# Richard Rose v. Secretary, State of Georgia

> Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit · July 10, 2024 · 107 F.4th 1272

URL: https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/cases/10465571

## Case

- **Court:** Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
- **Decided:** July 10, 2024
- **Citations:** 107 F.4th 1272
- **Precedential status:** Published
- **Opinion:** Opinion
- **Nature of suit:** ORD
- **Cited by:** 0 later opinions in the Frix Law Library

## Citator (automated)

- No negative treatment found by the automated citator. That is not the same as a confirmation that the case is good law; read the citing cases.
- Full citator and citing cases: https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/cases/10465571

## How later opinions describe it (automated extraction)

- holding that the PSC isn’t bound to follow the same rules of evidence and proce- dure that govern judicial proceedings when it hears cases
- describing the grant and revocation of cer- tificates of public convenience and necessity as an “exercise of ad- ministrative or legislative power’

## Opinion text

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dn the
United States Court of Appeals

For the Eleventh Circuit

No. 22-12593

RICHARD ROSE,

an individual,

BRIONTE MCCORKLE,

an individual,

WANDA MOSLEY,

an individual,

JAMES MAJOR WOODALL,

Plaintiffs-Appellees,
versus

SECRETARY, STATE OF GEORGIA,

Defendant-Appellant.

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2 Order of the Court 22-12593

Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Northern District of Georgia
D.C. Docket No. 1:20-cv-02921-SDG

Before William Pryor, Chief Judge, Wilson, Jordan, Rosenbaum, Jill
Pryor, Newsom, Branch, Grant, Luck, Lagoa, and Brasher, Circuit

Judges.*
BY THE COURT:

A judge of this Court having requested a poll on whether this ap-
peal should be reheard by the Court sitting en banc , and a majority
of the judges in active service on this Court having voted against
granting rehearing en banc, the Court sua sponte ORDERS that
this appeal will not be reheard en banc.

* Judge Abudu recused herself and did not participate in the en banc poll.
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1 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

BRANCH, Circuit Judge, respecting the denial of rehearing en banc,
joined by GRANT, Circuit Judge:

A majority of the Court has voted not to rehear this case en
banc. Although our opinion speaks for itself, see Rose v. Secretary,
State of Georgia, 87 F.4th 469 (11th Cir. 2023), I write to respond to
the dissentals on four points.!

I begin with a brief background of this case. In Rose, plain-
tiffs challenged Georgia’s statewide, at-large elections for members
of the Public Service Commission (“PSC”)*—a quasi-judicial and
quasi-legislative body—under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act
(“VRA’). Plaintiffs brought the instant lawsuit to challenge Geor-
gia’s system of statewide PSC elections. They alleged that
statewide elections diluted their votes in violation of Section 2 of

| note that the Supreme Court recently declined to take up this case by deny-
ing a petition for writ of certiorari. See Rose v. Raffensperger, No. 23-1060, 2024
WL 3089563 (U.S. June 24, 2024).

2 The PSC is a Georgia constitutional body that dates back to 1879. Its quasi-
judicial duties including hearing utility rate cases, holding hearings, listening
to witnesses, making evidentiary rulings, and weighing testimony of stake-
holders. Its quasi-legislative duties include setting utility rates, controlling per-
mitting for power plant construction, and regulating pole attachments and
landlines for communications. Since 1906, PSC Commissioners (and their pre-
decessors on the Railroad Commission), have been elected statewide to stag-
gered six-year terms. In the over 100 years since Commissioners began being
elected, there has only been one change to PSC elections: in 1998, the Georgia
General Assembly created a five-district system with a residency requirement
which remains in place today. Under this system, PSC commissioners must
live in one of five districts, but they are still elected statewide and serve the
entire state.
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2 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

the VRA because black voters consistently have been unable to
elect their preferred candidate over the voting strength of white
voters across Georgia. The district court granted partial summary
judgment to plaintiffs, finding that they had satisfied the Gingles'
preconditions, and set the case for trial. After a five-day bench trial,
the district court found that under Gingles’ totality of the circum-
stances test, Georgia’s statewide elections for PSC commissioners
diluted the strength of black voters in violation of Section 2. Thus,
it permanently enjoined the Secretary from carrying out PSC elec-
tions under the statewide method. The district court also deter-
mined after the trial that the plaintiffs’ only proposed remedy—chang-
ing the PSC from a statewide body into a body comprising single-
member districts—was viable. The Secretary appealed.

On appeal, we unanimously found that the district court had
committed an error of law by failing to properly apply our prece-
dent regarding the first Gingles precondition. Specifically, we held
that the district court erred because plaintiffs had “failed to propose
a viable remedy and [could not] satisfy the first Gingles precondi-
tion[{.]” Rose, 87 F.4th at 486. We so held because plaintiffs’ pro-
posed remedy of single-member districted elections would funda-
mentally alter the PSC’s statewide structure and operations. Id. at
482-86.

With this background in mind, I now turn to the dissentals’

issues with our opinion.

3 Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986).
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3 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

First, Judges Wilson and Rosenbaum argue that we misap-
plied Nipper v. Smith, 39 F.3d 1494 (11th Cir. 1994) (en banc), and its
progeny because in their view, these cases should apply to judicial
elections only. Not so. While our opinion recognized that these
cases involved judicial elections, Rose, 87 F.4th at 484-85, we em-
phasized that their core teachings—forbidding courts from abol-
ishing a state’s chosen form of government and giving strong
weight to this choice at the first Gingles precondition—have wider
applications. Id. Indeed, as our opinion explained, Nipper empha-
sized that “[n]jothing in the [VRA] suggests an intent on the part of
Congress to permit the federal judiciary to force on the states a new
model of government,” Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1531, and accordingly, a
court “must determine as part of the Gingles threshold inquiry
whether it can fashion a permissible remedy in the particular con-
text of the challenged system.” Rose, 87 F4th at 475 (quotations
omitted). Nothing about these principles is limited to judicial elec-
tions only. And even if these principles were so limited, the PSC at
issue in this case is a quasi-judicial body that “hears rate cases, holds
hearings, listens to witnesses, makes evidentiary rulings, and

weighs testimony from stakeholders.”* Id. at 473.

4 Judges Wilson and Rosenbaum attempt to distinguish the PSC from the trial
judges at issue in the Nipper line of cases by arguing that those cases were
“grounded in independent nature of the judicial role” whereas the PSC “oper-
ate[s] as a collegial body that makes decisions through majority rule.” Judge
Rosenbaum further argues that PSC commissioners are elected in partisan
elections, whereas Georgia's elections of judges are non-partisan. But these
distinctions are unconvincing. Many judicial bodies operate in a collaborative
manner and not every state in the Eleventh Circuit elects its judges in a non-
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4 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

Second, Judge Wilson faults us for not reaching the totality
of the circumstances analysis because we determined at the first
Gingles precondition that plaintiffs had not met their burden of pro-
posing a viable remedy within Georgia’s chosen form of govern-
ment. Judge Wilson asserts that we “functionally renderjed] the
preconditions exhaustive” in contravention of the Supreme Court’s
decision in Johnson v. De Grandy,’ which in his view “will deny many
future plaintiffs meaningful review of their [Section] 2 challenges.”
Judge Wilson fundamentally misunderstands De Grandy, Nipper,

and our opinion in Rose.

In De Grandy, the Supreme Court held that while the three
Gingles preconditions are necessary, they are not sufficient standing
alone to prove a Section 2 claim. Id. at 1009-13. In Nipper we noted
that this decision “resolved any doubt as to the threshold nature of
the Gingles factors.” Nipper, 39 E.3d at 1513 (emphasis added).
When a plaintiff cannot satisfy these preconditions, we need not
reach the totality of the circumstances analysis. See Wright v. Sumter
County Board of Elections & Registration, 979 F.3d 1282, 1288 (11th
Cir. 2020) (“[OJnce all three Gingles requirements are established,

partisan manner. For example, Alabama conducts partisan elections for its
judges, Butler v. Alabama Jud. Inquiry Comm’n, 802 So. 2d 207, 214 (Ala. 2001),
and state appellate courts, which are collegial, multi-member bodies, are often
(although not always) elected statewide. If the dissentals’ distinctions were
accepted, Section 2 could be used to force states to draw their intermediate
appellate and State Supreme Court judges into single member districts, thus
reconfiguring their entire State court systems.

