# UNITED STATES FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION

> Briefs, arguments, decisions, and more.

URL: https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/agency%3Aftc%3A8a9f400fc8c77b99

## Record

- **Collection:** Agency decision
- **Document type:** Agency decision

## Text

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UNITED STATES FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION

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UNILATERAL EFFECTS ANALYSIS

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AND LITIGATION WORKSHOP

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U.S. Federal Trade Commission

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601 New Jersey Avenue, N.W.

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Conference Center

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Washington, D.C.

20001

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Tuesday, February 12, 2008

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9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m.

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Reported by:

Susanne Bergling, RMR-CLR

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PARTICIPANTS

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Introductory Remarks:

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Deborah Platt Majoras

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Panel 1:

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Andrew I. Gavil
Janet L. McDavid
Robert Willig
David P. Wales, Moderator

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Panel 2:
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Jonathan B. Baker
Kathryn M. Fenton
Richard G. Parker
Daniel M. Wall
Jeffrey Schmidt, Moderator

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Panel 3:
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Hon. Douglas Ginsburg
Hon. Diane Wood
Michael J. Bloom
Richard Liebeskind
William E. Kovacic, Moderator

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Panel 4:
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William Baer
Susan Creighton
Richard Rapp
Constance Robinson
J. Thomas Rosch, Moderator

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Panel 5:
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Orley Ashenfelter
Dennis Carlton
Carl Shapiro
Joseph Simons
Michael R. Baye, Moderator

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CONTENTS

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Introductory Remarks.............................

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Deborah Platt Majoras............................

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Panel 1..........................................

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Andrew I. Gavil..................................

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Janet L. McDavid.................................

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Robert Willig....................................

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Discussion.......................................

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Panel 2..........................................

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Jonathan B. Baker................................

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Kathryn M. Fenton................................

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Richard G. Parker................................

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Daniel M. Wall...................................

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Discussion....................................... 107

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Panel 3.......................................... 129

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Michael J. Bloom.................................130/157

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Richard Liebeskind............................... 143

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Discussion....................................... 167

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Panel 4.......................................... 178

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Discussion....................................... 181

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Panel 5.......................................... 227

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Orley Ashenfelter................................ 244

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Dennis Carlton................................... 231

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Carl Shapiro..................................... 237

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Joseph Simons.................................... 254

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Discussion....................................... 258

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Conclusion....................................... 284

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P R O C E E D I N G S

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INTRODUCTION

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MR. SCHMIDT:

Good morning.

I think we are

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going to try to start the program.

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Workshop on Unilateral Effects.

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Director of the Bureau of Competition, and we are very

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glad to have you here today.

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about this program.

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workshop is the brainchild of Chairman Majoras, and it

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represents the best of the FTC in trying to better

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understand some of the important competition policy

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issues that we face.

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Welcome to the FTC's

I am Jeff Schmidt, the

We are really excited

As some of you may know, this

I have the chore of doing a couple housekeeping

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tasks here, so if you will indulge me as I go through

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this to make sure that I have covered the requirements.

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I think the -- let's see, the first thing is I have been

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asked to remind you that the agenda today is a full one,

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so that if you can try to be back in your seats by the

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time lunch is over with and breaks are over with, we can

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hopefully stay on schedule.

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And I have also been asked to ask you to use the

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side doors instead of the center doors, for reasons that

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are not particularly clear to me.

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Secondly, if you will turn off the ringers on

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your cell phones, BlackBerries, pagers, and the like,

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and I will do likewise when I get down from here.

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And third, the restrooms are out the glass

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doors, past the security desk, and then behind the

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elevator bank to the left.

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restrooms are located there.

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Both the men's and women's

And then fourth, if you do leave the building

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during the day, unfortunately, for those of you who are

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not FTC employees, you will need to go through security

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again.

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couple extra minutes to do that.

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So, if you can be sure to give yourselves a

And then finally, as a federal government

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agency, we do practice certain safety measures.

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Probably the most important thing for you to know is --

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obviously you know the one exit that you came in through

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-- if you need to leave the building in the event of an

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emergency.

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There will be FTC people who will also be obviously here

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and are on site in the event that we have any problems,

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but, of course, we are not anticipating that.

There is also an exit immediately behind us.

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So, with that, I'd like to welcome the Chairman

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of the Federal Trade Commission, Deborah Platt Majoras,

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to open our workshop.

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(Applause.)

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OPENING REMARKS

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CHAIRMAN MAJORAS:

Well, thank you very much,

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everyone.

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the morning in Washington, especially on election day.

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It is always good to see a robust crowd in

I welcome you to this workshop at the FTC.

As

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many of you know, the FTC has found that when we are

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working through particular policy issues, we often find

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it very valuable to bring in experts from the outside

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who can then, in a public forum, communicate their views

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and help us think through the issue.

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discussions can take whatever form or length is required

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for the issue.

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Our public

Just last week, for example, we held a one-day

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round table with DOJ to explore our Joint Technical

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Assistance Program in the international arena.

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about a year ago this week, we had a two-day forum on

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the broadband access issue, which has been dubbed Net

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Neutrality.

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past 18 months, we and DOJ have hosted 29 sessions of

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experts discussing the appropriate application of

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Section 2 of the Sherman Act to business conduct.

Just

And then, as many of you know, over the

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So, today, you have been good enough to join us

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as we gather to discuss unilateral effects analysis in

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merger review and in the litigation context, and I am

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pleased to say that we have gathered really a highly

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knowledgeable and thoughtful group of panelists, and I

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am very grateful to all of you for agreeing to lend your

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views.

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Back in February of 2004, the FTC and DOJ held a

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merger enforcement workshop, which focused on whether

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the analytical framework set forth in the 1992

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Guidelines, which, of course, had its roots in the 1982

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Guidelines, was adequately serving the dual purposes of

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leading to the correct decisions in horizontal merger

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review and providing reasonably clear guidance to

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businesses and their counselors.

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The workshop participants generally agreed that,

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in fact, the Guidelines framework was serving those

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purposes.

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a reworking of the Guidelines, but rather, the agencies'

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commentary on the Horizontal Merger Guidelines, through

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which we explained, by reference to specific cases,

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including cases where we had closed the investigation,

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how we have applied the Guidelines to actual mergers.

So, borne out of that workshop, then, was not

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If you reviewed the section on unilateral

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effects, it shows a large number of enforcement actions,

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most of which resulted in consent decrees.

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little doubt, I think, among antitrust practitioners

There can be

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that unilateral effects is recognized as a central

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antitrust concern, and that the Government has a record

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of success in obtaining relief in these cases.

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Of course, the record is not perfect.

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litigated matters, both the FTC and DOJ have suffered

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some losses in differentiated products cases under a

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unilateral effects theory.

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in the Whole Foods case, the district court did not

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grant the preliminary injunction that the FTC sought,

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and before that, DOJ lost the SunGard and Oracle

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challenges.

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cases in which a unilateral effects theory of harm has

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been alleged, as in Staples, Swedish Match, and Libbey,

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the courts' decisions have really not expressly

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discussed the application of unilateral effects theory.

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In

Most recently, for the FTC,

Even when the Government has prevailed in

Now, there may, of course, be no meaningful

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pattern in these losses.

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likely will lose some cases over time, as only the

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toughest cases result in litigation; and try as we do,

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we cannot determine with absolute precision on which

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side of the line a close case will fall according to a

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court.

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if we believe that we have the evidence to support our

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position that a merger is likely to be anticompetitive.

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If we are doing our jobs, we

Still, we cannot shy away from the tough cases

Clearly, though, if you look at the cases and

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particularly the losses, they do show, I think, what we

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experience, which is that there are challenges in

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proving a relevant market in which we allege that the

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likely harm will arise out of the loss of competition

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between two competitors that have served as next-best

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substitutes to one another for a significant number of

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customers.

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Recall that, for example, in the Oracle case,

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the Justice Department sought to bar Oracle's

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acquisition of PeopleSoft.

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incumbent manufacturers in a market defined as

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enterprise resource planning system software that

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handles human resources management and financial

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management systems for customers that made minimum

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purchases of $500,000.

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of course, argued for a much broader market that

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included not just those programs, but also other forms

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of ERP programs, as well as non-ERP software solutions,

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and would not have limited the market by size of

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customer sales.

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proposed market expanded the number of market

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participants.

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These were two of the three

By comparison, the defendants,

So, not surprisingly, defendants'

I am obviously simplifying in the interest of

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time here, but there, the court found that DOJ failed to

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prove its alleged product market, at least in part

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because it was not consistent with business delineations

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recognized within the industry.

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presented testimony from numerous customers that they

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might prefer defendants' products over some of the

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alternatives, but, said the court, none testified about

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how they would respond in actual purchases to a

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post-merger SSNIP.

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the Government to rely principally on qualitative

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materials like market research reports and declarations

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from customers and industry consultants.

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The Government had

Lack of hard, quantitative data led

The defendants countered with examples of users

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that had implemented alternatives to the defendants'

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products.

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Government had failed to define the alleged, narrow,

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relevant market, which meant that the shares that you

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then calculate to show concentration levels weren't

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correct and that ultimately, the Government's estimates

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of competitive effects, based on that market definition,

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also had to be disregarded.

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Ultimately, the court found that the

Then you go to the SunGard case.

The district

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court there rejected DOJ's market definition in refusing

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to bar SunGard from acquiring the assets of Comdisco.

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These companies, as well as IBM, were in the business of

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providing shared hot-site services which are backup

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computer centers that you use in the event of a

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disaster.

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shared hot-site services for customers with mainframe

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and midrange computer processing centers.

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contended that there were a lot of alternatives to these

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that customers could and did turn to to safeguard

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themselves in the event of disasters.

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The Government alleged a market that was

Defendants

Both sides offered customer testimony to support

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their contentions, but there the court rejected the

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customer testimony, finding that both sides were

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engaging in cherry-picking sampling and that neither

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side's witnesses were representative of all existing and

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future customers.

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relevant market that was neither the narrow market that

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DOJ had alleged or the broader market that the

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defendants had alleged.

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market somewhere in between.

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Ultimately, the court found a

In fact, the court found a

And finally, if you look at the Commission's

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challenge to Whole Foods' acquisition of Wild Oats, the

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court there rejected the contention that the relevant

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market was the premium natural and organic supermarket.

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There, the Government presented not only economic

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evidence but evidence that was taken from the parties

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themselves that, in fact, showed that the two were

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uniquely close competitors.

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Whole Foods and Wild Oats competed at a certain level

There was no doubt that

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with other supermarkets, and we never denied that, but

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staff presented evidence that the companies believed

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that the other was a uniquely close competitor, and

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thus, made decisions on that basis; and as the Whole

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Foods CEO told his board in justifying the transaction,

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that the acquisition would eliminate Wild Oats as a

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platform for conventional supermarkets to get into the

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organic market segment, and the entry through that

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avenue would be only a threat to his market position.

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And in addition, after paying a premium for stores,

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Whole Foods made clear it had the intention to close

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dozens of stores and to scrap plans to build new stores.

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Of course, the district court did not see the

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evidence there as we did and concluded that we were

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wrong about what constituted the relevant market, and

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that case is now on appeal.

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Don't get me wrong.

The courts play an

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absolutely critical role in U.S. merger enforcement.

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Indeed, almost uniquely so if you look at our courts'

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role in comparison with many courts around the world.

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And after every litigated case, it is very important

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that we carefully evaluate the courts' decisions, our

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own analysis, and our evidentiary presentations.

