaries—are relied on by appellants
as direct support for adherence to the north-south
approach taken. Even before the plans were drafted,
however, appellants recognized (see complaint, par. 9;
App. 10), that, because of “one-man, one-vote” re-

quirements, ward lines could not be observed (App.
200). As to precinct lines, appellants suggest that
because elections for many different offices are tabu-
lated on a voting machine at a single precinct, con-
venience requires that precincts not be split (App.
122). New Orleans’ precincts are not large, however,
averaging from 500 to 2,000 voters (App. 188), and
a member of the Couneil’s staff acknowledged that
precinct lines could be observed by 2 plan which de-
viated substantially from the north-south direction of
Plan IT (App. 575; see also map at App. 626). And
the fact that precinct lines could be kept intact
reduces to insignificance the need to consider alleged
natural boundaries within New Orleans, except to the
extent that they divide communities with differing
economic or social interests.

However, the community of “economie and social”

** The evidence is undisputed that the drafting of Plan IT
oceurred without consideration of the objections raised hy the
Attorney General with respect to Plan I (App. 351).

** Moreover, one of the council members acknowledged that
an east-west plan need not be “irregularly shaped” (App. 379),
indicating that the guideline of contiguousness and compact-
ness (App. Br. at 29) need not be satisfied solely by adherence
to the north-south direction of Plan IT.

28

interests guideline upon which appellants also rely as
justifying, in part, the north-south direction of the dis-
tricts of Plan II was not consistently observed. The
Council staff was well aware that one area of the
City—that bordering on Lake Pontchartrain—has a
common social and economic interest (App. 572); but
under Plan IT, the lakefront is divided among four
districts (see App. 624). Conversely, the Algiers area,
which was also recognized as an area with “a com-
munity of interest” (App. 572), was in fact divided
among three districts by Plan I (see App. 623), but
ultimately placed entirely within one district (App.
624). And, most importantly, it is undisputed that
Plan IT fragments the black community located in the
center city—contrary to appellants’ purported guide-
line (App. Br. 28) that the *[rJedistricting should be
accomplished without diluting the voting rights of any
minority group * * *.”*

Finally, we note that another guideline actually
followed in the drafting of Plan IL was to attempt
to keep incumbents apart in the new districts (see,
ey., App. 557, 206-207, 344). The Council’s Staff
Director stated that several councilmen told him of their
desire to be kept in districts apart from other incum-
bents (App. 208), and it was undisputed that given
the residences of the members of the Council a plan
With north-south districts was necessary to achieve
this result (App. 344). The desire to keep incumbents
apart, however, though it may have merit in other
contexts, is entitled to no weight as a justification for

** The evidence indicates, however, that those drafting the plan
attempted to maintain a similar racial composition to that in the

existing districts (App. 215. 244-246).

29

abridgement of voting rights. See Moore v. Leflore
County Board of Election Commissioners, supra, 502
F. 2d at 625.

In sum, the district court’s conclusion that the
guidelines purportedly used by the City in the draft-
ing of Plan II did not justify the plan’s severe racially
dilutive effect was correct.” The guidelines were fol-
lowed to the extent that they justified the desire
to adhere to the existing system as much as possible
(partially in order to keep incumbents apart), and
ignored to the extent that they could justify, with
equal authority, a different zoning plan which would
not similarly fragment the black community.

**Contrary to appellants’ contention (App. Br. 31), the
district court correctly held that its determination that Plan
II's effect failed to meet the statutory standard made it unnee-
essary for the court to decide whether Plan II was also
racially discriminatory in purpose.

Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. 19736c,
explicitly provides that political entities covered by Section
+ bear the burden of demonstrating that a proposed change
in voting procedures will be racially non-discriminatory both
in purpose and effect:

“* * * such State or subdivision may institute an action in
the United States District Court for the District of Columbia
for a declaratory judgment that such qualification, prerequisite,
standard, practice, or procedure does not have the purpose and
will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote
on account of race or color * * *” (emphasis added).

See Allen v. State Board of Elections, supra, 393 U.S. at 565,
n. 29; Perkins v. Matthews, supra, 400 U.S. at 387. See, also,
Senate Hearings, supra, n. 14, at 507. Indeed this Court
affirmed the denial by a district court of a request for a
declaratory judgment under Section 5 because the proposed
voting change had been found to have a racially discriminatory
effect—despite an express finding that the change was not
discriminatory in purpose. City of Petersburg, Virginia y. United
States, 410 U.S, 962, affirming, 354 F. Supp. 1021 (D. D.C.).

30

Consequently, whether measured pursuant to a
compelling state interest standard or a somewhat less
exacting standard, the justifications offered by the
City are not of the substantial nature required to
condone the effect of Plan Il. The severe effect of the
dilution found here would require a showing by the
appellants of the absence of reasonable alternatives
with a lesser racial effect. In the absence of such a
showing, and indeed in light of the findings and
evidence that such alternatives were in fact available,
the declaratory judgment requested below was prop-
erly demied.

CONCLUSION

For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the
district court should be affirmed.

Respectfully submitted.

Ropserr H. Bork,
Solicitor General.
J. STANLEY POTTINGER,
Assistant Attorney General,
LAWRENCE G, WALLACE,
Deputy Solicttor General,
Joun P. Rupp,

Assistant to the Solicitor General,
Brian K. LANDSBERG,
Water W. BaRNert,
Marx L. Gross,

Attorneys.

Marcu 1975.

U6 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE t978

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Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/brief%3Amicro_IA40385003_0215%3A10. Public record. Not legal advice.