5512 US. 997 (1994).
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5 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

the statutory text directs us to consider the totality of the circum-
stances to determine whether members of a racial group have less
opportunity than do other members of the electorate.” (quotations
omitted)). Because we, in Rose, assessed the plaintiffs’ remedy at
the first Gingles precondition stage, as Judge Wilson admits was re-
quired, we gave Georgia's interest in maintaining its chosen form
of government the weight it was due and “reaffirm[ed] the princi-
ple that plaintiffs must propose a remedy within the confines of
the state’s chosen model of government” when bringing a vote di-
lution claim. Rose, 87 E4th at 484. And because we held that the
plaintiffs failed to satisfy the first Gingles precondition, we were not
required to proceed to the totality of the circumstances analysis.
Thus, contrary to the dissentals’ views, future Section 2 plaintiffs
will merely need to continue to satisfy the preconditions to prevail
on their claims, a requirement which has been in place for decades.°

Third, Judge Wilson asserts that we did not sufficiently en-
gage with cases where this Court has upheld Section 2 challenges
to at-large elections for multi-member administrative bodies, like

° Judge Rosenbaum reads our opinion as suggesting that if we had conducted
a totality of the circumstances analysis we would have found no vote dilution
based solely on the State’s policy interests. She is incorrect. Instead, we simply
pointed to other circuits which, despite evaluating the remedy at the totality
of the circumstances stage, recognize the critical nature of the proposed rem-
edy. Accordingly, we noted “in cases like this one, where plaintiffs offer only
a single, dramatic remedy . . . it makes no difference whether a claim fails for
the lack of a permissible remedy at the precondition stage or after the totality
of the circumstances analysis.” Rose, 87 F.4th at 475-76 (emphasis added). But
our analysis stayed at the precondition stage.
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6 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

the school board at issue in Wright.” He asserts that these cases
demonstrate “that, even when a state has an important interest in
maintaining an electoral system, this interest is not outcome deter-
minative.”* Judge Wilson again misses the mark. For starters, we

7 Similarly, both Judges Wilson and Rosenbaum express concern that our anal-
ysis was influenced by our determination that this case was novel in that it
dealt with a challenge to elections for a statewide body as opposed to county
or municipal bodies. Judge Rosenbaum in particular takes issue with this de-
termination, asserting that “[nJeither Plaintiffs’ claim nor their proposed rem-
edy is ‘novel.”” It is true we referred to the novel nature both of plaintiffs’
challenge and proposed remedy. Our opinion, however, was based entirely
on the impermissibility of plaintiffs’ proposed remedy. Rose, 87 F.4th at 480
(noting that “plaintiffs cannot satisfy the first Gingles precondition because
their novel application of Section 2 relies on a remedy that is not viable” and
their “novel proposal is that we dismantle Georgia’s statewide PSC system and
replace it with an entirely new districted system.”). Further, I note that the
Supreme Court and the Fourth Circuit rejected a unique Section 2 challenge
because the proposed remedy was not viable. See Holder v. Hall, 512 U.S. 874,
(1994), infra at 9; Baten v. McMaster, 967 F.3d 345, 360-61 (4th Cir. 2020) (re-
jecting a Section 2 challenge to South Carolina’s winner-take-all method of
selecting presidential electors because “[t]he relevant geographic area for the
selection of president [electors [was] the entire State” and thus “there [was]
no alternative of a ‘single-member-district’”).

§ In a similar vein, Judge Rosenbaum argues that we “effectively overrule[d]
Gingles” by “disregard[ing] decades of binding precedent” and making “the
state’s interest in maintaining its existing electoral system dispositive.” As dis-
cussed above, Judge Rosenbaum is wrong for the same reasons as Judge Wil-
son, namely a state’s interest is not outcome determinative; rather the plaintiff
is required to propose a remedy within the confines of a state’s chosen model
of government. And while Judge Rosenbaum believes that single-member
districts would be an allowable remedy in this case because it is the default
remedy for vote dilution claims, such a remedy “do[fes] not map onto the type
of challenge that the plaintiffs have mounted here” because “[t]he relevant
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7 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

did not hold in Rose that a state’s interest was outcome determina-
tive. Indeed, we explicitly rejected such a reading of our opinion
by stating “[w]Je do not mean to suggest that Section 2 plaintiffs
could never prevail when asserting a Section 2 vote dilution claim
against a statewide body” and instead were “merely reaffirm[ing]
the principle that plaintiffs must propose a remedy within the con-
fines of a state’s chosen model of government” when bringing Sec-
tion 2 claims. Id. Furthermore, we explained that a state’s provin-
cialism concerns are much greater for statewide bodies like Geor-
gia’s PSC than county administrative bodies, like the school board
at issue in Wright because “there is much greater potential for divi-
sive problems to arise across an entire state . . . and the pertinent
issues are more likely to be large-scale with huge significance.” Id.
at 483. And while Judge Wilson takes issue with the discussion of
these provincialism concerns because PSC commissioners are re-
quired to live in one of five statutorily defined districts, State law
makes clear that their constituency is the State as a whole and they
perform statewide functions, unlike the school board members in
Wright. Thus, far from not engaging with cases like Wright, our
opinion distinguished cases involving elections of county adminis-
trative bodies with those involving elections of statewide bodies
like the PSC at issue here. °

geographic area for the selection of [PSC commissioners] is the entire State.”
Baten, 967 F.3d at 360-61.

° Judge Wilson asserts that “[t]he inconsistent nature of our precedent’s treat-
ment of state interests” in Wright and Nipper warrants further en banc review.
But there is no inconsistency. Building on Supreme Court precedent, the en
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8 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

Finally, Judge Wilson asserts that “[t]he injection of federal-
ism in the context of voting rights is a problematic ‘recent vin-
tage.” Yet, the Civil War Amendments and the VRA cannot be
understood except by reference to federalism principles. Indeed,
the Civil War Amendments altered our constitutional design, and
the VRA enforces the Fifteenth Amendment. Shelby Cnty., Ala. v.
Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 536 (2013). Accordingly, the VRA must be read
in light of this legal context. See id. at 534-35. When doing so, we
see that the Civil War Amendments and the VRA changed the re-
lationship between state and federal governments according to
their terms, and no more. As the Supreme Court has recognized,
even “the Fourteenth Amendment does not override all principles
of federalism.” Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452, 469 (1991). Fur-
thermore, as explained in our opinion, federalism principles under-
gird Nipper, which made clear that the VRA does not “permit the

banc Nipper court made clear that “[t]he inquiries into remedy and liability . .
. cannot be separated” and therefore a court “must determine as part of the
Gingles threshold inquiry whether it can fashion a permissible remedy in the
particular context of the challenged system.” Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1530-31. The
Wright court fully recognized this requirement. Wright, 979 F.3d at 1302-03.
Furthermore, courts must evaluate a state’s interests both at the precondition
stage and, if the preconditions are met, again at the totality of the circum-
stances stage. Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1542. And while in many cases a state’s inter-
est will have “minimal relevancy in the totality of the circumstances analysis”
those interests can “play[] a major role” in evaluating the viability of a pro-
posed remedy. Id. In the instant case, Georgia’s interests in preserving a
statewide PSC played such a role at the precondition stage.
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9 BRANCH J., respecting denial 22-12593

federal judiciary to force on the states a new model of govern-
ment.” Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1531.

And the Nipper court did not go out on a limb in considering
federalism principles in reaching its holding. Instead, it followed
the Supreme Court’s lead. In Holder v. Hall, the plaintiffs brought a
Section 2 lawsuit challenging the size of a single-member county
commission, arguing that their proposed remedy—a five-member
county commission elected by single-member districts—should
serve as the benchmark for the district court to compare the alleged
dilution. 512 U.S. 874, 881 (1994). The Supreme Court held that
“there [was] no principled reason why one size should be picked
over another as the benchmark for comparison.” Id. The Nipper
court recognized that implicit in Holder was the principle that fed-
eral courts “may not alter the state’s form of government itself
when [plaintiffs] cannot identify a ‘principled reason why one [al-
ternative to the model being challenged] should be picked over an-
other as a benchmark for comparison.” Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1532.
(second brackets in original) (quoting Holder, 512 U.S. at 881). As
in Holder, the plaintiffs here failed to provide a principled reason for
selecting a PSC comprising single-member districts as opposed to a
statewide PSC as the benchmark. Accordingly, they failed to pro-
vide a viable remedy resulting in a failure to satisfy the first Gingles

precondition.

For these reasons, we did not err in reversing the district
court’s decision.
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 1

WILSON, Circuit Judge, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en
banc, joined by ROSENBAUM and JILL PRYOR, Circuit Judges:

The Voting Rights Act strives to realize “an America defined
by pluralism, where everyone's voice is heard, everyone’s vote is
counted, and everyone’s interests are represented.”! It is consid-
ered to be “the most successful civil rights statute in the history of
the Nation,” Allen v. Milligan, 599 U.S. 1, 10 (2023) (quotation omit-
ted), and its continued success hinges on the good faith enforce-
ment of its most litigated provision. Section 2 provides a necessary
mechanism for challenging state and local electoral schemes that
deny voters equal participation in the political process to elect rep-
resentatives of their choice. See 52 U.S.C. § 10301. In its reversal
of the district court’s well-reasoned opinion, the panel improperly
narrows § 2, eroding the guarantees of the Voting Rights Act. Ac-
cordingly, I dissent from this court’s refusal to rehear this case en
banc.