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You know, the fact that litigated cases happen

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so infrequently -- indeed, the three cases litigated by

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the FTC over the past year were virtually unprecedented

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over the past couple of decades.

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haven't litigated so many cases in a year.

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makes it all the more important that we learn from each

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and every court decision.

The agencies just
So, that

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In addition, because most merger decisions are

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not litigated, we have a great responsibility to ensure

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that we are basing those decisions, most of which result

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in consent decrees, on solid analysis which would be

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supportable in the courts if litigation were necessary.

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And if we lose, it is essential that we take a critical

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look at our legal analysis and presentation to

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determine, to the extent we can, how and why we were

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unable to convince the court of our position.

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In this regard, I am very proud of the

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debriefing efforts that are being undertaken and have

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been for the last six months within our agency among the

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economists and the lawyers to think these things

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through, and today's workshop is another step in our

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process.

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but given the human limitations on objectivity, we may

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be so close to a case or an approach or a set of

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strategies that our own introspective evaluation is just

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simply not enough.

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We can identify ways to improve internally,

The workshop combines a lot of our thinking,

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covering many of the areas that we and others outside

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have identified as worthy of discussion.

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has market definition, which has been such an important

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tool in analysis, become an end in unilateral effects

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cases rather than a means to determine if the merged

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entity will have the ability to exercise power?

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is it because, as Professors Farrell and Shapiro argue

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and probably will talk about today in a preliminary

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draft paper, the Guidelines have shoehorned unilateral

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effects analysis into the traditional market definition

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concentration framework that has its roots in

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coordinated effects analysis?

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For example,

If so,

We will define markets in unilateral effects

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cases in problematical ways in litigation, because given

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the nature of the analysis of closeness of substitution,

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they appear to judges to have been gerrymandered and not

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always consistent with our views as consumers; and, of

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course, we are all consumers, including judges.

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ready to touch the third rail and discuss whether market

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definition is necessary in a case in which we can

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present direct evidence of competitive effects?

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regard, are we just getting tripped up over our own

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terminology and our step-by-step analysis, and should we

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do a better job of explaining, as I tried in the

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Evanston opinion, that in differentiated product

Are we

In that

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unilateral effects cases, market definition and

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competitive effects are simply two sides of the same

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coin no matter how we label?

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might argue, stick to traditional market definition and

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concentration calculations because, while sometimes

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imperfect, they provide important disciplines on legal

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analysis?

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the fact that a huge percentage of mergers we review

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have to be analyzed within only 30 days or less,

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necessitating that we have to have some tools to be able

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to find the right answer quickly?

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evidence and how we present it?

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reject customer declarations, customer testimony,

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parties' unvarnished statements about competition and

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mergers in favor of litigation declarations and economic

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evidence at different times, all of which, some of us

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believe, at least at some points, to be very important

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evidence in these cases.

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Or should we, as some

Should our thoughts on this be influenced by

What about our
We have had judges

Are we moving toward a system where fancy

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econometrics will win the day, much like we hear about

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jurors who have seen so much CSI and Law & Order on TV

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that they insist on fancy DNA or fingerprint evidence in

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order to find guilt in a case?

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noneconomic and economic evidence are most probative in

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these cases, and how does our answer vary by factual

What types of

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conditions, where we have dynamic versus static markets;

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if we have industrial products cases versus retail

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cases, direct to consumer?

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How do we handle new economic learning when we

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go in to court?

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not a static discipline, and we want to learn as the

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economics develop.

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litigation standpoint?

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experts?

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especially if the market definition -- and you heard

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some of the ones that I mentioned in some of these

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cases -- are just simply not intuitive to us as

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consumers?

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This is very important, because ours is

So, how do we handle that from a
How important are industry

And how can we best tell the story to a judge,

Now, later today, I am very excited that we are

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going to have a mock closing argument over a

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hypothetical ice cream merger, and as you will see from

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the facts there, the Government in that hypothetical

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case alleged that superpremium ice cream is a separate

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market from other types, with the defense taking the

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position that ice cream is ice cream.

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the economics and facts are not necessarily completely

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in alignment with what our intuition might be.

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panel will provide us with really an exceptional

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opportunity to hear how two experienced judges go about

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weighing the often complex and contradictory testimony

As we will see,

So, this

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in economics, which is typically presented in an

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antitrust merger case.

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So, with that, I would like to thank you all for

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being here to discuss with us this important topic, and,

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again, many thanks to our panelists who have agreed to

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be here with us.

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introduce to you, to begin the first panel, David Wales,

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who's the Deputy Director of the Bureau of Competition.

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I will stop now, and I would like to

(Applause.)

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PANEL 1:

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FOUNDATIONS OF UNILATERAL EFFECTS THEORIES:

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CORE FEATURES, ECONOMIC BASES,

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AND POTENTIAL GROUNDS FOR ATTACK

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MR. WALES:

Great.

Thanks a lot, Debbie.

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We are, to reiterate, very excited today about

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our various panels, and I personally am very excited

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about this panel.

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participants and hopefully we will have some great

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dialogue.

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I think we have some great

The way we would like to kick it off is just to

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talk about some of the foundations of unilateral

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effects, some of its core features, economic bases, and

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potential grounds for attack, and other general topics

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to set up some of the additional discussions that we

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will have.

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The format is going to work this way:

Each of

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the three -- now three -- panelists will have brief

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presentations to talk about some of the issues they

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think are important, that they want to convey, and then

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what we would like to do is open it up to discussion,

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hopefully get an active discussion as to some of these

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issues and drill down a bit further on some of the key

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points.

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So, with that I am going to go ahead and give a

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brief introduction of the panelists, and then I am going

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to ask them to go ahead and start their presentations.

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First off, we have, all the way down at the end,

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Andrew Gavil.

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University School of Law.

He has been a member of the

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Howard faculty since 1989.

Prior to joining the

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faculty, he practiced antitrust law and commercial

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litigation with law firms in Chicago and Denver.

He is

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the lead author of Antitrust Law in Perspective:

Cases,

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Concepts and Problems in Competition Policy, and is

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currently at work with the co-author, Professor Harry

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First, on Microsoft and the Globalization of Competition

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Policy:

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received the Warren Rosmarin Award for Excellence in

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Teaching and Service at the Law School and serves as a

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faculty advisor to the Howard Law Journal.

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Professor Gavil teaches law at Howard

A Study in Antitrust Institutions.

Next up we have Robert Willig.

In 2004, he

Professor Willig

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teaches economics at Princeton University.

He's a

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former supervisor of economics research at Bell

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Laboratories.

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of Policies Affecting Prices and Products, and

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Contestable Markets and the Theory of Industry

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Structure, and co-editor of The Handbook of Industrial

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Organization and Can Privatization Deliver?

He is the co-author of Welfare Analysis

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Infrastructure for Latin America, and numerous articles.

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A fellow of the Econometric Society, he has served on

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the editorial boards of the American Economic Review and

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the Journal of Industrial Economics.

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Antitrust Division in the U.S. Department of Justice as

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Deputy Assistant Attorney General for Economics.

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Finally we have Jan McDavid.

He served in the

She is a partner

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at Hogan & Hartson here in D.C.

She focuses primarily

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on antitrust and trade regulation litigation and

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counseling.

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Antitrust Section of the American Bar Association,

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including Chair.

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Council of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and has served

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on antitrust task forces with the U.S. Department of

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Defense.

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and articles involving antitrust, including the

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Antitrust Evidence Handbook, Mergers & Acquisitions, and

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Antitrust & Trade Associations Practice Guide.

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Ms. McDavid's recognition includes The Best of the Best

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Competition and Antitrust Section; Legal Times of

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Washington Top Antitrust Lawyers; The International

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Who's Who of Business Lawyers; and Guide to the World's

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Leading Competition Lawyers.

She has served in multiple positions of the

She also is a member of the Antitrust

She is the author or co-author of many books

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We are thrilled to have each of you here today.

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With that I think what we would like to do is

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start off, Professor Gavil, with your presentation.

2

take it away.

3

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

4

MR. WALES:

5

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

So,

The slides?

Yes.
Good morning, everyone.

I am

6

delighted to be here, and I thank Chairman Majoras and

7

Andrew for inviting me to join you.

8

To start off our first panel, I was asked to see

9

if in about five or seven minutes I could sum up the

10

history of unilateral effects.

11

that.

12

So, I will try and do

I thought that in just a few slides I would talk

13

a little bit about the roots of unilateral effects

14

doctrine, both legal and economic, and how it fits into

15

the larger picture of merger analysis.

16

thinking about various phases we have gone through in

17

terms of merger enforcement analysis.

That got me

18

I start with a hypothesis, and it was really

19

late last night when I typed this, so maybe it should

20

have a question mark at the end.

21

my hypothesis, so I will pose it more so as a

22

question -- a possible hypothesis.

I am not sure this is

23

In a sense, unilateral effects is both the

24

oldest and the newest theory of anticompetitive harm for

25

mergers.

The underlying legal and economic theories are

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neither novel, nor new.

2

theory has certainly been refined; it has been

3

elaborated.

4

will talk a little bit about that, which have clearly

5

been aided by technology and there is increased access

6

to data, which also, aided by technology, has been very

7

significant.

8

mind, and as Chairman Majoras already put it for us, is

9

why has the contemporary theory of unilateral effects

10

proven to be such a difficult sell in the courts?

11

What is newer?

Well, the

There are new empirical techniques, and we

But the question, of course, on everyone's

The basic larger idea of merger to monopoly, of

12

course, is original to the Sherman Act.

13

quotation from Hans B. Thorelli, Federal Antitrust

14

Policy:

15

Here is a

That "Sherman" -- talking here about John

16

Sherman -- "wanted the bill to cover the great

17

industrial trusts proper as well as mergers and other

18

tight combinations when of a monopolistic nature there

19

can be no doubt."

20

So the idea that we should prohibit mergers to

21

monopoly is a very old idea in antitrust.

It was

22

supposed to be covered by the Sherman Act.

In many of

23

the early merger cases that came out of the great merger

24

wave, Northern Securities, U.S. Steel, although of

25

varying success in terms of enforcement, the basic

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theory was merger to monopoly, and the trusts themselves

2

were combines.

They were viewed as mergers to monopoly.

3

The 1950 amendments ushered in the non-

4

monopolistic merger period, somewhat in response to the

5

Columbia Steel case of 1948, although there are other

6

factors as well.

7

these merger challenges from the twenties to the

8

forties.

9

a different set of concerns.

10

altered the focus from a focus on merger to monopoly to

11

what we might call nonmonopolistic mergers.

The Government was losing a number of

Congress decided to step in.

They clearly had

They broadened out and

12

We might also call these the wilderness years,

13

as the anchor, even in early thinking about merger to

14

monopoly, was a little bit more clear than what happened

15

in this period.

16

"trend towards concentration," a concept which is

17

typified by cases like Brown Shoe, Von's, and Pabst, and

18

which we now teach against in casebooks, toward the

19

structural approach, and the general concerns it raised

20

about market shares that were obviously elevating.

21

was the idea of making predictions from market structure

22

that took form in the Philadelphia National Bank

23

presumption, and, of course, was reflected in the first

24

Merger Guidelines in 1968.

25

There was an evolution from emphasis on

Here

From 1968 to 1992, there was an effort to better

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define what the true anticompetitive theory was, and in

2

a sense this period led to a commingling and a fusion of

3

two competing traditions.

4

tradition going back to the 19th Century in economics,

5

and the other was the structural presumption, which had

6

developed in some of the writings on industrial

7

organization economics in the 1950s.