I.

I begin with our primary authority for evaluating § 2 voter
dilution challenges. The Supreme Court “has long recognized that
multimember districts and at-large voting schemes may operate to
minimize or cancel out the voting strength of racial minorities in
the voting population.” Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 47 (1986)
(internal quotations omitted and alteration adopted). The Court
has faithfully applied Gingles “in one § 2 case after another, to

! Eric Holder, Our Unfinished March 12 (2022).
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2 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

different kinds of electoral systems and to different jurisdictions in
States all over the country.” Milligan, 599 U.S. at 19.

The Gingles Court recognized that § 2 is a limited statutory
sword, and did not disclaim at-large elections as per se violations of
minority voters’ rights. 478 U.S. at 48. Instead, the Court articu-
lated three preconditions that plaintiffs must satisfy to obtain relief
from the challenged electoral practice:

First, the minority group must be sufficiently large
and geographically compact to constitute a majority
in a reasonably configured district. ... Second, the
minority group must be able to show that it is politi-
cally cohesive. And third, the minority must be able
to demonstrate that the white majority votes suff-
ciently as a bloc to enable it to defeat the minority’s
preferred candidate.

Milligan, 599 U.S. at 18 (internal citation and quotations omitted)
(alterations adopted) (citing Gingles, 478 U.S. at 50-51). Our circuit
interprets the first Gingles precondition to implicitly require plain-
tiffs to propose a viable remedy to the challenged electoral system.
See Nipper v. Smith, 39 F.3d 1494, 1530-31 (11th Cir. 1994) (en banc).
The remedy must fall “within the confines of the state’s system of
government.” See id. at 1533.

Once a court has determined that the Gingles preconditions
are met, “the statutory text directs us to consider the totality of cir-
cumstances to determine whether members of a racial group have
less opportunity than do other members of the electorate.” League
of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399, 425-26 (2006)
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 3

ce

(internal quotations omitted). The Supreme Court “‘has provided
some structure to the statute’s totality of circumstances test’ by
adopting the Senate Report on the 1982 amendments to the Voting
Rights Act,” which identifies nine “Senate Factors” typically rele-
vant to a § 2 dilution claim. Wright v. Sumter Cnty. Bd. of Elections
and Registration, 979 F.3d 1282, 1288-89 (11th Cir. 2020) (quoting
Johnson v. De Grandy, 512 U.S. 997, 1010-11 (1994)). A state’s inter-

est in the electoral system is one of the nine factors considered.?

Nipper states that courts should give a state’s interest signifi-
cant weight when evaluating the viability of a proposed remedy at
the preconditions stage, and in doing so, treats this analysis as sep-
arate from a totality of circumstances analysis. See 39 F.3d at 1533.
Our decision in Davis v. Chiles similarly reviewed the state’s interest
in light of the proposed remedy, but employed the totality of the
circumstances language at the outset:

As part of any prima facie case under Section Two, a
plaintiff must demonstrate the existence of a proper
remedy. In assessing a plaintiff's proposed remedy, a
court must look to the totality of the circumstances,
weighing both the state’s interest in maintaining its
election system and the plaintiff's interest in the adop-
tion of his suggested remedial plan.

? The ninth Senate Factor is “whether the policy underlying the state or polit-
ical subdivision’s use of such voting qualification, prerequisite to voting, or
standard, practice or procedure is tenuous.” Wright, 979 F.3d at 1289 (quota-
tions omitted). It is referred to as “state interest” throughout § 2 jurispru-
dence.
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4 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

139 F.3d 1414, 1419-20 (11th Cir. 1998) (internal citations omitted).
But in Wright, we did not consider the state’s interest in assessing
the remedy as a Gingles precondition. 979 F.3d at 1302-04. Instead,
we considered the state’s interest only within our review of the to-
tality of the circumstances. Id. at 1296-97.

Here, the panel places such great weight on the state’s inter-
est at the preconditions stage that they foreclose reaching the total-
ity of the circumstances stage, where they would have weighed the
state's interest against the other Senate Factors. The inconsistent
nature of our precedent’s treatment of state interests speaks to our

need for en banc review.
II.

The Georgia Public Service Commission (PSC) is a five-
member administrative body responsible for ensuring the safety,
reliability, and affordability of utility services for Georgians. For
nearly 100 years, commissioners were elected via an at-large,
statewide vote and could reside anywhere in the state. But in 1998,
the Georgia General Assembly amended the Georgia Code to cre-
ate five PSC districts, requiring each commissioner to serve—and
reside in—their respective district for the duration of their six-year
term. Notably, commissioners continued to be elected by

statewide vote.

In this case, Plaintiffs—Black residents and voters in District
3—sued Georgia’s Secretary of State, alleging that PSC’s at-large
electoral system dilutes the strength of their vote in violation of § 2
and propose the standard remedy for § 2 violations: single-member
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 5

districting. The Northern District of Georgia, finding that Plaintiffs
satisfied the Gingles preconditions and that a balance of the Senate
Factors compelled a finding of vote dilution, enjoined the state
from conducting future PSC elections under an at-large method.
Rose v. Raffensperger, 619 F. Supp. 3d 1241, 1260-69, 1272 (N.D. Ga.
2022). A panel of this court reversed the district court’s injunction.
Rose v. Sec’y, State of Ga., 87 F.4th 469 (11th Cir. 2023).

With that background, I begin by explaining how the panel
misapplies our precedent before turning to its improper prioritiza-
tion of federalism. But in order to frame my analysis, I must first
note my concern with how the panel’s insistence that this case is
“novel” steers its analysis. Id. at 479. Because our precedent to
date has only concerned § 2 challenges to municipal and county
elections, the panel posits that Plaintiffs’ proposed remedy to a
statewide election “asks us to wade into uncharted territory.” Id. at
479-80. However, § 2 explicitly protects voters from discrimina-
tory electoral practices by a “State or political subdivision.” See 52
U.S.C. § 10301(b) (emphasis added). Nothing in our precedent in-
dicates that its underlying reasoning and logic should be cabined to

local elections.

A.

Plaintiffs here proposed converting PSC’s statewide, at-large
elections to elections by single-member districts. They presented
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6 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

a map with one majority-Black district.’ In reviewing Plaintiffs’
proffered remedy, the district court engaged in a “fact-intensive”
inquiry and applied “‘an intensely local appraisal of the design and
impact’ of the electoral structure, practice, or procedure at issue.”
See Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1498 (quoting Gingles, 478 U.S. at 79). The
district court noted that where the challenged system is at-large
voting, single-member districting is the “standard remedy,” and
that Georgia's Secretary of State conceded that there was nothing
“facially problematic” with Plaintiffs’ proposed map. Rose, 619 F.
Supp. 3d at 1269-70. The district court concluded that single-mem-
ber districts were a viable remedy.

The panel reasons that Plaintiffs have not proposed a viable
remedy because the identified remedy “would upset Georgia’s pol-
icy interests that are afforded protection by federalism and our
precedents.” Rose, 87 F.4th at 479. This reflects a misunderstand-
ing of circuit law for the following reasons.

* * *

In Nipper, this court, sitting en banc, struck down a § 2 chal-
lenge of at-large elections of judges in Florida’s Fourth Judicial Cir-
cuit. 39 F.3d at 1546-47. Nipper established a requirement that
plaintiffs must propose a viable remedy‘ to meet the first Gingles

’ Under the proposal, District 1 would cover Clayton, DeKalb, Fayette, and
part of Fulton, Henry, Newton and Rockdale Counties. This proposed Dis-
trict 1 overlaps significantly with existing PSC District 3.