One was the oligolopy

8

If you go back, as I did, looking at Stigler and

9

Posner and Bork and contrast them with Kaysen and Turner

10

(1959), you really see these two very different sets of

11

ideas competing for influence in terms of merger policy.

12

Their first offspring was the coordinated effects theory

13

in the 1982 Guidelines and the way the Guidelines are

14

structured.

15

Shapiro explore in their paper, I will mention that a

16

little later on.

17

that combine pieces of different theories I think is one

18

of the issues that is going to emerge today as

19

important.

20

are reflected in different pieces of the Guidelines, and

21

like a puzzle where the lines between the pieces are

22

still very defined, they do not always quite fit

23

together very well, and sometimes they can even work at

24

cross-purposes.

25

This is a point that Joe Farrell and Carl

The attempt to structure Guidelines

We have different intellectual thoughts that

From the mid-1980s to the present, there was

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something of a reintegration of the pre-1950 and

2

post-1950 models.

3

mergers are reintegrated in the Guidelines.

Coordinated

4

and unilateral effects are both introduced.

Both, of

5

course, have roots in oligopoly theory, but both are

6

still tethered to the structural concepts in the

7

Guidelines.

8

Monopolistic and nonmonopolistic

For more sources on this history of unilateral

9

effects and its roots, I just cited a few of the

10

articles here on the slides, all of the authors being in

11

the room, Baker, Willig, and Denis, all go through some

12

of these issues of the intellectual roots of modern

13

unilateral theory.

14

Well, where do we go from here and what is the

15

discussion about today?

I think one issue that I wanted

16

to put out is, how do we relate developments in

17

unilateral effects to the larger context of modern

18

antitrust?

19

I wanted to put the idea out there.

20

unilateral effects parallels, in a sense, the tension

21

that now exists in Section 1 between actual effects and

22

the quick-look doctrine on the one hand and

23

circumstantial effects under the Sherman Act.

24

Coordinated cases tend still to be structural in some

25

sense, economic, and more sophisticated in others.

And this I am not quite sure I believe, but
Coordinated versus

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to the degree they are relying on creating a

2

circumstantial, predictive case for coordinated effects,

3

they are more like the circumstantial approach to merger

4

analysis.

5

I tried to give a new name -- I don't know if it

6

will work or stick -- but unilateral effects is more

7

akin to "predicting actual effects" based on empirical

8

evidence, and in that sense, it really can be located in

9

the circle with cases like NCAA and Indiana Federation

10

and California Dental and Polygram, cases that try to,

11

as the Chairman was talking about earlier, try to look

12

at actual effects and market definition, market power,

13

as flip sides of an issue.

14

As the court said in NCAA and again in Indiana

15

Federation, traditional market power analysis involved

16

defining a relevant market, calculating market shares,

17

and predicting market power and consequence

18

anticompetitive effects from large and durable shares.

19

The Court has held, however, that doing so was just a

20

surrogate for actual anticompetitive effects.

21

have the actual anticompetitive effects, you shouldn't

22

need to do those things.

When you

23

The tension about that has arisen with respect

24

to such actual effects cases is similar to the tension

25

that exists now around unilateral effects.

Concerns

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about the reliability of actual effects evidence have

2

also caused some push-back in non-merger areas.

3

productive step we could take would be to get merger

4

analysis, instead of in its own pigeonhole, relocated in

5

the larger picture of what is happening in antitrust.

6

So, one

The irony of precision -- last slide here -- why

7

are unilateral effects cases a tough sell in court?

8

economists, there is the appeal of empiricism.

9

very appealing.

10

quotation out of one of Jon Baker's articles:

11

For

They are

They -- based on data -- I pulled this

"[i]f the facts support a unilateral theory, it

12

is clear as a matter of economic logic why the

13

particular merger would likely lead to higher prices."

14

This reminded me a little bit of the language in

15

Polygram where the FTC talked about anticompetitive

16

effects being "intuitively obvious" based on economic

17

analysis.

18

decision-makers?

19

But what is the challenge for
Why the resistance?

Well, in a sense, the models can be more complex

20

than the traditional PNB presumption.

This is somewhat

21

ironic since the models were designed to yield a greater

22

degree of precision, a greater degree of understanding,

23

yet the models themselves are more complex.

24

presumption was by comparison easy, like per se rules,

25

like other burden-shifting devices.

The PNB

It did not require

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a lot of understanding to say:

2

that's a lot!"

3

"40 plus 20 is 60.

Ooh,

Empirical evidence also may be confusing when

4

combined with traditional structural evidence.

5

appear highly dependent on assumptions, and, therefore,

6

subject to manipulation if the assumptions change.

7

can be a little bit more rigorous in theory than

8

practice.

9

And I think there is a larger issue, one that David

10

Meyer talked about in a speech last fall.

11

whether we like it or not, at something of a historical

12

moment in antitrust, where courts are proving very

13

skeptical about antitrust cases, and unilateral effects

14

has run into that skepticism as it tries to develop and

15

evolve in the courts.

16

It can

It

Sometimes the data do not match the theory.

We are,

Those are my opening comments, and I will turn

17

it back over to the panel.

18

MR. WALES:

19

Next we have Professor Willig with some brief

20

Great.

Thanks, Professor Gavil.

remarks.

21

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

Brief?

22

I face an interesting challenge.

I was asked to

23

cover the Merger Guidelines, a short overview to be

24

sure, unilateral effects therein, the history of

25

antitrust, and the economics of unilateral effects, and

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I wasn't given five to seven; I was given three to five.

2

MR. WALES:

3

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

4

I lied.

can talk really fast.

5

With another cup of coffee, I

So, who's got the coffee for me?

Elements of the Guidelines in an historical

6

context:

7

a relevant market?

8

algorithms, those of us who love that kind of thing, but

9

the idea of a relevant market is so simple that I think

10

we should remember its basic concept all day long

11

throughout the discussions.

12

collection of the principal sources of competitive

13

discipline on the products of the merging firms,

14

especially the overlapping products of the merging

15

firms.

16

First and foremost, relevant market.

What is

I know we talk about all the

A relevant market is a

If you collect all the sources of competitive

17

discipline and you put them all under a single source of

18

control, then you should be seeing some elevation of

19

monopoly power, and hence, the hypothetical monopoly

20

test as the way to make sure that you have got all of

21

the principal sources of competitive discipline

22

identified and collected in the relevant market.

23

idea of it is simple.

24

just the way to make sure that you have actually got

25

market power there collected in these various sources of

The

The hypothetical monopoly test is

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competitive discipline.

2

This was the idea of the 1982 Guidelines, along

3

with a way of counting concentration within a relevant

4

market.

5

away from the technocratics, the Herfindahls and the

6

like -- remember when that was a bizarre thing?

7

remember that.

8

feel like it was yesterday and I was already old when

9

these things happened.

10

dream of mine.

11

great, exactly the way he looked -- God knows when.

12

improvement, but no change.

13

(Laughter.)

14

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

The concentration question, again, taking it

I

I mean, I hate to be an historian and

That is sort of a dangerous

Never mind how Jon looks.

He looks
No

So, why do we count

15

concentration and change in concentration?

Well, a

16

relevant market is a place where a hypothetical

17

monopolist could or would exercise monopoly power.

18

change in concentration and the level asks, well, what

19

does the merger do to bring us to the status of that

20

hypothetical monopolist?

21

actually bring us to that hypothetical monopoly?

22

goes hand in glove with the idea of the relevant market.

23

The Herfindahl is a very clever way to measure

24

concentration.

25

collect share data and see how concentrated they are.

The

How close will the merger
It

It is nothing but an arithmetic way to

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Now, everybody keeps saying today -- and I have

2

heard this before as well -- that the 1982 Guidelines

3

are all about collusion, coordinated effects, as we

4

would call it today.

5

there.

6

was being published as coming right out of a Cournot

7

model.

8

Waterson, and, in fact, Ordover and I were asked to

9

write a review of those '82 Guidelines.

10

consulting on the Division on them when they were being

11

written with Larry White, and in '83, Ordover and I

12

wrote, "Why do they keep using the word collusion in the

13

Guidelines?

14

models like Cournot with what we would call today

15

unilateral effects."

16

a lack of language, than a distortion of the ideas.

17

obviously did better a decade later by looking it in the

18

face, but to say that the '82 Guidelines were really

19

about collusion I think is a grave intellectual error if

20

we are doing history, and that was my assignment.

Hey, I was there; Larry White was

It turns out that the Herfindahl Index, by 1982,

You all remember this, economists Cowling and

I had done some

They are actually talking about oligopoly

I think it was more a mislabeling,
We

21

Now we move on to the current Guidelines --

22

hopefully still current -- and we have coordinated

23

effects, which we are not talking about today, and we

24

have unilateral effects, and I'd like to highlight three

25

different cases of unilateral effects that are squarely

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in the Guidelines, and here, too, I am worried that we

2

are losing track about which one it is that we are

3

speaking of.

4

First of all, unilateral effects apply in the

5

Guidelines to the case of "homogeneous products,"

6

commodities in the common parlance.

7

this a market in which firms are distinguished by their

8

capacities rather than by the characteristics of their

9

products, because they are all basically the same;

10

hence, homogeneous products.

11

totally good sense in a market of homogeneous products.

12

The economics of it are very simple.

13

The Guidelines call

Unilateral effects make

The idea is that if a firm gets bigger in a

14

space of homogeneous products, then it has got a bigger

15

base of capacity on which to enjoy a price rise, and so

16

a big merger tends to enhance the incentives of the

17

newly merged firm to cut back on output so as to push

18

the price up, because now, it has got more capacity on

19

which to enjoy the positive profit effects of that price

20

rise.

21

Not elaborate, not fancy, not about merger

22

simulation models, although we have lots of analytics to

23

handle that if we want to, but it is not what we are

24

usually talking about on a day like today, but it is

25

still unilateral effects.

So, I think we need to

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sharpen our language away from just unilateral effects

2

to unilateral effects in markets where the products are

3

importantly differentiated to separate out the case of

4

the commodities.

5

Second of all, within the category of

6

differentiated products, there is a main case really in

7

the Guidelines where the differentiated products are --

8

I am calling it today generally differentiated.

9

Baker and I and Paul Denis debated this stuff for much

10

of two years together.

11

products are ones that compete with others in the

12

relevant market, but kind of generally, without any

13

specific product-to-product relationships.

14

Think about cold remedies.

Jon

Generally differentiated

I mean, does anybody

15

really know what the subcategories are of cold remedies?

16

Everybody's got their favorites, and yet each cold

17

remedy basically competes with all the other ones.

18

Maybe a pharmacologist would know the difference, but we

19

consumers sure don't.

20

are all kind of mushed together in one big pot, no

21

specific competitive relationships.

Or midsize cars, you know, they

22

Well, in a market like that, it makes sense to

23

think that the share of a product is indicative of its

24

competitive significance as an alternative to whatever

25

your favorite product is; that shares really connote

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competitive significance, because the competitive

2

relationships are general throughout the marketplace.

3

That is the lead case of differentiated products under

4

the Guidelines, and there, relevant market makes just as

5

good sense as it does for a homogeneous product industry

6

that collects all these products that interact

7

importantly; concentration makes sense as a measure of

8

significance, and off we go.

9

There is a lot of economics lying behind this.

10

The Logit model of demand handles this.

We all grew up

11

on the CES Utility model of monopolistic competition,

12

and in markets like that, this is exactly the kind of

13

interaction among the products.

14

differentiated products stuff.

This is really classic

15

What we are all getting confused about is the

16

third case where the competition among differentiated

17

products is not general; instead, it is local, and where

18

differentiation is local, market share is not indicative

19

of competitive significance as a matter of substitution

20

for any other product.

21

products, no.

22

Some products yes; other

Think about Toyota Camrys.

They are very

23

successful cars, and yet they are in no way interesting

24

substitutes for the BMW drivers in the crowd.

25

maybe an Audi with a low market share is a much closer

Instead,

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source of substitution for the BMW than would be the

2

best-selling Camry.

3

are discernible; they are different; people recognize

4

them as such; and they drive the importance of different

5

substitution relationships.

6

of unilateral effects.

7

talking about the third one, and I think it would really

8

help to clarify that in our discussions.

9

So, here, product characteristics

So, three different kinds

Today, we are really only

When we have localized effects, we are going to

10

have small, narrow relevant markets.

You know,

11

Bimmer-oriented relevant markets instead of all cars or

12

all midsize cars, and what we are hearing is all judges

13

who I guess do not drive Bimmers find it a little bit

14

harder to understand.

15

A proposal I would make today -- and I am not

16

going to wait for the question, I just want to slip it

17

in -- the proposal is that we accept the idea that

18

markets can be narrow where competition is localized --

19

bite that bullet -- and accept the idea that sometimes

20

the best evidence for what constitutes the true, narrow

21

relevant market is not our normal kind of intuition

22

about, "Oh, a car is a car; a grocery store is a grocery

23

store; a stationery story is a stationery store," but we

24

allow ourselves, where appropriate and where the

25

evidence is there, to deduce market definition from

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evidence about competitive effects; that after we look

2

at the Staples/Office Depot evidence, that where there

3

are only two superstores instead of three, prices are

4

higher, that teaches us that the office superstores are

5

not in the same relevant market as your corner

6

drugstore, which I would have thought intuitively, but

7

the evidence proves that is not true.

8

proves that, indeed, the relevant market is office

9

superstores.

10

sources of evidence, but the statistics that show that

11

are our best evidence for market definition.

12

The evidence

I wouldn't have known that through other

Why shouldn't we allow markets to be defined

13

using best evidence?

14

kinds of data, that would be our best evidence.

15

not that markets are irrelevant.

16

should be willing to test them and to prove them,

17

sometimes using the same kind of information that we use

18

for competitive effects, where we have such solid

19

evidence.

20

And in cases where we have those
It is

It is just that we

It is not wrong in Whole Foods for the judge to

21

be debating what the relevant market is -- all

22

supermarkets or just organically oriented ones.

23

very much the right question, and I think the judge was

24

on the right beam in trying to figure out what the best

25

source of persuasive evidence was.

That is

I don't know what

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the right answer is either.

2

would have been all over the lot just like the judge

3

was.

4

hard question.

5

aware of those data, but, I mean, maybe you are right.

6

But I think the judge was grappling with the right

7

question, and why not allow competitive effects and

8

natural experiments to be part of the evidence that does

9

drive a determination of the relevant market, along with

10

competitive effects?

11

with that.

12

So, if I were the judge, I

I don't know if it was a wrong process.
Maybe the FTC knows better.

It is a
I am not

I think there is nothing wrong

I think there is a danger in eliminating the

13

idea of a relevant market, because not forcing ourselves

14

to actually enumerate, out loud, all the sources of

15

important competitive discipline creates the danger that

16

in our weaker moments, when we are not absolutely on our

17

game -- and I know mostly we are in this room, but

18

sometimes we are off our game -- when you are on the

19

other side of me, for example -- that under those

20

circumstances, you should be impelled by the process to

21

enumerate all of what you think are the important

22

sources of competitive discipline, and the process of

23

relevant market is the force that makes us do that.

24

Just saying, "Oh, it is obvious that these two products

25

are the closest substitutes, end of story," is a

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dangerous way to lead our process as far as the law is

2

concerned.

3

Thank you.

4

MR. WALES:

5

We are now going to turn to Jan McDavid with her

Thank you, Professor.

6

opening statement.

7

Jan?

8

MS. McDAVID:

9

In recent years, as we have been talking about,

Thanks, David.

10

the agencies have increasingly relied on unilateral

11

effects theories.

12

economists in the room, can tell us whether the

13

techniques underlying these theories are appropriate and

14

debate which theory is appropriate in a particular case.

15

I am not an economist; I don't play one on television.

16

I hire people like Bobby for that.

Other panelists, and especially the

17

Instead, I'd like to discuss these issues from

18

the perspective of an antitrust practitioner who has to

19

explain them to business people who are making decisions

20

about potential transactions and who interact with the

21

staff of the agency about particular transactions.

22

Now, it has always seemed logical to me to

23

consider whether a merger that eliminates direct

24

competition between the merging parties substantially

25

reduces overall competition within the meaning of

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Section 7.

2

very common sense notion that a merger is likely to have

3

more a harmful competitive effect if the merging parties

4

are particularly close competitors.

5

Unilateral effects analysis is based on the

The most obvious example, of course, is a merger

6

to monopoly in which there is no competition remaining

7

following a transaction.

8

transactions in which some rivals remain could produce

9

those competitive effects.

10

won't.

11

before the courts, is how do you distinguish between all

12

of these different formulations?

13

But it also seems logical that

In other circumstances, they

The question before us, before the agencies and

I have always found that the easiest way to

14

explain these concepts to business people is the next

15

best substitutes formulation, and so that is basically

16

what I have done.

17

Now, as a Colorado skier, I often use the Vail

18

case as the paradigm that I walk my clients through in

19

trying to have them understand competitive effects.

20

About ten years ago, Vail resorts, which operates both

21

Vail and Beaver Creek, proposed to acquire the Ralston

22

resort ski properties in Colorado.

23

thought Ralston only made dog food will be surprised to

24

know that they actually operated Breckinridge, Arapahoe

25

Basin, and Keystone, and did not do so especially well.

Those of you who

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The Division concluded that there were two kinds

2

of skiers:

3

get on an airplane and fly somewhere to ski, and if

4

prices go up for us, we could go somewhere else.

5

could get on an airplane to Salt Lake rather than to

6

Denver if I wanted to go skiing.

7

what they called the front-range skiers, the folks who

8

get in their cars somewhere in the Denver metropolitan

9

area and drive about two-and-a-half hours to a ski area,

10

and they concluded that that was the market in which

11

they needed to analyze the effects of the proposed

12

Vail-Ralston transaction.

13

There were destination skiers, like me, who

I

And then there were

The competitive impact statement made it clear

14

that the Division was applying a unilateral effects

15

theory to the case.

16

deterred from increasing its prices at Vail and Beaver

17

Creek by the fact that skiers could go to Keystone

18

instead, if prices were to be increased at Vail and

19

Beaver Creek, or Breckinridge or Arapahoe Basin.

20

Vail also owned Keystone, Breckinridge, and A-Basin,

21

they would also pick up the revenues on the sales of

22

those tickets, and therefore, a price increase might

23

become profitable.

Before the merger, Vail was

But if

24

Based on an econometric analysis, using largely

25

survey data -- and that is a point I really do want to

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come back to -- and data on margins, the Division

2

concluded that a price increase of a dollar per ticket

3

was likely in the event that Vail owned Vail, Beaver

4

Creek, and Keystone, because Keystone was the next best

5

substitute.

6

would fix this problem.

They also concluded that divesting A-Basin

7

Now, the antitrust agencies' ability to engage

8

in the type of analysis that they used in the Vail case

9

or in the other cases we have been talking about has

10

been made possible by the kinds of rich data sources

11

that are available, as well as computers.

12

involving branded food products, for example, IRI and

13

Nielsen data permit very elaborate econometric models in

14

which we can actually use transaction data to test these

15

propositions.

16

in branded food products are not available most of the

17

time, and even in branded food product transactions,

18

they actually focus on competition at the wrong level,

19

because they are focusing on the prices set by

20

retailers, not the prices set by the manufacturers of

21

the food products who are actually engaged in the

22

merger.

23

In cases

But the retail scanner data that we have

So, what substitutes for these kind of data are

24

available and how does the quality of the data affect

25

the quality of the analysis in which we are engaging?

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It seems logical to me that differences in the quality

2

of the data are very likely to lead to differences in

3

the quality of the economic analysis that is being done

4

and that use of data that is not reliable may lead to

5

skewed and unreliable results.

6

An awful lot of the debate is also about the

7

kinds of assumptions that are being used, and if you

8

vary the assumptions, you vary the outcome.

9

possible, under the Guidelines and under the Commentary,

10

to find unilateral effects at even low market shares.

11

Many of us believed there was a 35 percent safe harbor

12

in the Guidelines, but the Commentary says there isn't.

13

Where is the right line?

14

effects predicts some kind of a price increase absent

15

some significant efficiencies.

We all know how reliable

16

the efficiency estimates are.

All of this can skew the

17

outcome in ways that may render the results at least

18

suspicious and make people skeptical.

19

It is very

Every model of unilateral

Now, I bring to this process the skepticism that

20

I also bring to the HHI analysis.

The HHIs lead to a

21

mathematical result which looks precise on its face, but

22

we all know that it varies entirely based on market

23

definition and market shares, neither of which are very

24

reliable, and then you just square it and add it up.

25

So, it all depends on where you start as to where you

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end up.

2

For that reason, I rarely try to define markets

3

in the transactions I am working on.

4

almost immediately, on competitive effects analysis,

5

because that is where I have always thought the game was

6

going to be played.

7

are a very useful first screen for thinking about the

8

transactions into which we should start conducting that

9

kind of elaborate analysis, but they create an

10

artificial sense of precision where no real precision is

11

possible, and I am concerned that some of the same

12

things happen with respect to the kinds of unilateral

13

effects analyses that we have been undertaking.

14

I always zero in,

I have always thought that the HHIs

Let's go back to the Vail case as an example.

15

People who ski in Colorado who probably agree that

16

Keystone was the most likely next best substitute for

17

Vail and Beaver Creek, with Breckinridge being a close

18

second.

19

survey data would allow you to conclude that prices

20

would go up one dollar or we would be especially

21

skeptical that divesting Arapahoe Basin was going to fix

22

that problem.

23

I think we would have been very skeptical that

I have never skied at Arapahoe Basin.

It is way

24

too hard for me.

There are people there who sleep with

25

their dogs in their Volkswagen buses in the parking lot.

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It is not a substitute for Vail.

2

an economic model that suggests that it is.

3

So why should we trust

So, I think where all of this takes me is that

4

we have to bring some common sense to these kinds of

5

analyses, and that is where I am concerned that the

6

agencies are running into resistance.

7

they've been doing appears to be gerrymandered or

8

jury-rigged and doesn't pass the common sense test.

9

When your judge is someone who's been sentencing drug

10

offenders in the morning and is handling unilateral

11

effects analysis in the afternoon, you have to be

12

conscious of the limitations of your audience.

13

don't do the math either.

14

Some of what

They

Judge Wood, who handled the cereals transaction,

15

brought Fred Kahn in to advise her as effectively her

16

law clerk when she tried that case, even though she was

17

a very experienced antitrust lawyer and very good at the

18

economics.

19

sorts of problems that we have to be conscious of.

And that is, I think, an illustration of the

20

So, I would like to use the unilateral effects

21

analysis as part of a holistic analysis of all of the

22

evidence.

23

results with the more traditional models, considering

24

the company's strategic planning documents; who do they

25

think are their most significant rivals; what do the

I have always thought we get to pretty good

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customers say; what is the evidence about entry; is one

2

of the companies failing; is one of the company's

3

ability to compete on an ongoing basis impaired in the

4

future.