4 Nipper drew from the Supreme Court’s decision in Holder v. Hall, 512 U.S.
874, 880-881 (1994), to find that courts “cannot determine whether the voting
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 7

precondition. Id. at 1530. We noted that the “State’s interest in
linking the jurisdictional and electoral bases of its circuit and
county court judges . . . plays a major role” in considering the plain-
tiffs’ proposed remedies. Id. at 1542. Importantly, this court pro-
vided that “[t]he maintenance of the linkage between a trial court
judge’s territorial jurisdiction and electoral base serves to preserve
judicial accountability,” while subdistricting “would disenfranchise
every voter residing beyond a judge’s subdistrict, thus rendering
the judge accountable only to the voters in his or her subdistrict.”
Id. at 1543 (emphasis added). We placed significant emphasis on
judicial independence, reasoning that the concern for disenfran-
chisement is “more pronounced [in the judicial context] because
trial court judges act alone in exercising their power,” whereas “ijn
the case of collegial bodies, all citizens continue to elect at least one
person involved in the decisionmaking process and are, therefore,
guaranteed a voice in most decisions.” Id. at 1543. We reasoned
that the “implementation of subdistricts would increase the poten-
tial for “home cooking’ by creating a smaller electorate and thereby
placing added pressure on elected judges to favor constituents.” Id.
at 1544. Florida clearly explained how the existing at-large judicial
selection process insulated judges from external pressures and fa-
cilitated impartial decisionmaking. We therefore concluded that
the proposed remedy of single-district voting would undermine
numerous, clearly identified state interests. Id. at 1546-47.

strength of a minority group has been impermissibly diluted without having
some alternative electoral structure in mind for comparison.” 39 F.3d at 1533.
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8 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

In Southern Christian Leadership Conference of Alabama v. Ses-
sions (hereinafter SCLC), this court, again sitting en banc, consid-
ered another § 2 challenge to at-large judicial elections. 56 F.3d
1281, 1285 (11th Cir. 1995) (en banc). We collectively considered
the plaintiffs’ proposed remedies against the state’s clearly identi-
fied interest in “maintaining the link between a trial judge’s juris-
diction and elective base.” Id. at 1294. One of the plaintiffs’ reme-
dial plans proposed carving existing circuits and counties into sin-
gle-member and multi-member districts. Id. at 1296. We rejected
this plan, finding that “in the context of circuit reconfiguration, sub-
districting would directly implicate the State’s linkage interest.” Id.
Our reasoning in SCLC was like that in Nipper; we maintained that
subdistricting “would strip every voter residing beyond a judge’s
subdistrict of his or her participation in the judicial selection pro-
cess—leaving [a] judge accountable only to those voters in his or
her subdistrict.” Id. at 1297. We recognized Alabama’s value of
“judicial independence,” and found that subdistricting would “un-
dermine the Alabama system of fostering an independent judiciary
by holding judges accountable to a broad section of the popula-
tion.” Id. We went on to explain that subdistricting, which creates
smaller electorates, would “increase the pressure to favor constitu-
ents,” thus “increase[ing] the specter of “home cooking.” Id. Just
as in Nipper, our consideration of a state’s interest laboriously dis-
cussed the unique demands of the judiciary.

Turning to Davis, we see an inconsistency in how our court
considers a state’s interests at both the preconditions and totality
of the circumstances stages. The panel here aptly points out that
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 9

the Davis court acknowledged that Nipper and SCLC “placed an in-
surmountable weight on a state’s interest in preserving its consti-
tution’s judicial selection system and in maintaining linkage be-
tween its judges’ jurisdiction and electoral bases.” Rose, 87 F.4th at
481 (quoting Davis, 139 F.3d at 1423) (alteration adopted) (emphasis
added). But notably, this weight was applied for a limited and spe-
cific purpose—to preserve the particular interest states have in ju-
dicial elections. Nipper and SCLC explained why a state’s interest in
maintaining an election system is uniquely considered in judicial
contexts, i.e., the nature of the judicial role is distinct from other
elected positions and the state has a heavy interest in maintaining
judicial independence. But in Davis, we criticized Nipper and
SCLC’s doctrinal development as unworkable, noting that that “in
this circuit, Section Two of the Voting Rights Act frankly cannot
be said to apply, in any meaningful way, to at-large judicial elec-
tions.” 139 F.3d at 1424 (emphasis added).

In considering the challenge brought before us here, what
tied the Davis court’s hands should not tie ours: states do not have
the same interest in regulating elections for multi-member admin-
istrative bodies as they do the judiciary. The panel asserts that this
line of cases has “equal force here because the PSC is a ‘quasi-judi-
cial’ administrative body.” Rose, 87 F.4th at 484. While it is true
that the PSC conducts hearings and makes evidentiary rulings,
those were not the dispositive functions of the judicial bodies there.
Our decisions in Nipper, SCLC, and Davis were grounded in the in-
dependent nature of the judicial role. This case presents a funda-
mentally different situation. The panel admits that the PSC
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10 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

operates as a collective administrative body with both quasi-legis-
lative and quasi-judicial functions. Id. at 473. However, unlike
judges who adjudicate independently, decisions by the PSC are
made by the body as a whole, informed not only by constituents
but also by “a consumer affairs group that works for all five com-
missioners to field issues raised by consumers.” Rose, 619 F. Supp.
3d at 1255.

This circuit has considered, and upheld, a § 2 challenge to an
at-large system used to elect a multi-member administrative body
like the one here. See Wright, 979 F.3d at 1311. The panel cites to
Wright several times while not sufficiently engaging with its under-
lying reasoning. In Wright, we considered a § 2 challenge to a
county’s re-drawn school district map. Id. at 1287. The school
board reduced its size and restructured to include at-large seats in
what had previously been an all single-member board. A plaintiff
brought suit, claiming that these changes diluted the strength of
Black voters.’ Id. at 1288. On review, this court affirmed the dis-
trict court’s holding that the plaintiff met the three Gingles precon-
ditions and that the totality of circumstances weighed in favor of
the plaintiff. Id. at 1303, 1311. In relevant part, we affirmed the
finding that a viable remedy was available. Id. at 1303-04. And

while we did not discuss the state’s interest in considering the

> The district court originally denied the plaintiff's motion to enjoin the school
board elections and granted the county’s motion for summary judgment.
Wright, 979 F.3d at 1290. We reversed and remanded, and following a bench
trial on remand, the district court enjoined the upcoming election and drew a
new district map. Id. 1290-91. The school board appealed. Id.
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 11

viability of the remedy, we did consider it under the totality of the
circumstances analysis. Id. at 1296-97. Importantly, we affirmed
the district court’s determination that the state’s interest in reduc-
ing the board size weighed in its favor but did not outweigh the
plaintiff's “showing through other factors that the challenged prac-
tice denie[d] minorities fair access to the electoral process.” Id. at
1297 (quotations omitted and alteration adopted). Wright demon-
strates that, even when a state has an important interest in main-
taining an electoral system, this interest is not outcome determina-

tive.

As a result, a fulsome reading of our precedent reveals two
important points. First, while it’s true that Nipper and SCLC stress
the importance of ensuring that a state’s interests are considered in
assessing the viability of a proposed remedy, these cases do not ren-
der the presence of an identifiable state interest as dispositive. Ac-
cordingly, we should have found that the district court paid appro-
priate consideration to Georgia’s interest in maintaining a
statewide electoral system. The district court noted at trial that the
Secretary failed to explain why Georgia’s method of selecting PSC
members was “thoughtfully contemplated by the General Assem-
bly, or that it otherwise furthered some concrete interest that was
documented and provable.” Rose, 619 F. Supp. 3d at 1267. The
state did not point to a policy statement or legislative history that
explained why this particular electoral mechanism makes sense for
Georgia. Id.
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12 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

Second, our precedent suggests that a state’s interest in
maintaining its electoral scheme is heavily weighed only in judicial
contexts. While our antipathy to “home cooking” is logical in lim-
ited contexts—i.e., a judge who adjudicates independently over an
entire district should not be beholden to constituents from only
one subdistrict’—it is illogical here. This precedent permits states
to justify dilutive at-large elections merely because statewide, at-
large elections allow for “insulation from localized special inter-
ests.” Rose, 87 F.4th at 483. The panel’s decision to defend this
electoral system against provincialism, see id. at 483-84, is similarly
unfounded. Each member of the commission already represents
one of five statutorily defined districts. If we accept protection
against provincialism as an overriding state interest in the context
of statewide, at-large electoral systems, then it is hard to imagine
that single-member districted elections will ever pass muster under
Gingles.

In sum, Nipper, SCLC, Davis, and Wright deploy differing
frameworks for weighing a state’s interest at the preconditions and
totality of the circumstances stages. The panel erred in acting as if
our precedent clearly resolves the question of how to consider the
state’s interest in maintaining its form of government. Further, I
am compelled to note an alarming consequence of the panel’s de-

cision. The Supreme Court dictates that the Gingles preconditions

6 “[T ]rial courts [] do not operate as collegial bodies; rather, the judges exercise
independent judicial authority, engaging in coordinated decisionmaking only
for the handling of some administrative matters.” Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1498.
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22-12593 WILSON, J., Dissenting 13

do not “exhaust[] the enquiry required by § 2.” De Grandy, 512 U.S.
at 1013. But in weighing state’s interests so heavily at the Gingles
preconditions stage, the panel functionally renders the precondi-
tions exhaustive. Their decision to do so will deny many future
plaintiffs meaningful review of their § 2 challenges. We should be
wary of this outcome as it runs directly counter to precedent and
undermines the purpose of § 2.