5

the evidence consistent?

6

place?

Does this tell us an overall story?

Is all of

Does it take you to the same

7

If that is the case, I think you can be

8

reasonably confident about the kind of decision you are

9

reaching.

10

skeptical, and the agencies will encounter a skeptical

11

audience in a federal judge.

12

lessons are things we have to keep in mind as we do

13

these sorts of analyses.

14

MR. WALES:

15

We will kick things off a little bit.

If it does not, then the agencies should be

I think those kinds of

Thanks, Jan.
I thought

16

I would ask some questions and hopefully get the

17

dialogue going.

18

It seems that there is not a lot of dispute that

19

unilateral effects is a valid theory and one that we

20

think should be applied in the appropriate cases,

21

especially in differentiated product merger cases, but

22

the reality is it has been a tough sell to judges, and I

23

guess the question is, what do we take from that?

24

are the reasons why we think that judges are having a

25

hard time?

Is it the fact that perhaps unilateral

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effects is not a sound theory?

Is it more practical in

2

the sense that there are assumptions, intuitive

3

problems?

4

think the problems are?

5

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

Are the Guidelines to blame?

What do you

Well, the Guidelines are a

6

product of a long history and tradition, and again, I

7

would say that you need to look at it in the larger

8

context of antitrust.

9

relevant markets and market definition and market shares

10

and assumptions that you draw from that, connections

11

between that and the possibilities of anticompetitive

12

effects, for a long time.

13

going to be an easy process, and the evidence is going

14

to have to be especially compelling.

15

We have been thinking about

So, shaking that loose is not

I think if something does differentiate Staples,

16

it is that the evidence was especially compelling.

17

is difficult from the outside to evaluate how compelling

18

the evidence is in cases still pending, like Whole

19

Foods, where we just don't know all of the evidence that

20

was introduced.

21

It

And I think a second part of it is Bobby's

22

comment that maybe we shouldn't be trying to persuade

23

anyone to totally let go of that structural tradition.

24

I combine that with Jan's comment -- this has been true

25

in nonmerger cases -- when the two kinds of evidence are

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pointing in the same direction, you are going to have

2

the strongest case.

3

Now, that means a lot of work maybe, but when

4

the direct and circumstantial evidence in non- merger

5

cases is pointing towards market power, those cases are

6

pretty hard to rebut.

7

combination of thoughts here that lead to that

8

conclusion.

9

MS. McDAVID:

So, maybe there is this sort of

I think one of the things about

10

Staples we should remember is that although we had very

11

complicated economic analysis by Professor Ashenfelter,

12

there was also some really simple stuff.

13

higher where there was one firm and prices were higher

14

where there were two firms than they were when there

15

were three.

16

people who don't do the math.

17

Prices were

That was a pretty simple paradigm for even

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

It seems to me that the basic

18

thought behind differentiated products or local

19

competitive effects, the basic thought is totally

20

intuitive.

21

breakfast table test at home, which is to say that,

22

look, it turns out that when my favorite car is being

23

priced by the marketing people, the first thing they

24

look to is this closely competing car, and maybe we

25

actually have evidence from the companies of that or

I mean, it passes my dinner table, even my

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maybe we can readily deduce that, but as an expert, that

2

would be my opening line if I am talking to my family or

3

to a common lay judge, is to say, look, what is keeping

4

prices where they are today is largely and importantly

5

competition with this other product, and guess what,

6

after the merger, that product will be in the same

7

executive suite, the margin will be just going into the

8

same pocket as the margin on the BMW, my favorite car,

9

and so that source of price competition will be gone.

10

Now, Your Honor, believe me, I have looked at

11

other possible sources of competition, and there are

12

other ones, but they are just nowhere near as important

13

to the pricing of the BMW as that Audi car, and now Audi

14

and BMW are threatening to merge.

15

a broader relevant market, I have tabulated all the

16

other possible sources of competition, and they do have

17

some effect, but not nearly as important as the effect

18

that would be lost because of this merger.

19

about that?

20

Jan?

21

MS. McDAVID:

So, I have looked at

What is hard

No, I think that is pretty simple,

22

Bobby.

By the way, I have always thought that the

23

Division's case in Oracle made a great deal of sense.

24

The problem was that the market, as defined, was not

25

really a product the company sold.

It, therefore,

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looked jury-rigged, and I think that is just part of the

2

problem.

3

It failed the common sense test.
MR. WALES:

What about one of the -- I guess in

4

the merger commentaries it talks about the fact that you

5

can have both quantitative and qualitative evidence that

6

may be probative of the closeness of substitution of the

7

various products and, of course, the potential

8

competitive effect.

9

Is it the case now that you must have

10

quantitative evidence, despite the fact that the

11

commentaries talk about how you can have either

12

quantitative or qualitative information, like business

13

documents?

14

judge was more focused on the quantitative as opposed to

15

the qualitative evidence, where there was some pretty

16

good qualitative evidence in the business documents.

17

Obviously in Whole Foods, it seemed like the

MS. McDAVID:

We have to do both.

The reality

18

is when we are proposing a transaction, we have to do

19

both.

20

the matters that I handle before the agencies, I

21

encourage my economists to share all of their data, all

22

of their analyses, almost sit in a room with the agency

23

economist and be as cooperative as possible.

24

get to the right kinds of outcomes.

25

what we did in the cruise lines case, and many people

There is no alternative, and, you know, in all of

We will

That is absolutely

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hold that out as the model.

2

agency's going to do it.

3

destruction circumstance.

4

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

We have to do it.

The

It is a mutually assured

I mean, to me, the

5

quantification, aside from our satisfaction in using

6

professional standards as economists, but the

7

substantive question that has to be addressed -- and

8

this brings us back to relevant market, I think -- is

9

suppose that we can all agree, intuitively, that B is

10

the closest substitute for A, and A would be the sellers

11

are threatening to merge, but that really is not the end

12

of the story, nor is it even the end of the story to say

13

how closely substitutable A and B are, because in many,

14

many local or bigger markets, there is a C, D, and E

15

lurking behind A and B.

16

Those of you who know Princeton, if you get off

17

Route 1 to make a right turn to come to the campus down

18

Washington Road, there is a little traffic circle, and

19

on that traffic circle there is two gas stations, and

20

they are head-to-head competitors.

21

literally head to head on the traffic circle.

22

always use this in class.

23

stations merge?

24

they are close substitutes, so wouldn't you bust the

25

merger right away?

I mean, they are
So, I

What if those two gas

What do you say, class?

You can see

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So, anybody who says yes never makes it to the

2

midterm as far as I am concerned.

3

Half a mile down Route 1, there are five other gas

4

stations.

5

merge, we would lose that head-to-head competition, but

6

it would not be a substantial or it might not be a

7

substantial change in the state of competition, because

8

there is all these other gas stations just a half a mile

9

down the road.

10

But you know what?

Now, it is true if those two gas stations

This is what scares me about getting rid of

11

relevant market when it comes to localized competition

12

among differentiated products.

13

say, right away, "No, no, we have got to stop that

14

merger," without asking what else is there right behind

15

that pair of closest substitutes?

16

question that the relevant market forces us to answer,

17

to pick it up, saying, "Well, yeah, there are other

18

sources of competition, but you know what, they are not

19

nearly as important."

20

Half of my class will

And that is the

But we need some quantification to get us to the

21

ability to conclude whether or not those other gas

22

stations are closely enough competitive to these two

23

that are head-on to see whether their merger will

24

significantly tend to raise price, or whether, instead,

25

C, D, and E will provide ample competitive discipline to

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stop there from being a significant price increase

2

because of the merger.

3

quantification is necessary.

4

That means some kind of

When I tell you half a mile, you know the

5

answer, but when we are talking about cold remedies or

6

supermarkets of different kinds, we have no ready such

7

quantification, and now we are into a real debate that

8

is frustrating a lot of people.

9

MS. McDAVID:

I do not think it matters what you

10

call it -- or whether you focus on relevant market or

11

market shares, what you have to determine are what are

12

the -- as Bobby put it -- the sources of competitive

13

discipline post-transaction on the merging parties?

14

you are going to have to identify them and talk about

15

how significant they are.

16

MR. WALES:

And

It seems that judges have had a hard

17

time, though, in terms of applying the Guidelines and

18

understanding the difference between identifying that

19

localized competition that we think matters in terms of

20

the unique constraint on the merging, differentiated

21

products, and defining a broader market that might

22

contain more distant competitive constraints.

23

need to rethink how the Guidelines work in

24

differentiated product cases?

25

MS. McDAVID:

Do we

Well, the Commentary made an

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effort to do that, but we are regularly reminded that

2

the Guidelines are not law.

3

reminded us of that in his Whole Foods opinion.

4

Guidelines are sources of explanation and an

5

extraordinarily useful framework for us to use before

6

the agencies, but fundamentally, they are not going to

7

bind a court.

8

think is what you really need.

9
10
11

I think Judge Friedman
So, the

Some explanation, in whatever format, I

MR. WALES:

Would anyone support amending the

Guidelines?
PROFESSOR GAVIL:

The Guidelines have become

12

kind of a two-edged sword I think for the agencies.

13

Yes, formally, they are not law.

14

all state -- not only the Merger Guidelines, but all of

15

the enforcement agency guidelines -- that they are not

16

intended to establish a litigation format; they do not

17

specify burdens of proof.

18

agencies use them in courts, the degree to which parties

19

use them and hold the agencies to them, means that they

20

have become very influential documents in court.

21

are looked to as demarking lines for burden-shifting

22

when you look at the steps of the Guidelines.

23

Guidelines, on their face, would seem to suggest that

24

you always start by defining a relevant market and

25

calculating market shares.

Yes, formally, they

But the degree to which the

They

And the

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So, when you say change the Guidelines, ask

2

should we change the Guidelines, well, to what end and

3

with what consequences?

4

difficult challenge for the agencies to articulate

5

enforcement standards to two communities.

6

articulating to the business community their intentions

7

with respect to enforcement efforts, but then when they

8

go to court, in part, given the Supreme Court's absence

9

from mergers for so long, when they go to court, they

10

are kind of trying to use the cases that are available,

11

that are the best cases.

12

Guidelines as if it were law, as if it were their own

13

law.

I think it has become a

They are

Yet they have to live with the

14

So, it is a challenging question, what to do

15

with the Guidelines, and can you fix the problem in

16

court by changing the Guidelines, by further developing

17

the theories?

18

said, when those first '82 Guidelines came out with HHIs

19

and SSNIP, you know, there was giggling in the room at

20

the ABA meeting -- "what could this be and what court

21

would ever do this?"

22

changed.

23

Maybe.

Coming back to something Bobby

And with time, that has clearly

So, maybe part of the answer is that changing

24

the Guidelines could change things, but it may not

25

change things in the next case or it may take some time

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until those ideas filter through and gain the confidence

2

of lawyers and judges as well.

3

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

Well, let me ask, just to

4

pose my own question, if you were to think with me that

5

the best way to go is to deliver the message that the

6

way to determine relevant market is through best

7

evidence, which sometimes may be consumer survey -- God

8

help us -- sometimes through your own stomach as a

9

consumer, but sometimes through real consideration of

10

marketing data or natural experiments, like in office

11

products case, get the message out that we do need to

12

determine relevant markets, but we can sometimes do it

13

backwards.

14

we would do for competitive effects but use that as the

15

source of best evidence for relevant market.

16

Sometimes we can do the same analysis that

What is the best way to get that message out?

17

Is it a revision of the Guidelines?

18

it next time there is a document that talks about best

19

practices, that that becomes a prominent example?

20

in court explicitly that way?

21

courts better than I, what is the best way to deliver a

22

message of that kind?

23

MR. WALES:

Is it a speech?

Is

Do it

Those of you who know

One additional point, is the 35

24

percent threshold in the Guidelines.

We have seen some

25

courts reject that, actually in Oracle, there were some

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pretty negative comments on it; other courts were

2

willing to accept it as another proxy in the attempt to

3

measure the closeness of substitution between the

4

merging products.

5

The Merger Commentaries talk about it as merely

6

a screen and not a safe harbor.

7

place in antitrust cases?

8

that something we should consider changing?

9

MS. McDAVID:

Does it still have a

Should we be using it?

Is

Well, if you go back to my common

10

sense notion, when the agencies challenge a transaction

11

where the market shares are below 35 percent, it

12

suggests that there are a number of rivals that really

13

matter out there.

14

lot of skepticism about a challenge under those

15

circumstances.

16

compelling case about why the other 65 percent is not

17

sufficient to constrain the exercise of market power in

18

that circumstance.

19

I think that you are going to find a

You are going to have to have a pretty

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

I think it is a form of

20

prosecutorial discipline, because it does force the

21

agency to articulate a narrow enough relevant market to

22

get past the 35 percent threshold and to confess that,

23

indeed, we are talking about localized competition, that

24

is the theory of the case.

25

is articulated, that is what is driving the bringing of

No matter how explicitly it

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the case -- maybe appropriately, there is no doubt about

2

it -- but then the relevant market has to be articulated

3

as a narrow one, and then the 35 percent threshold will

4

be met easily.

5

The question is, will the court find that narrow

6

market to be credible?

7

be credible.

8

court is weighing in from a lay point of view.

9

And if not, maybe it shouldn't

It really is a matter of judgment, and the

MS. McDAVID:

Think back to the Grinnell case

10

where the Court talked about the market definition as a

11

red-haired, green-eyed man with the limp.

12

that the kind of thing you want to argue to a judge who

13

is going to be viewing this through his or her prism,

14

which may or may not include an economics background?

15
16

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

I mean, is

Or maybe the judge will like

to sleep in a van with the dogs and go skiing.

17

MS. McDAVID:

Exactly.

18

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

One thought just to add here

19

is I think safe harbors are important.

And I think that

20

not all market definition is going to be rocket science.

21

And the challenge is, if you have got a market

22

definition that does require more data, that is one that

23

is a little bit more complex, stating safe harbors can

24

suggest a false level of certainty -- using a safe

25

harbor that is based on a numerical threshold suggests a

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degree of precision that may not be there with more

2

ambiguous markets.

3

terms of the less rocket science market definition, so

4

transactions can be identified that just are not going

5

to be on the table.

6

do not know, but the concept of having some easily

7

discernible area of safe behavior is an important one in

8

enforcement.

9

of antitrust enforcement.

10

But it does give some guidance in

Whether that is the right number, I

We talk about it again in all other areas

MS. McDAVID:

The cruise lines case is an

11

interesting example of market definition, because the

12

Commission's statement defined a market limited to

13

cruise lines, but then it became really clear that in a

14

competitive effects analysis, the exercise of market

15

power would be constrained by other vacation choices.

16

Therefore, we focused on competitive effects, which is

17

where I think the game really needs to be played.

18

MR. WALES:

Okay, put your agency hats on.

You

19

are back at the agencies.

20

the agency be looking for in terms of good unilateral

21

effects cases?

22

circumstances you think necessary, perhaps even

23

including some of the most recent cases -- were they

24

ones we should have brought?

25

agency be focusing on?

What types of matters should

What are the specific factual

Which ones should the

Obviously merger to monopoly is

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the easiest, but I do not think anyone's going to say

2

that is all we should be looking at.

3

MS. McDAVID:

I would go back to circumstances

4

in which the evidence aligns, where the economic

5

evidence is consistent with the parties' internal

6

strategic planning documents.

7

strategic planning documents as a first screen.

8

particularly focus on one another, that may be an

9

indication of next best substitutes, and, therefore, a

10

transaction should be subject to additional analysis.

11

But I'd use a combination of all of the evidence and be

12

sure it points in the same direction.

13

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

You can almost use their
If they

Yeah, Jan, we have both seen

14

an awful lot of collections of business documents where

15

a company is very fond of naming one competitor over and

16

over again strategically and where the sum total of the

17

competitive forces from all the others, on analysis,

18

turns out to be every bit as important.

19

MS. McDAVID:

I said first screen.

20

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

21

MS. McDAVID:

22

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

23

MS. McDAVID:

Yeah.

First screen.
But caution to that.

Of course.

It has got to be the

24

whole collection of all evidence, not just the strategic

25

planning documents, but including the views of the

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customers, evidence of recent entry, the competitive

2

problems the particular firms face, the whole array of

3

evidence.

4

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

I think we have come to a

5

point where there is something of a paradox that makes

6

the question hard to answer.

7

need to bring the best case; the Government needs a win.

8

It is easy to say that.

9

to say that, well, all the evidence ought to be pointing

10

in the same direction.

11

It is easy to say they

And it is relatively easy, too,

Here is the reason I think it is somewhat

12

paradoxical.

The blatant merger to monopoly, like the

13

blatant cartel, is not going to happen, presumably, very

14

often.

15

going to be harder cases.

16

to be represented by people like Jan, who are making the

17

best possible arguments with the best possible

18

economists about why a particular transaction should be

19

permitted.

20

the general skepticism of the courts about antitrust

21

now, means there are not going to be any easy cases.

22

is going to be hard to choose the best case.

The cases that are going to be presented are
The merging firms are going

So, I think, in a sense, that, combined with

It

23

It's not to say that people do not still propose

24

extreme things and that that may come along and you may

25

get lucky and have a fish in the barrel to shoot, but I

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think that we are more likely to be facing complex fact

2

patterns, complex economics, and close calls, and it may

3

have more to do, in terms of winning, with the luck of

4

the draw in which judge you get and how that judge

5

reacts to the package of evidence than all that much

6

that the agency can do or the parties can do.

7

going to be tough cases.

8

of areas of antitrust.

9

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

Those are

That is where we are in a lot

And, of course, don't forget

10

that how tough the cases are is, in a way, a testament

11

to the remaining credibility of the agencies, because

12

the cases that would be easy do not get to court.

13

the ones that are left to go to court are the really

14

hard ones, inevitably, and that is still true, despite

15

the somewhat checkered record of the agencies in courts

16

lately, and that is a testament to the lasting view of

17

this marketplace of the skills and the abilities of the

18

agencies.

19

So,

So, look on the bright side.

MR. WALES:

I think there has been a lot of talk

20

lately about the general skepticism about antitrust.

21

That skepticism is something that we feel more generally

22

in terms of talking to judges and others.

23

How do we deal with that?

How do we reduce that

24

skepticism and somehow renew the interest in strong

25

antitrust enforcement?

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MS. McDAVID:

It is a forensic exercise.

It's

2

got to be.

3

educated about the concepts that underlie some of this.

4

The Antitrust Bar tries to do a good bit of that, and we

5

do supply copies of Antitrust Law Developments.

6

And I think the bench is becoming better

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

The only thing I would add

7

here is, again, I think context is important.

8

to get narrowly focused on our little corner of the

9

world in antitrust.

10

antitrust cases.

11

expensive process.

12

our antitrust case -- I am working on a symposium at

13

Howard on the history of Conley and Twombly -- and

14

Conley, in 1957, 50 years ago, was a civil rights case.

15

The five lawyers working on the case were all

16

African-American.

17

the nut of getting at intent to discriminate by a union

18

that was complicit in employer discrimination, and in

19

that context, at that moment in time, the court said,

20

"lower the pleading barrier, these cases have to go

21

forward."

22

civil litigation for 50 years.

23

We tend

Judges are not skeptical just about

Litigation has become a costly and
Twombly, which we think of as

They were basically trying to crack

That became the standard that we used in all

And then if you had to imagine what would be the

24

antithesis of that case, Twombly was potentially the

25

antithesis of that case -- a nationwide class action

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involving potentially hundreds of millions of consumers

2

against all of the leading telecommunications companies,

3

and the court recoiled from Conley in that case.

4

Now, partly, that is a challenge of using the

5

same procedural standards in every kind of case that we

6

do, but what does that mean?

7

litigation system today with over a quarter of a million

8

cases filed each year in the federal courts.

9

of cases; a lot of them are complex; habeus can be just

10

as complex for a judge as antitrust; and there is

11

generally resistance to litigation.

12

looking outside antitrust is helpful in locating

13

ourselves in the larger world of federal court

14

litigation.

15

PROFESSOR WILLIG:

It means that we have a

It's a lot

So, again, I think

Do you think the public who

16

forms these troubling views, including the judges,

17

distinguishes adequately enough between cases brought by

18

the United States, by the FTC, and cases brought by the

19

adventuresome private bar?

20

I mean, maybe some of the bad rap that antitrust

21

has is because of the activist plaintiff's bar.

It

22

could be.

23

variable in their superficial and end validity than are

24

the cases brought by the agencies.

25

PROFESSOR GAVIL:

I think on average those cases are far more

Bobby, I think it is a good

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point.

2

extent the agencies have fed the fires of hostility to

3

private actions, the courts' hostility to antitrust is

4

coming back and constraining the agencies as well.

5

One of the ironies, though, is that to the

But yes, clearly, if you look at the Supreme

6

Court decisions of the last two terms, there is a lot of

7

anti-private action rhetoric going on, and some of it

8

was coming from the government agencies that were

9

encouraging that view, and it came back to bite them in

10

a case like Credit Suisse, for example.

11

MS. McDAVID:

12

truth in that.

13

Trinko.

14
15

Certainly it was driving Twombly and

MR. WALES:
today.

Okay, I'd like to thank our panel

We had an excellent discussion.

16

(Applause.)

17

MR. WALES:

18

break.

19

very much.

20

I think there is a good bit of

The plan is to take a 15-minute

So, let's be back at 10:35, if we could.

(A brief recess was taken.)

21
22
23
24
25

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PANEL 2:

2

THE ROLE OF MARKET DEFINITION IN

3

UNILATERAL EFFECTS ANALYSIS AND

4

IN THE LITIGATION OF UNILATERAL EFFECTS CASES

5
6

MR. SCHMIDT:

The next panel is going to focus

7

on the role of market definition in unilateral effects

8

analysis.

9

panel that it is difficult to separate these panel

10

discussions so that they do not overlap at all, but our

11

focus is going to be on the requirement or the lack of

12

requirement to prove a relevant product market and the

13

various implications of that.

14

I think you have already seen from the first

We have a terrific panel to focus on that issue

15

with us today, and let me just take a minute to go

16

through the introductions, and then we will start right

17

in.

18

To my far left, Jon Baker.

Jon is a Professor

19

of Law at American University's Washington College of

20

Law, where he teaches courses primarily in the areas of

21

antitrust and economic regulation.

22

senior consultant with CRA International.

23

experience includes being the Director of the Bureau of

24

Economics -- we won't hold that against him -- at the

25

Federal Trade Commission, Senior Economist -- sorry,

Professor Baker is a
His previous

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Mike, wherever Mike is -- Senior Economist at the

2

President's Council of Economic Advisors, Special

3

Assistant to the Deputy Assistant Attorney General in

4

the Antitrust Division, and Assistant Professor at

5

Dartmouth's School of Business Administration.