B.

The injection of federalism in the context of voting rights is

a problematic “recent vintage.’ In prioritizing state sovereignty,
see Rose, 87 F.4th at 481-82, the panel ignores the constitutional and

statutory framework underlying § 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments expressly limit
state sovereignty in the design and administration of state elec-
tions. The Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause en-
sures no state shall “deny to any person within its jurisdiction the
equal protection of the laws.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV. The Fif-
teenth Amendment guarantees that the right to vote “shall not be
denied . . . by any State on account of race, color, or previous con-
dition of servitude.” U.S. Const. amend. XV. Further, both
Amendments provide that “Congress shall have the power to en-
force” the Amendments’ substantive terms. U.S. Const. amend.
XIV, cl. 5; U.S. Const. amend. XV, cl. 2. Accordingly, while we

7 Guy-Uriel E. Charles & Luis Fuentes-Rohwer, Race, Federalism, and Voting
Rights, 2015 U. Chi. Legal F. 113, 113-14 (2015).
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14 WILSON, J., Dissenting 22-12593

have long understood that states have an important interest in reg-
ulating their elections, state sovereignty may not be “used as an in-
strument for circumventing a federally protected right.” South Car-
olina v. Katzenbach, 383 U.S. 301, 325 (1966) (quotations omitted)
(discussing the Fifteenth Amendment). Unfortunately, the panel’s

opinion permits such circumvention.

It is “not a great intrusion into state autonomy to require the
states to live up to their obligation to avoid discriminatory practices
in the election process.” United States v. Marengo Cnty. Comm’n, 731
F.2d 1546, 1561 (11th Cir. 1984). Ultimately, the panel’s preoccu-
pation with state sovereignty undermines the effectiveness of the
Voting Rights Act,’ undercutting oversight of election processes.

Il.

The Voting Rights Act is a representation of the best of
America, and a reminder of the worst of America. See Brnovich v.
Democratic Nat’l Comm., 141 S. Ct. 2321, 2350 (2021) (Kagan, J., dis-
senting). This panel’s opinion reminds us why the Act “was—and
remains—so necessary.” See id. I therefore dissent from my col-
leagues’ refusal to reconsider this case.

’Franita Tolson, Reinventing Sovereignty?: Federalism as a Constraint on the Voting
Rights Act, 65 Vand. L. Rev. 1195, 1200 (2012).
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1 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

ROSENBAUM, Circuit Judge, joined by WILSON and JILL Pryor, Cir-
cuit Judges, dissenting from the denial of rehearing en banc:

Before us is a challenge to the statewide, at-large elections
that Georgia uses for its Public Service Commission (“PSC”). In a
well-reasoned opinion following significant briefing and a five-day
bench trial, the district court concluded that these elections consti-
tute vote dilution in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.

A panel of this Court reversed the district court’s ruling.
Rose v. Sec’y, State of Ga., 87 F.4th 469, 486 (11th Cir. 2023). In its
opinion, the panel did not disagree with the district court’s factual
findings. Nor did it disagree with the district court’s conclusion
that the existing PSC elections result in racial bloc voting that pre-
vents Black voters in Georgia from electing their preferred candi-
dates to the PSC. Instead, the panel determined that Plaintiffs’
challenge cannot succeed because their proposed remedy—a sin-
gle-member districted election—is not the same as the State’s exist-
ing electoral system. But given that the State’s existing electoral
system makes the PSC election “not equally open,” 52 U.S.C. §
10301(b), to Black voters, that’s the point.

' The Branch Statement “note[s] the Supreme Court recently declined to take
up this case by denying a petition for writ of certiorari.” See]. Branch Statement
at 1 (citing Rose v. Raffensperger, No. 23-1060, 2024 WL 3089563 (U.S. June 24,
2024)). Of course, “a denial carries with it no implication whatever regarding
the Court’s views on the merits of a case which it has declined to review. The
Court has said this again and again; again and again the admonition has to be
repeated.” State v. Baltimore Radio Show, Inc., 338 U.S. 912, 919 (1950) (State-
ment of J. Frankfurter respecting the denial of certiorari).
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2 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

The panel opinion commits several errors of law. It ignores
binding and long-standing law governing Section 2 cases. It inap-
propriately extends our precedent. And it replaces the appropriate
framework for Section 2 challenges with its own single-minded
test. In making these errors, the panel opinion severely and unlaw-
fully limits the application of Section 2 in this Circuit.

For these reasons, I respectfully dissent from the denial of
rehearing en banc.

I. The Panel Opinion erroneously frames Plaintiffs’
challenge as a novel Section 2 case.

Since 1982, Section 2 has prohibited the imposition of any
“voting qualification or prerequisite to voting or standard, practice,
or procedure . . . by any State or political subdivision in a manner
which results in a denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen
of the United States to vote on account of race.” 52 US.C. §
10301(a). A violation occurs whenever, “based on the totality of
the circumstances,” the electoral processes “in the State or political
subdivision are not equally open to participation by members” of
a racial minority.” Id. § 10301(b). To effectuate this goal of com-
batting racial discrimination in voting, Congress has charged us
with giving these provisions “the broadest possible scope.” Chisom
v. Roemer, 501 U.S. 380, 403 (1991).

Here, Plaintiffs have sued Georgia on the ground that its at-
large elections for commissioners on the PSC prevent Black voters
from electing their preferred representatives. See Thornburg v. Gin-
gles, 478 US. 30, 47 (1986). In fact, they allege that the at-large
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 3

election system is so noxious that only one Black person has been
elected to the Commission in nearly 150 years—and that was only
after he was originally appointed.’

According to the panel opinion, Plaintiffs’ challenge presents
an exceptional issue of first impression because PSC elections are
statewide elections. See Rose, 87 F.4th at 486. The panel opinion
strikes an almost incredulous tone in emphasizing that Plaintiffs
have asked the Court to make what it calls a “novel application of
Section 2” to statewide elections “for the first time ever.” Id. at 479,
480. And the panel appears even more troubled by the so-called
“extraordinary remedy” that Plaintiffs propose—single-member
districted elections, a solution that the panel opinion chides for
“strain[ing] both federalism and Section 2 to the breaking point.”
Id. at 479, 484. So the panel opinion characterizes itself as
“wad[ing] into uncharted territory” to reject Plaintiffs’ “novel pro-
posal... that we dismantle Georgia’s statewide PSC system” and
“fundamentally change the PSC[].” Id. at 480, 482.3

2 That commissioner, David Burgess was appointed in 1999. After that, he
narrowly won his first election in 2000 and, despite winning the plurality in
the 2006 election, ultimately lost to a white candidate in the runoff election
that same year.

3 The Branch Statement defends the panel opinion for “reject[ing] a unique
Section 2 challenge” in the same manner as Holder v. Hall, 512 U.S. 874 (1994),
and Baten v. McMaster, 967 F.3d 345 (4th Cir. 2020). J. Branch Statement at 6
n.6. But these other decisions don’t support the panel’s reasoning. Holder re-
jected a Section 2 challenge because the voters proposed a change in the size
of the governing body, not single-member districting. Holder, 512 U.S. at 878,
881-82. And Baten rejected a Section 2 challenge with a dangerous suggestion
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4 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

That is wrong in every way. Neither Plaintiffs’ claim nor
their proposed remedy is “novel.” First, and most importantly, Sec-
tion 2 expressly applies to voting practices imposed “by any State.”
52 U.S.C. § 10301(a). As Judge Wilson notes, the text of the statute
draws no distinction between the electoral practices of “any State”
and the electoral practices of any “political subdivision.” See id.; J.
Wilson Dissent at 5. This language “is straightforward.” Rose, 87
F.4th at 474. The panel’s insistence that we treat this challenge to a
statewide system any differently than we treat challenges to other
political subdivisions therefore finds no support in the statutory
text. Cf’ Brnovich v. Democratic Nat’l Comm., 592 U.S. 647, 666-67
(2021) (showing that our application of Section 2 always begins
with the text of the statute).

Second, the caselaw on Section 2 clearly anticipates that the
statute extends equally to statewide bodies. We have long recog-
nized that we must defer to “Congress’ considered judgment” that
the statute presents “an effective method of preventing States from
undoing or defeating the rights” that Black Americans won with
the passage of the Voting Rights Act. City of Rome v. United States,
446 U.S. 156, 178 (1980) (alterations and internal quotation marks
omitted) (quoting Beer v. United States, 425 U.S. 130, 140 (1976)), ab-
rogated on other grounds in Nw. Austin Mun. Util. Dist. No. 1 v. Holder,
557 US. 193 (2009). And following the 1982 amendment, we ex-
pressly contemplated that Section 2 applies equally to state and

that Section 2 might not apply at all to at-large election systems. See Baten, 967
F.3d at 360-61 (rejecting challenge to elections for presidential electors).
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 5

local governments and that we must “require the states to live up
to their obligation to avoid discriminatory practices in the election
process,” despite their “important interest in determining their
election practices.” United States v. Marengo Cnty. Comm’n, 731 F.2d
1546, 1561 (11th Cir. 1984).

Third, the relative rarity of Section 2 challenges to statewide
bodies doesn’t make them unique. Unlike other provisions of the
Voting Rights Act, Section 2 depends on litigation, which “occurs
only after the fact, when the illegal voting scheme has already been
put in place and individuals have been elected pursuant to it.”
Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 572 (2013) (Ginsburg, J., dis-
senting). For this reason, Section 2 “was supposed to be a back-up.”
Brnovich, 594 US. at 700 (Kagan, J., dissenting); cf id. at 657 (detail-
ing how Section 2 “was ‘little-used’ for more than a decade after its
passage”). But since the Supreme Court invalidated Section 4(b)
and dismantled Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, Shelby County,
570 U.S. at 556-57; voters now must rely on Section 2 alone to rem-
edy racial discrimination in voting, Brnovich, 594 U.S. at 700-01 (Ka-
gan, J., dissenting). Given this backdrop, we should expect in-
creased Section 2 litigation and claims that more frequently address

a wider range of electoral practices.

And finally, the panel’s focus on the novelty of this case ig-
nores two general features of Section 2 litigation. One, the core
challenge that voters may sustain under Section 2 is one that alleges
vote dilution. See id. at 660 (recognizing the “steady stream” of

vote-dilution claims under Section 2). Nearly every Section 2 case
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6 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

involves a claim that a districting plan, such as at-large elections,
“dilute[s] the ability of particular voters to affect the outcome of
elections.” Id. at 657 (discussing legislative districts); Houston Law-
yers’ Ass’n v. Att’y Gen. of Tex., 501 U.S. 419, 428 (1991) (applying
Section 2 to judicial elections).

And two, the Supreme Court has instructed that, “absent
special circumstances,” we should “employ single-member dis-
tricts” to remedy vote dilution that at-large systems cause. Wise v.
Lipscomb, 437 U.S. 535, 540 (1978). This “remedial principle” has
guided us for decades. Id. (citing Connor v. Williams, 404 U.S. 549,
551 (1972); Mahan v. Howell, 410 U.S. 315, 333 (1973); Chapman v.
Meier, 420 U.S. 1, 18 (1975); E. Carroll Parish Sch. Bd. v. Marshall, 424
US. 636, 639 (1976)). And for good reason. “The single-member
district is generally the appropriate standard against which to meas-
ure minority group potential to elect because it is the smallest po-
litical unit from which representatives are elected.” Gingles, 478
US. at 50 n.17. So we recognize single-member districts as the
“simple, straightforward, and indisputably available” remedies for
challenges to at-large systems. Wright v. Sumter Cnty. Bd. of Elections
é& Registration, 979 F.3d 1282, 1310 (11th Cir. 2020); see also Holder,
512 US. at 888 (1994) (O’Connor, J., concurring in the judgment)
(“[TJhe alternative benchmark is often self-evident. In a challenge
to a multimember at-large system, for example, a court may com-
pare it to a system of multiple single-member districts.”).

In short, all factors—from the text of the statute to the his-
tory of Voting Rights Act litigation—underscore that Section 2
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 7

embraces challenges to statewide, at-large elections that propose

single-member districting as a remedial measure.

II. | The panel opinion’s decision to extend Nipper here is
a mistake of law.

The panel opinion asserts that our decisions in Nipper v.
Smith, 39 E3d 1494 (11th Cir. 1994) (en banc), Southern Christian
Leadership Conference v. Sessions, 56 F.3d 1281 (11th Cir. 1995) (en
banc), and Davis v. Chiles, 139 F.3d 1414 (11th Cir. 1998), provide the
applicable legal framework to evaluate Plaintiffs’ challenge to the
at-large elections for commissioners serving on Georgia’s PSC.
Rose, 87 F.4th at 480. But as Judge Wilson points out, all three cases
concern judicial elections. Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1496; S. Christian Lead-
ership Conf. (“SCLC”), 56 F.3d at 1283; Davis, 139 F.3d at 1416; J. Wil-
son Dissent at 10. Indeed, those decisions themselves explain that
they find their basis in “the unique features of judicial elections and
the manner in which they affect the vote dilution inquiry.” Nipper,
39 E3d at 1527-28. So we have limited our application of this line
of precedent to judicial elections for the past thirty years.

Notwithstanding the clear language of our past decisions
and three decades of precedent, the panel opinion concludes that
Nipper and its progeny must guide our analysis here for two rea-
sons. Rose, 87 E4th at 484-85. First, the panel opinion baldly
states—without reason or citation—that these cases are “not lim-
ited to judicial elections only.” Id. at 484. And second, it claims that
the Nipper line of precedent has “equal force here” because “the
PSC is a ‘quasi-judicial’ administrative body.” Id. at 485 (quoting
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8 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

Tamiami Trail Tours, Inc. v. Ga. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 99 S.E.2d 225, 233
(Ga. 1957)).

This move is novel, dramatic, and wrong. It belies a funda-
mental misunderstanding of our caselaw and reflects a total failure
to consider the consequences on future Section 2 litigation. Our
failure to rehear the case and correct the panel opinion’s doctrinal
errors shirks our responsibility to clean up this mess.

A. Nipper and its progeny govern our consideration of
judicial elections only.

The panel opinion’s conclusory determination that Nipper
and its progeny apply outside the context of judicial elections is at
odds with our caselaw. I agree with Judge Wilson’s analysis and
write separately to emphasize a few points. See J. Wilson Dissent
at 6-13.

We'll start with Nipper. There, this Court, sitting en banc,
considered a claim that the at-large elections for certain trial-level
judges in Florida diluted the voting strength of Black voters in vio-
lation of Section 2. Nipper, 39 K3d at 1496-97. Following a thor-
ough review of the record, we determined that the plaintiff voters
had presented sufficient evidence to “create{] a strong inference of
racial vote dilution.” Id. at 1541. Nevertheless, we struck the chal-
lenge on the ground that the remedies proposed by the plaintiff
voters weren't viable. Id. at 1542-43.

One framework guided our analysis: Gingles. See id. at 1537—
42 (reviewing the district court’s factual findings and conclusions
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 9

of law under Gingles). In fact, the Nipper decision dedicates nearly
seventeen pages to reviewing Gingles’ requirements. See id. at 1509-
27. Rightly so. Gingles binds our consideration of any vote-dilution
challenge because it faithfully interprets “the text and purpose” of
Section 2. Bartlett v. Strickland, 556 U.S. 1, 21 (2009).

But because Gingles requires more than a mechanical appli-
cation, in Nipper, we set forth two additional principles to address
“the unique features of judicial elections and the manner in which
they affect the vote dilution inquiry.” Nipper, 39 K.3d at 1527-28.
First, we said that our Gingles analysis must include a “judicially-
specific consideration—the state’s interest in maintaining its judi-
cial elections structure.” Id. at 1530; see also id. at 1528-30 (discuss-
ing the Supreme Court’s application of Section 2 to judicial elec-
tions in Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U.S. 380 (1991), and Houston Lawyers’
Ass’nv. Att’y Gen. of Tex., 501 U.S. 419 (1991)). Second, we explained
that we must make certain “modulations” to account for the judi-

cial context. See id. at 1530-37.

Specifically, plaintiffs alleging vote dilution in judicial elec-
tions must show the following under Nipper: (1) that a remedy ex-
ists “within the confines of the state’s judicial model that does not
undermine the administration of justice,” to satisfy the first Gingles
precondition; (2) that racial bloc voting exists, to satisfy the second
and third preconditions; and (3) that circumstantial evidence spe-
cific to the “unique features surrounding judicial elections” sup-
ports a finding of vote dilution. Id. Armed with these principles,
we rejected all three of the proposed remedies for reasons that are
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10 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

unambiguously unique to the context of judicial elections. See id.
at 1543-47.

Our decision in SCLC follows the same logic. Like Nipper,
SCLC involved a challenge to the at-large system for electing trial-
level judges in Alabama. SCLC, 56 F.3d at 1283. Once again sitting
en banc, we concluded that the plaintiff voters hadn’t established a
Section 2 violation because the evidence in the record failed to sat-
isfy the third Gingles precondition. Id. at 1293-94.