6

sure you know, Jon is co-author of an antitrust case

7

book and past editorial chair of the Antitrust Law

8

Journal and a past member of the Council of the ABA

9

Antitrust Section, and in 2004, he received American

10

University's Faculty Award for Outstanding Scholarship,

11

Research, and Other Professional Accomplishments, and in

12

1998, he received the FTC's Award for Distinguished

13

Service.

14

To my immediate left is Kathy Fenton.

As I am

Kathy is

15

a partner at Jones Day.

She's practiced antitrust law

16

for more than 25 years.

She is currently the Chair of

17

the Antitrust Section of the ABA and has served in

18

numerous positions, including editorial chair, of the

19

Antitrust Law Journal.

20

professional service committee and served as chair of

21

the ethics subcommittee.

22

on issues of professional responsibility, conflicts of

23

interest, and legal ethics, including serving as an

24

instructor on legal ethics for the D.C. Bar's new

25

admittees course.

She is a member of Jones Day's

She has written and lectured

Her recognitions include Who's Who in

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American Law, The Best Lawyers in America, 2007.

2

previously served as an Attorney Advisor to the Chairman

3

of the FTC and was a law clerk here in the District of

4

Columbia, the District Court.

5

She

To my far right is Dan Wall, partner at Latham &

6

Watkins.

7

Competition Practice Group.

8

has been active in the Antitrust Section of the ABA,

9

also.

10

of the Antitrust magazine; was chair of both the

11

Computer Industry Committee and Sports and Entertainment

12

Industry Committee; organized and chaired The Stanford

13

Conference on Antitrust in the Technology Economy.

14

has also authored numerous articles on application of

15

economic theory to antitrust issues and on high

16

technology antitrust.

17

lawyer in the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department

18

of Justice, and his recognitions include Chambers USA,

19

America's Leading Business Lawyers, The Best Lawyers in

20

America, Legal Media Group's Expert Guide to Competition

21

and Antitrust Lawyers, and Global Competition Review's

22

GCR 100.

23

Dan is Chair of Latham's Global Antitrust and
Throughout his career, Dan

Dan was a founder and served four years as editor

He

He began his career as a trial

Then to my immediate right is Rich Parker, a

24

partner at O'Melveny & Myers.

Rich is Co-Chair of that

25

firm's Antitrust/Competition Practice.

He returned to

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O'Melveny in February 2001 after serving three years at

2

the FTC, as first Senior Deputy Director and then

3

Director of the Bureau of Competition.

4

recognized as a Leading Lawyer in Antitrust by the Legal

5

Times; named by the Global Competition Review as one of

6

the best antitrust defense lawyers in the United States;

7

and recognized as a leading antitrust practitioner by

8

Global Competition Review, Chambers Global, Chambers

9

USA, and Super Lawyers Magazine, and probably others.

10

He received the Distinguished Service Award also from

11

the FTC.

12

Rich has been

So, with that, I think we are going to try to

13

follow the same format that the first panel used, which

14

is to ask each of the panelists to give a short

15

presentation, and then we will go right into questions

16

and hopefully have a lively discussion.

17

going to start with Jon.

18

PROFESSOR BAKER:

I think we are

Good morning, everyone.

I am

19

delighted to have been asked to be here, and I see some

20

old friends.

21

for future reference, Bobby and Andy, I prefer to be

22

discussed for my ideas, not for how I look, okay?

23

It is also very nice to be discussed, but

My assignment is to talk about -- is to be a law

24

professor and to talk about the -- I can't help it, I

25

will be an economist, too -- talk about the pros and

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cons of using market definition in unilateral effects

2

cases to set up the panel.

3

into three categories, so I am going to talk about legal

4

arguments, economic arguments, and litigation tactic

5

pros and cons.

6

The arguments neatly divide

So, on the legal side, we have to start with the

7

words of the statute, of Clayton Act Section 7, which

8

objects to acquisitions that substantially lessen

9

competition, and now I will quote, "in any line of

10

commerce or in any activity affecting commerce in any

11

section of the country," and that language, that

12

statutory language, arguably, makes proof of a market an

13

element of the offense.

14

On the other hand, if the Government can prove

15

harm to competition directly, there has to be some

16

market within which competition takes place, and, why

17

isn't that inference good enough to satisfy the statute?

18

I once wrote an article where I called that kind of

19

approach a res ipsa loquitur market definition.

20

words of the statute is one legal issue.

21

So

Another legal issue is the Oracle decision.

22

Judge Walker held that the Government must prove that

23

the merger must -- in a unilateral effects case, that

24

the merger must -- would create a monopoly or near

25

monopoly.

Monopoly is almost always demonstrated by

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high market share, so the Government essentially has to

2

define a market to satisfy this element of what Judge

3

Walker sees as part of the offense.

4

that Judge Walker's holding in that decision is based on

5

a clear error in economic reasoning.

6

believe that other courts will follow it.

7

commonly used horizontal differentiation model that

8

Judge Walker seems to have in mind, unilateral effects

9

can arise in mergers that involve firms that are not the

10

largest in the market and that do not create a dominant

11

firm, just as a matter of economics.

12

legal pros and cons.

13

The con here is

So, I don't
Even in the

So, that is the

Now, economic pros and cons of defining a

14

market.

I think here I am going to start with the cons

15

and not the pros.

16

among sellers of differentiated products does not turn

17

on market shares.

18

as arising because the merger lets the firm recapture

19

profits that previously it would have lost were it to

20

have raised price, and so it now has, after the merger,

21

an incentive to raise price.

The economics of unilateral effects

You can think of unilateral effects

That is one intuition.

22

Another way of thinking about unilateral effects

23

is that they arise because the merger allows the firm to

24

remove the competitive response of an important rival,

25

and that makes the initial firm's residual demand less

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elastic.

2

incentive to raise its price.

3

about unilateral effects among sellers of differentiated

4

products, the market shares do not directly matter to

5

the economic analysis.

6

Again, you can see how that would give it an
Either way you think

Now the other side of the story.

The market

7

shares would be a good indicator of pressure to raise

8

price if the diversion ratios or the demand elasticities

9

are related to them.

10

second choices are distributed similarly to customer

11

first choices, which is what Bobby was getting at this

12

morning when he talked about generally differentiated

13

products.

That could occur if the customer's

14

Also, high market shares likely indicate that

15

the diversion ratios are so high or that they are high

16

enough that they will generate some sort of unilateral

17

effects, unless the merging firms' products appeal to

18

very different groups of customers.

19

a 50 percent market share merges with a firm with a 20

20

percent market share, the two would have to be in very

21

different niches in order to not have a unilateral

22

effects problem.

23

burden.

24
25

So, if a firm with

The high shares almost shift the

Also on the pro side of using market definition
in the economics category, if the way you collect the

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evidence relies on econometric evidence of diversion

2

ratios or demand elasticities, then, some sort of an at

3

least informal market definition is required to specify

4

the list of potential rivals that you have to include in

5

order to avoid bias in your analysis.

6

So, if you leave out an important rival when you

7

conduct the estimation, then the elasticity estimates

8

are most likely biased in the direction of overstating

9

the unilateral effects.

10

Bobby was also getting at this morning when he talked

11

about collecting the important sources of competitive

12

discipline.

13

in this context, as biasing the estimate of unilateral

14

effects because you left out the others down the road,

15

in Bobby's theory.

16

This is something that I think

The gas station example could be understood

The third area where I want to talk about pros

17

and cons of defining markets and proving unilateral

18

effects cases has to do with litigation tactics.

19

the pros and cons depend on whether the Government would

20

define a narrow market or a broad market or not one at

21

all.

22

market.

23

through superstores rather than all office supplies, or

24

superpremium ice cream rather than ice cream, the kind

25

of things that we talk about in our professional world.

Here,

Let's suppose the Government defines a narrow
Here we have in mind, office supplies sold

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The pro of defining a narrow market is that it

2

allows the Government to portray the case as a merger to

3

monopoly or near monopoly, and it also creates a causal

4

inference of unilateral effects when the market shares

5

are high, as with the 50 percent firm merging with a 20

6

percent firm, as we said before.

7

On the other hand, a narrow market may not be

8

persuasive if it looks gerrymandered.

9

particular problem if some of Bobby's Audi drivers would

10

go to BMW and some would go to Lexus.

11

is harder for him to sell his Audi/BMW market to a

12

court, particularly if more of the Audi customers would

13

go to Lexus than to BMW.

14

That could be a

It may be that it

Also, this approach potentially focuses

15

attention on the wrong issue.

16

primary attention to the extent of buyer substitution to

17

the third firms, the rivals outside the market, rather

18

than to the extent of the buyer substitution between the

19

merging firms, which is the source of the unilateral

20

effects.

21

substitution between the merging firms, but you are busy

22

worrying about, in market definition, the substitution

23

to the third firms.

24
25

That is, it directs your

The first thing you want to know is the

Now, let's suppose the Government defines a
broad market.

The pro here is that the market may seem

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more intuitive, like Jan suggested this morning, unless

2

gerrymandered in its appearance.

3

allows the competitive effects case to take primary

4

place in telling the competitive effects story in

5

litigation for the Government and focus attention on the

6

way that the merger lets the firm recapture lost profits

7

or alter the competitive response of an important rival,

8

consistent with the economic theory.

9

on the theory, the economic theory.

10

The broad market

You are focusing

On the other hand, if you define a broad market,

11

you may essentially admit that a large number of firms

12

are rivals to the merging firms, that merging firms'

13

shares are small and that competitive effects are not

14

uniform, because they are concentrated in a small part

15

of the market.

16

trying the case, and they make the competitive effects

17

look small.

18

Government embroiled in this question of whether there

19

is a 35 percent safe harbor for unilateral effects or

20

not in the Merger Guidelines that was alluded to in the

21

last panel.

22

All those things are bad optics for

And there is also the danger of getting the

The final litigation choice would be not to

23

define a market at all.

Again, the benefit of that is

24

it focuses the case on the way the merger lets the firm

25

recapture the lost profits or removes the competitive

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response of an important rival, consistent with the

2

economic theory.

3

avoid litigation problems with defining a broad market

4

when market shares are low, but the con is that may be

5

illusory, because the defendant would presumably define

6

a broad market, and so the Government may not actually

7

avoid the problems arising from defining a broad market.

It would seem the Government could

8

So, there you have it, an even-handed view of

9

pros and cons of proving markets in unilateral effects

10

cases.

11

MR. SCHMIDT:

Thanks, Jon.

12

Kathy?

13

MS. FENTON:

14

I was asked to share some thoughts on the legal

Thank you, Jeff.

15

need to prove market definition in unilateral effects

16

cases, and as Jon Baker already indicated, the reason we

17

are having this discussion goes back to the basic

18

language of Section 7, the requirement to show effects

19

"in any line of commerce in any section of the country,"

20

a mandate that some -- you may call them a strict

21

constructionist -- have identified as being the source

22

for any obligation to prove markets as part of your

23

affirmative showing of a Section 7 violation.

24
25

But I think the more interesting issue to focus
on in this area is the fact that much of the current

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debate can be directly traced to the lack of recent

2

and/or relevant Supreme Court opinions on this subject.