In response to the district court’s alternative holding, we also
determined that the plaintiff voters had failed to propose a viable
remedy. Id. at 1294. As in Nipper, we emphasized that we can’t
“{ljump[] together all elections” and instead must consider the “sig-
nificant differences” between judicial and non-judicial elections. Id.
at 1293. We reasoned that single-member subdistricts that elected
judges to serve district-wide would result in home-cooking, mak-
ing judges responsive to the voters of their own subdistrict and vi-
olating judicial independence. See id. at 1296-97. So we rejected
the plaintiff voters’ two proposed remedies for their failure to main-
tain the link between a judge’s electoral base and the trial court’s
territorial jurisdiction and for their adverse effect on the pool of
qualified candidates for judicial office. See id. at 1294-97. Stated
differently, we allowed the at-large judicial elections to continue be-
cause the proposed remedies didn’t account for the “unique fea-
tures” of judicial elections. See id.

This pair of en banc decisions binds our evaluation of chal-
lenges to judicial elections today. See Davis, 139 F.3d at 1419-24.
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 11

But accompanying our reliance on them are serious misgivings
about their continued viability. In the past thirty years, we have
rejected almost every conceivable remedy to Section 2 violations in
at-large judicial elections, including, but not limited to, re-district-
ing, sub-districting, modified sub-districting, cumulative voting,
limited voting, and special nomination. Id. at 1423 (citing Nipper,
39 E3d at 1542-46; SCLC, 56 E3d at 1294-97; White v. Alabama, 74
F.3d 1058, 1072-73 (11th Cir. 1996)). In practice, Nipper stands as
an impregnable wall for voters alleging vote dilution in at-large ju-
dicial elections in this Circuit. Id. at 1424 (“[IJn this circuit, Section
Two of the Voting Rights Act frankly cannot be said to apply, in
any meaningful way, to at-large judicial elections.”).

Through Nipper, we have effectively created a bright-line
rule that categorically exempts at-large judicial elections from fed-
eral law. And we've done so despite Congress’s intention that, like
all other elections, judicial elections fall within the scope of Section
2. See Chisom, 501 U.S. at 404. Now, the panel opinion pushes that
line further, excluding a yet-to-be-defined group of state bodies
from Section 2’s purview without any textual or precedential basis.
See J. Wilson Dissent at 12.

B. The panel opinion wrongly extended Nipper to apply
to Georgia’s PSC.

Perhaps recognizing the novelty of extending Nipper beyond
the context of judicial elections, the panel opinion reasons that Nip-
per applies with “equal force here” because the PSC “operates in a
distinctly judicial fashion.” Rose, 87 E.4th at 484-85. To reach this
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12 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

conclusion, the panel opinion lists the PSC’s “quasi-judicial func-
tions” and claims that the unique features of a state’s judicial sys-
tem are also inherent “in the ‘quasi-judicial’ context.” Id. at 485.
But the panel’s characterization of the PSC runs counter to Geor-

gia law.

Georgia has long expressed that the PSC is entirely distinct
from the state judiciary. In Tamiami Trail Tours, the Georgia Su-
preme Court established that the PSC “is an administrative body”
empowered to perform both quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial
functions. Tamiami Trail Tours, 99 S.E.2d at 232 (holding that the
PSC isn’t bound to follow the same rules of evidence and proce-
dure that govern judicial proceedings when it hears cases). This is
not an unusual structure. See Starnes v. Fulton Cnty. Sch. Dist., 503
S.E.2d 665, 667 (Ga. Ct. App. 1998) (“A particular administrative
body may at times exercise judicial or quasi-judicial functions and
at other times exercise administrative, ministerial, or legislative
functions.”). In fact, administrative bodies are baked into the state’s
constitutional structure. Ga. Const. art. VI, § 1, 41. And as the
Georgia Constitution makes clear, any “quasi-judicial powers” that
administrative bodies exercise are distinguishable from the “judi-
cial power of the state.” Id. (stating that “[t]he judicial power of
the state shall be vested exclusively” in various courts and that the
legislature “may authorize administrative agencies to exercise
quasi-judicial powers”); see also Bentley v. Chastain, 249 S.E.2d 38, 40
(Ga. 1978) (quoting Dep’t of Nat. Res. v. Linchester Sand & Gravel
Corp., 334 A.2d 514, 522 (Md. 1975)).
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 13

Not only that, but the panel opinion’s decision to represent
PSC’s quasi-judicial functions as “distinctly judicial” doesn’t even
make sense when we clarify what those quasi-judicial functions are.
See Rose, 87 E4th at 485. True, the PSC “hears rate cases, holds
hearings, listens to witnesses, makes evidentiary rulings, and
weighs testimony from stakeholders” to come to a decision. Id.
But the PSC takes these actions largely in the context of its regula-
tion of the rates various utilities charge and the services utilities
provide. These activities are distinctly legislative. See, e.g., Ga. Pub.
Serv. Comm’n v. S. Bell, 327 S.E.2d 726, 728 (Ga. 1985) (describing
ratemaking as part of “the legislative domain”); Tamiami Trail
Tours, 99 S.E.2d at 233 (describing the grant and revocation of cer-
tificates of public convenience and necessity as an “exercise of ad-

ministrative or legislative power’).

Equally unpersuasive is the panel opinion’s claim that elec-
tions for the PSC possess the same “unique features” as judicial
elections. See Rose, 87 F.4th at 485; J. Wilson Dissent at 10. For
starters, Georgia elects its PSC commissioners through partisan
elections, see Ga. Code Ann. § 46-2-1(a); but it elects its judges
through non-partisan elections, see Ga. Const. art. VI, § VII, ¥ I.
And significantly, PSC commissioners operate as a collegial body
that makes decisions through majority rule, see Ga. Comp. R. &
Regs. 515-2-1-.10; but judges exercise their authority independently,
see Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1534-35. So unlike in the hypothetical judicial
scenario, a single PSC commissioner is unable to home-town her
rulings to favor only her voters in a single-member district. See J.
Wilson Dissent at 12. Indeed, Georgia voters understand that PSC
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14 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

commissioners are responsive to their concerns. See Ga. Power Co.
v, Allied Chem. Corp., 212 S.E.2d 628, 632 (Ga. 1975) (“It is said that
Public Service Commissions and legislatures should be ‘collectively

responsive to the popular will.
533, 565 (1964)). These “significant differences between the legis-

(quoting Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S.

lative and judicial arenas” animated our decision to deviate from
Gingles in the context of judicial elections. Nipper, 39 E.3d at 1534.
So in their absence, we have no reason to deviate.‘

The PSC’s “quasi-judicial” functions do not transform this
administrative body into a judicial body. See J. Wilson Dissent at 9—
10. In holding otherwise, the panel disrespects both Georgia law
and our decision in Nipper.

III. The panel’s opinion effectively overrules Gingles.

Just last year, the Supreme Court confirmed that the frame-
work it developed in Gingles continues to guide our assessment of
claims alleging vote dilution under Section 2. Allen v. Milligan, 599
US. 1, 17-19 (2023). Together, Milligan and Gingles mandate that

4 The Branch Statement claims that “these distinctions are unconvincing” be-
cause other states hold partisan elections for judges, and state appellate courts
act as collegial, multi-member bodies. J. Branch Statement at 3-4 n.3. The
Branch Statement misunderstands. I don’t suggest that partisan elections or
collegial operations are dispositive factors in distinguishing between legislative
and judicial bodies. Nor could I; Nipper expressly states that “significant differ-
ences” exist between the two “arenas, chief among them being the varied ex-
pectations of responsiveness and bias in favor of constituents.” Nipper, 39 F.3d
at 1534. To this point of law, the Branch Statement offers no satisfactory re-
sponse.
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 15

we assess whether plaintiffs have satisfied three “preconditions.” Id.
at 18 (citing Gingles, 578 US. at 50). First, plaintiffs must show that
the minority group is “sufficiently large and geographically com-
pact” to constitute a political group. Id. (alteration and internal
quotation marks omitted) (quoting Wis. Legislature v. Wis. Elections
Comm’n, 142 S. Ct. 1245, 1248 (2022) (per curiam)). Second, plain-
tiffs must prove that the minority group is “politically cohesive.”
Id. (internal quotation marks omitted) (quoting Gingles, 478 U.S. at
51). Third, plaintiffs must demonstrate that the majority group
votes to defeat the preferred candidates of the minority group. Id.
(citing Gingles, 478 U.S. at 51). And then, if they establish those
three preconditions, plaintiffs also must show that “the political
process is not ‘equally open’ to minority voters” based on the “to-
tality of the circumstances.” Id. (citing Gingles, 478 U.S. at 45-46).
So each step requires a different showing from the plaintiffs and a
different evaluation by the courts.