3

I am sure there is a great analogy to children's

4

literature that is possible here, whether it is Rip Van

5

Winkle or The Sleeping Princesses, but your last

6

substantive merger case goes back to 1975, and the last

7

time the court spoke on this issue was a year earlier,

8

in 1974, in the Marine Bancorp case, where it set forth

9

a fairly traditional three-part analysis that says:

10

"The analysis of likely competitive effects from

11

a merger requires determinations of, one, a line of

12

commerce, a product market in which to assess the

13

transaction; two, the section of the country or

14

geographic market in which to assess the transaction;

15

and three, the transaction's probable effects on

16

competition in the relevant product and geographic

17

market."

18

Now, judges, tending to be relatively

19

conventional creatures, look at that language and see,

20

not surprisingly, a mandate to define a relevant market.

21

The silence on the subject for the ensuing years from

22

the Supreme Court has simply added to the proliferation

23

of approaches we see at the district court.

24

those approaches have been responding to other

25

developments occurring at the Supreme Court level

Some of

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outside of Section 7, outside of the merger context, in

2

areas involving either collusion or monopoly claims,

3

because you have a whole series of cases, some of which

4

were briefly touched on by the opening panel, NCAA, Cal.

5

Dental, Polygram, and perhaps, most dramatically,

6

Indiana Federation of Dentists, that seem to eliminate

7

the need for formal market definition if there is actual

8

proof of anticompetitive effects.

9

And I think the quote from Indiana Dentists

10

probably captures this line of development outside the

11

merger area most dramatically, because there the Supreme

12

Court said:

13

"Since the purpose of the inquiries into market

14

definition and market power is to determine whether an

15

arrangement has the potential for genuine adverse

16

effects on competition, 'proof of actual detrimental

17

effects, such as a reduction of output,' can obviate the

18

need for inquiry into market power, which is but a

19

'surrogate for detrimental effects.'"

20

Needless to say, that precedent from the Supreme

21

Court has surfaced in numerous briefs, often by the

22

private plaintiffs or government agencies prosecuting a

23

unilateral effects merger, seeking to argue that the

24

formalities of market definition are not essential as an

25

element of proof, and the argument in that regard, I

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think, is perhaps very nicely captured in a recent

2

article by Katz & Shelanski in the Antitrust Law

3

Journal, called "Mergers and Innovation," that takes a

4

slight detour through unilateral effects analysis and

5

says:

6

"If the formalities of market definition can be

7

skipped in favor of direct analysis of harm in

8

monopolization and collusion cases, there is no reason

9

why the same should not hold true for merger analysis

10

where the issue, likely competitive harm, is similar."

11

They go on to recognize that merger analysis has

12

some limitations.

13

prospective and predictive than other kinds of antitrust

14

cases where the conduct at issue frequently has been

15

ongoing for some time," but this simply means that

16

direct effects may be easier to show in nonmerger cases

17

and not that direct evidence of market power should not

18

have the same priority in merger cases where such

19

evidence is available.

20

They say it is "more often

I would suggest that economists probably have

21

more flexibility than district court judges in offering

22

that alternative as a way of resolving these cases, but

23

the debate continues, and as you look at the recent

24

district court opinions involving unilateral effects,

25

you know, Oracle, Whole Foods, Arch Coal, you really

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could go down the litany, you see judges struggling with

2

this question of what is their obligation to formally

3

make findings of fact and conclusions of law on the

4

relevant market question, and they tend to engage in

5

activities that could be characterized as a market

6

definition exercise without necessarily acknowledging

7

their obligation to do so.

8

can identify for resolving this question is the

9

possibility of further Supreme Court statements on this

10

question.

11

And I think the only hope I

Now, in the world post Hart-Scott-Rodino

12

notification, that is going to be a difficult

13

proposition, just because most mergers that are

14

challenged by a government enforcement agency do not

15

hold together long enough to ever reach the point of

16

Supreme Court review, but I think there is one possible

17

candidate on the horizon that I offer for your

18

consideration.

19

definition not with respect to a product market but a

20

geographic market, and the case, of course, is the

21

Commission decision in Evanston, which is still

22

awaiting, as far as I know -- and I will bow to more

23

superior information sources -- a determination by the

24

parties to file an appeal with one of the U.S. circuit

25

courts.

It poses the question of role of market

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But in that case, the Commission opinion dealing

2

with a post-closing challenge to a hospital merger

3

concluded:

4

"It is not necessary to define the relevant

5

geographic market, because it is possible to show,

6

through direct evidence, that the merger enabled the

7

merged parties to exercise market power unilaterally."

8

Thus, the Commission concluded, because the merger

9

enabled the parties to raise prices by a substantial

10

amount, at least equal to a SSNIP, through a unilateral

11

exercise of market power, the geographic area alleged by

12

the FTC to constitute a relevant market constituted a

13

well-defined antitrust geographic market under Section

14

7.

15

Now, if that issue were preserved through the

16

appellate process, we certainly have the prospect of a

17

court of appeals chiming in on the need for relevant

18

market definition and, as I said, a possibility for

19

Supreme Court review since a concluded merger, a

20

divestiture challenge essentially, is sufficiently high

21

stakes that the parties might be incented to take that

22

step.

23

But in the absence of that, I think we are going

24

to continue to see a struggle at the district court

25

level as they look back to precedents, and it is not

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just Marine Bancorp.

It is Philadelphia National Bank,

2

it is DuPont, that all contain the language about

3

defining relevant markets, as well as what I would

4

suggest are some practical limitations imposed by the

5

Merger Guidelines themselves and the Merger Guidelines

6

structure, because there, the five-part organization

7

embodied in the Guidelines has, in a sense, provided a

8

road map for a lot of subsequent district court

9

analysis.

10

You start with market definition and

11

concentration; you consider potential adverse effects;

12

you do an entry analysis; you consider efficiencies; you

13

deal with failing or exiting assets.

14

sounds like a mandate for relevant market definition,

15

and as a result, to borrow Andy's phrase from the

16

initial panel, it is probably a very hard sell for the

17

courts to try and avoid or escape that exercise, and in

18

particular, this combines with a number of other

19

practical aspects, including judicial skepticism of

20

economic analysis.

That, again,

21

And I was reminded in preparing for this

22

exercise of a fascinating quote from Ken Auletta's book,

23

World War 3.0, which, of course, is on the Microsoft

24

case, but he had, you might recall, conducted fairly

25

extensive interviews as part of the process for that

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book.

One of the people he interviewed was Judge Hogan

2

of the district court here in the District of Columbia,

3

who some might view as one of the godfathers or patron

4

saints of unilateral effects analysis since he is the

5

author of the opinion not just in Staples, but also

6

Swedish Match a few years earlier.

7

They somehow got off the topic of Microsoft in

8

the discussion for Auletta's book and started talking

9

about the Staples/Office Depot case, and Auletta reports

10

in his book:

11

"When Judge Hogan presided over the Government's

12

antitrust action to block the proposed merger of Staples

13

and Office Depot, Hogan reported, 'We had a lot of

14

economic evidence, we had a lot of documentary evidence,

15

although in that case, the economic evidence that the

16

Government had was not at all convincing to me.

17

the internal company documents were more convincing.

18

That is why I stopped the merger.'"

I think

19

And that reality, I think, is something that you

20

are going to see reflected in perhaps less overt fashion

21

in many of the judicial decisions dealing with that

22

question.

23

MR. SCHMIDT:

24

Rich?

25

MR. PARKER:

Thanks, Kathy.

I am supposed to give the

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government perspective on trying these cases, and as you

2

know, I am now playing on the other team, so it would

3

really be unfair if you quote this stuff back to me when

4

I am sitting next to a client.

5

trying to convince you to go away.

6

down as a rule.

7

When I'm down here
So, let's get that

What I want to talk about is how to put a case

8

like this together.

We have people who understand the

9

law and economics better than I do.

10

hear that from me.

11

and trying cases is an art, and everybody has a

12

different style, but here is the way I think about it.

You do not need to

So, here is my own personal view,

13

I was privileged, my first job out of law

14

school, to clerk for Judge William Matthew Byrne,

15

Junior, in Los Angeles, who passed away a year ago, who

16

was one of the best trial lawyers in Southern California

17

before he went on the bench.

18

And was a great trial judge and was a great teacher.

19

And I remember, when I was down there, we had this

20

really boring patent case.

21

dry than listen to this testimony in this chemical

22

patent case, but that was my job and my co-clerk's.

23

He won a lot of big cases.

I would rather watch paint

And the trial ended, and we went back to

24

chambers, and the judge said, "Well, "Justice West of

25

the Pecos" says that the plaintiffs ought to win here."

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I said just looked at him.

He said, "By that I mean,

2

common sense, logic, my gut sense of what is fair and

3

reasonable," and then he went through and told a story

4

about what happened here, which is exactly the way

5

counsel probably should have tried the case, and said,

6

"Now, that is what my opinion ought to say, and you tell

7

me if we can get to a plaintiff victory under the case

8

law, and if we cannot, then we better have a meeting

9

and, figure something else out."

10

Pecos" has always been in the back of my mind.

11

stopped being a mentor to me, and that is the way I view

12

these cases.

"Justice West of the
He never

13

In my opinion, the Government ought to try these

14

cases with effects, and I do not think what I am saying

15

is anything inconsistent with what was said in the first

16

panel.

17

have an advantage in being the Government, and the

18

advantage is inherent judicial conservatism.

19

market that is working.

20

coming in with their fancy economists saying, "Well, we

21

are going to change this structure radically, but don't

22

worry, our efficiencies are going to do this, that, and

23

the other thing."

24

skepticism with a judge or with most judges about

25

radical changes in a functioning market, and you are

You start with effects.

Remember this.

You

You have a

And now you have these guys

And so I think you have an inherent

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trying to stop that from happening.

2

advantage.

That is an

3

So, you play on that, and you build it by

4

showing what is going to happen that is bad here.

5

are people going to get hurt?

6

and others said this morning, there is an inherent

7

dinner table logic to unilateral effects.

8

not care about Bimmers and Audis, but Whoppers and Big

9

Macs or something like that they do.

10

competition from other burgers and maybe from Taco Bell,

11

but those two are unique competitors, and they look at

12

each other when they price their products, and if one

13

buys the other, that constraint is gone.

14

logic that makes a lot of "Justice West of the Pecos"

15

sense.

16

How

And as Dr. Willig said

Judges may

Sure there is

That is a

In my opinion, the most important support for

17

that case is the company's business documents.

18

they look at?

19

board?

Do they look at this fringe or do they look at

20

tacos?

Do they look at whatever?

21

each other?

22

build on that.

23

What do

What do they look at when they go to the

Or do they look at

That is the number one point.

And you

And the second thing you build on are customers.

24

Customers.

The Government cannot try, effectively, a

25

case without strong customer support, and by "customer

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support," I don't mean just, "I hate the merger."

I

2

mean, "I have dealt with these people day-in and

3

day-out, for year after year, and I play them off each

4

other, and this, that, and the other thing, and I have

5

detailed knowledge, and in my opinion, I have benefited

6

from that competition, and let's not let it go away."

7

You cannot put on the stand a lot of people who

8

simply don't like the merger because they don't like the

9

merger but do not have any real experience in dealing

10

with the entity being purchased.

11

Arch Coal, where at least -- and this is Monday morning

12

quarterbacking -- but at least some of the witnesses in

13

that case had that problem.

14

Now, relevant market.

I am going back to

You have to prove a

15

relevant market.

Every case says that.

You can't

16

pretend like they do not say that, including your

17

favorite cases, starting with Chicago Bridge, your

18

latest victory, Swedish Match, every one of them, Baker

19

Hughes, Staples, Drug

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Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/documents/agency%3Aftc%3A8a9f400fc8c77b99. Public record. Not legal advice.