The panel opinion rejected Plaintiffs’ challenge because it
said their proposed remedy isn’t viable in light of Georgia’s as-
serted “policy interests” in maintaining at-large elections for the
PSC. Rose, 87 K.4th at 480, 485. In coming to this conclusion, the
panel opinion claims that Plaintiffs, in fact, failed to satisfy the first
Gingles precondition. Id. at 480. The panel opinion also suggests
that the outcome would be the same after consideration of the to-
tality of the circumstances. Id. at 475-76 (“[W here plaintiffs offer
only a single, dramatic remedy . . . it makes no difference whether
a claim fails for the lack of a permissible remedy at the precondition
stage or after the totality of the circumstances analysis.”).
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16 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

Yet the panel’s opinion is nearly bereft of any discussion of
the three well-established Gingles preconditions and of the various
factors that make up our totality-of-the-circumstances analysis, as
the Supreme Court described in Milligan. Rather than engage with
this binding framework, the panel opinion instead focused its in-
quiry on only whether “the State’s deliberate choice” of at-large
PSC elections “was informed by significant policy considerations
that would be undermined by a forced change . . . from a statewide
body to a single-member districted body.” Id. at 482.

But again, just last year, the Supreme Court announced that
such a “single-minded view of § 2 cannot be squared with the [Vot-
ing Right Act]’s demand that courts employ a more refined ap-
proach.” Milligan, 599 US. at 26. That is nothing new. As Judge
Wilson recognizes, we have long understood that we may not re-
duce the Gingles framework to a solitary factor. Wis. Legislature,
595 US. at 405; J. Wilson Dissent at 13. The panel here focused on
a single factor: the state’s interest in maintaining its existing elec-
toral system. Rose, 87 E4th at 480-86. Gingles doesn’t countenance
this sort of evaluation of a Section 2 claim, and we should correct

the panel opinion’s contrary analysis.

A. The first Gingles precondition doesn’t center on the
state’s interest in its existing system.

As I’ve noted, the panel opinion determined that Plaintiffs
failed to satisfy the first Gingles precondition. Id. at 480. But its
analysis completely disregards decades of binding precedent about
the limited showing this step of the Gingles analysis requires.
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 17

Under the first Gingles precondition, plaintiffs alleging vote
dilution in violation of Section 2 must show that the minority
group is “sufficiently large and geographically compact” to make
up a majority in some “reasonably configured district.” Milligan,
599 US, at 18 (quoting Wis. Legislature, 142 S. Ct. at 1248). To satisfy
this precondition, they must produce some illustrative map in
which the minority group “make{s] up more than 50 percent of the
voting-age population in the relevant geographic area.” Bartlett,
556 US. at 18. This illustrative map may be useful to the defendant
state in devising its ultimate remedial map if the court finds a Sec-
tion 2 violation. See Milligan, 599 US. at 20 (explaining that the
plaintiffs’ illustrative maps were “example districting maps” that

the defendant state could choose to enact).

But we impose this map requirement for a much simpler
purpose: to determine whether at-large voting is responsible for the
minority group’s inability to elect its preferred candidates. Gingles,
478 US. at 51 & n.17 (“Unless minority voters possess the potential
to elect representatives in the absence of the challenged structure
or practice, they cannot claim to have been injured by that struc-
ture or practice.”); see also Milligan, 599 U.S. at 18 (explaining that
the purpose of the illustrative map is “to establish that the minority
has the potential to elect a representative of its own choice in some
single-member district” (quoting Growe v. Emison, 507 U.S. 25, 40
(1993))).

As a result, satisfaction of the first Gingles precondition re-
quires only that plaintiffs show a hypothetical alternative district
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18 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

that is “reasonably configured” and in which the minority popula-
tion is “geographically compact” according to “traditional district-
ing principles such as maintaining communities of interest and tra-
ditional boundaries.” Abrams v. Johnson, 521 U.S. 74, 92 (1997) (quot-
ing Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952, 977 (1996)).

Despite this clear and consistent guidance, the panel opinion
grafts onto the first precondition a new requirement that plaintiffs
produce a map that respects “the state’s interest in maintaining its
form of government.” Rose, 87 E.4th at 482. As Judge Wilson de-
tails, the panel opinion lifts this idea from Nipper, where we stated
that the first precondition implies “a limitation on the ability of a
federal court to abolish a particular form of government and to use
its imagination to fashion a new system.” Nipper, 39 F.3d at 1531; J.
Wilson Dissent at 11-12. But in Nipper, we recognized just two
limits on the illustrative maps that Section 2 plaintiffs may propose.
See id. at 1531-33. First, we explained that any proposed remedy
may not alter the size of the governmental body at issue. Id. at
1532 (discussing Holder v. Hall, 512 U.S. 874 (1994)). And second,
we determined that the first precondition requires that the pro-
posed map fall “within the confines of the state’s judicial model”

and not “undermine the administration of justice.” Id. at 1531.

In the decades since Gingles, the Supreme Court has never
required that Section 2 plaintiffs produce an illustrative map that
doesn’t alter the state’s “chosen form of government.” See, e.g., Mil-
ligan, 599 US. at 18; Abbott v. Perez, 585 U.S. 579, 614 (2018); Bartlett,
556 U.S. at 11-12 (2009) (plurality opinion); League of United Latin
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 19

Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399, 425 (2006); Holder, 512 U.S. at 880
n.1; Growe, 507 U.S. at 40. Nor has any other federal appellate court
adopted this rule. For good reason. The panel opinion’s rule cre-
ates a Catch-22 for plaintiffs, both requiring them to show a single-
member district in which voters of the minority group are the ma-
jority and then striking their challenge if the state doesn’t already
use single-member districts. To the extent that dicta in Nipper im-
plies the broad rule that the panel opinion suggests, it is incompat-
ible with Gingles. We should have “decline[d] to depart from the
uniform interpretation of § 2 that has guided federal courts and
state and local officials for” nearly forty years. Bartlett, 556 U.S. at
19.

B. By definition, any totality-of-the-circumstances analy-
sis requires consideration of more than the state’s in-
terest alone.

The panel opinion says it would have reached the same an-
swer had it considered the totality-of-the-circumstances analysis.
Rose, 87 F.4th at 475-76. Again, this statement is inconsistent with
binding Supreme Court precedent.

In cases where plaintiffs have satisfied the three precondi-
tions, Gingles directs us to consider the “totality of the circum-
stances” to determine whether the challenged electoral system di-
lutes the minority group’s vote in violation of Section 2. See John-
son v. De Grandy, 512 U.S. 997, 1010-11 (1994) (detailing the nine so-
called “Senate factors” we must consider when analyzing the total-
ity of the circumstances). Although the state’s interest in
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20 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 22-12593

maintaining its existing electoral structure is one of several “legiti-
mate factor[s] to be considered by courts among the ‘totality of
circumstances’ in determining whether a § 2 violation has oc-
curred,” Houston Lawyers’ Ass’n, 501 U.S. at 426; this interest “does
not automatically, and in every case, outweigh proof of racial vote
dilution,” id. at 427. As the Supreme Court clarified last year, Sec-
tion 2 liability “must be determined ‘based on the totality of cir-
cumstances,” not a single factor. Milligan, 599 U.S. at 26. We have
long followed this command. See, e.g., Wright, 979 F.3d at 1304-11
(considering the various Senate factors and weighing them against

each other).

But here, the panel opinion considered only one of the nine
Senate factors: “whether the policy underlying the state or political
subdivision’s use of such voting qualification, prerequisite to vot-
ing, or standard, practice or procedure is tenuous.” Id. at 1289
(quoting Solomon v. Liberty Cnty. Comm’rs, 221 F.3d 1218, 1226 (11th
Cir. 2000) (en banc)). And despite the panel opinion’s approving
citation, its approach to this particular factor “place[s]. . . an insur-
mountable weight on [the] state’s interest” in defiance of the Su-
preme Court’s contrary command. Rose, 87 E.4th at 281 (quoting
Davis, 139 E.3d at 1423).

The panel opinion makes the state’s interest in maintaining
its existing electoral system dispositive. In doing so, the panel opin-
ion has erased the entirety of the Gingles framework, from the first

precondition through the totality-of-the-circumstances analysis.
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22-12593 ROSENBAUM, J., Dissenting 21

Our decision to let the panel opinion stand therefore renders Sec-
tion 2 a dead letter in this Circuit.

IV. Conclusion

For the foregoing reasons, I dissent from this Court’s denial of
rehearing en banc.

---

Source: Frix Law Library, https://www.frixlaw.com/law-library/cases/10465571. Public record. Not legal advice.
